UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT  LOS  ANGELES 


SOURCE  BOOK  FOR 

THE  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY 
OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


BY     * 
CHARLES  C.  COLBY 

PROFESSOR  OF  GEOGRAPHY 
THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


7  6  14      6 


■4 


3534 


Copyright  1921  and  1Q22  By 
The  University  of  Chicago 


All  Rights  Reserved 


Published  September  1Q21 

Second  Edition  July  1922' 

Second  Impression  July  1923 

Third  Impression  May  1924 

Fourth  Impression  October  1925 


■ 


Composed  and  Printed  Hy 

The  University  of  Chicago  Press 

Chicago.  Illinois,  U.S.A. 


£ 


C67& 

PREFACE 

There  has  been  a  notable  increase  in  recent  years  in  the  number 
of  universities  and  colleges  which  offer  instruction  in  geogiaphy,  and 
especially  in  the  numbers  of  students  who  elect  courses  in  the  subject. 
As  a  result,  instructors  have  been  confronted  by  the  difficult  problem 
of  providing  source  materials  for  the  use  of  their  students.  At  the 
University  of  Chicago  this  problem  has  been  especially  critical  in  the 
course  on  the  "Economic  Geography  of  North  America."  Source 
materials  in  this  field  are  scattered  widely  through  government 
reports,  magazines,  and  other  publications,  of  which  it  has  been 
impossible  to  provide  a  sufficient  number  of  copies  to  meet  the  needs 
of  large  groups  of  students.  Furthermore,  much  of  the  original 
literature  is  unrelated  to  a  geographic  discussion,  so  that  it  is  impracti- 
cable to  refer  beginning  students  to  it.  It  is  hoped  that  this  book 
will  furnish  material  for  an  introductory  study  of  the  geography  of 
North  America  and  that  it  will  effectively  introduce  students  to  the 
literature  of  the  subject. 

At  the  University  of  Chicago  the  course  on  the  "Economic 
Geography  of  North  America"  is  the  third  of  three  units  which  com- 
prise the  first  year's  work  in  geography.  The  preceding  units  are 
"Elements  of  Geography,"  which  is  an  analysis  of  the  elements  of 
the  physical  environment  in  their  relation  to  life,  and  "  Economic  and 
Commercial  Geography,"  which  is  organized  on  a  commodity  basis. 
As  given  here,  the  course  on  North  America  is  organized  on  a  regional 
basis  and  serves  as  an  introduction  to  regional  geography.  It  is 
followed  by  courses  on  the  other  major  regions  of  the  world.  Peda- 
gogically,  it  is  intended  that  this  course  constitute  a  transition  from 
the  earlier  courses  in  which  much  use  is  made  of  a  text  to  later  courses 
without  texts,  in  which  the  lecture  method  is  employed  more  or  less 
extensively. 

As  the  limitations  imposed  by  a  small  volume  made  it  impossible 
to  reproduce  most  of  the  articles  in  full,  it  is  hoped  that  instructors 
using  the  book  will  consult  the  original  sources  and,  when  practicable, 
refer  their  students  to  them.     All  the  material  included  in  the  book 


(o  f 


vi  PREFACE 

has  been  tested  repeatedly  in  class  use  as  it  advanced  from  "reading 
lists"  through  mimeograph  and  preprint  editions  to  its  present  form. 

While  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  include  material  which  consti- 
tutes a  fairly  comprehensive  survey  of  the  more  important  parts  of 
the  continent,  it  will  be  apparent  at  once  that  the  book  should  be 
supplemented  by  wall  maps  and  other  illustrative  material.  Among 
the  more  useful  maps  are  J.  Paul  Goode's  Physical  and  Political  Wall 
Maps  of  North  America  and  the  United  States  (Rand  McNally  &  Co., 
1914,  1915),  V.  C.  Finch's  Industrial  Series  of  Wall  Maps  of  the 
United  States  (A.  J.  Nystrom  &  Co.,  1920),  and  Philips'  Comparative 
Wall  Atlas  of  North  America  (George  Philips  &  Son,  Ltd.,  Denoyer- 
Geppert  Co.,  Agents). 

Many  of  the  selections  included  are  intended  to  serve  as  a  basis 
for  a  geographic  discussion,  rather  than  as  a  geographic  discussion. 
In  other  words,  much  of  the  material  as  it  stands  is  not  strictly  geo- 
graphic in  character,  having  been  written  for  a  variety  of  purposes, 
and  it  therefore  remains  for  the  instructor  to  make  it  function  geo- 
graphically. The  book  does  not,  then,  constitute  a  course  in  the 
"  Economic  Geography  of  North  America, "  but  furnishes  some  of  the 
material  required  by  such  a  course. 

I  am  under  heavy  obligations  to  the  many  authors  and  publishers 
who  generously  permitted  the  use  of  their  articles,  or  of  excerpts  from 
them.  Their  names  appear  from  page  to  page.  Special  acknowledg- 
ments are  made  to  the  American  Geographical  Society,  the  Editor  of 
the  Journal  of  Geography,  the  Department  of  Trade  and  Commerce 
and  the  Commission  of  Conservation  of  Canada,  the  United  States 
Geological  Survey,  the  Office  of  Farm  Management  of  the  United 
States  Department  of  Agriculture,  and  to  Professor  R.  H.  Whitbeck 
of  the  University  of  Wisconsin.  In  the  preparation  of  the  volume, 
I  am  indebted  to  Miss  Alice  Foster,  Assistant  Professor-Elect  in 
Mount  Holyoke  College,  Dr.  Helen  M.  Strong,  Assistant  Professor  of 
Geography  in  the  University  of  Missouri,  and  my  colleague,  Dr. 
Robert  S.  Piatt,  for  assistance  in  the  selection  and  organization  of 
material  and  for  testing  it  with  their  students.  I  am  especially 
indebted  to  Miss  Foster  for  her  article  on  the  "Geographic  Regions 
of  Mexico,"  and  for  her  adaptation  or  translation  of  a  number  of 

articles  by  Spanish  writers.  „  _    _ 

Chas.  C.  Colby 
University  of  Chicago 

August,  1921 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

The  Point  of  View xiii 

Chapter  I.    Regional  Concepts  of  Canada 

i.  Size,  Position,  and  Boundaries  as  Environmental  Factors  in 

Canada.    W.  L.  Grant i 

2.  Agricultural  Regions  of  Canada.     Wyatt  Malcolm     ...  5 

3.  Land  and  Water  Area  of  Canada  by  Provinces  and  Ter- 
ritories.    Canada  Year  Book 10 

4.  Types  of  Climate  in  Canada.    R.  F.  Stupart       ....         10 

5.  Mineral  Resources  of  the  Major  Physiographic  Provinces 

of  Canada.     G.  A.  Young 16 

6.  Population  of  Canada  by  Provinces  and  Territories  in  the 
Census  Years  1871  to  1911.     Canada  Year  Book.      ...         26 

Chapter  II.    Resources  and  Industries  of  Canada 

1.  Farm  Lands  in  Canada.     Canada  Year  Book 27 

2.  Area,  Yield,  and  Value  of  Principal  Field  Crops  in  Canada, 
Average  1910-1913.     Canada  Year  Book  ...  .28 

3.  Number  of  Farm  Live  Stock  by  Provinces  in  1919.     Canada 

Year  Book 30 

4.  Production  and  Value  of  Creamery  Butter  and  Factory 
Cheese  in  Canada  by  Provinces  in  1917.     Canada  Year 

Book 30 

5.  The  Distribution  of  Cattle  in  Canada.     Charles  C.  Colby    .  30 

6.  Products  of  the  Forests  of  Canada  in  1918.     Canada  Year 
Book 32 

7.  The  Mineral  Products  of  Canada.     Canada  Year  Book  .     .  33 

8.  Water  Powers  of  Canada.    J.  B.  Challies 34 

9.  Manufactures  of  Canada.     Canada  Year  Book    ....  38 

10.  Total  Value  of  Fisheries  by  Provinces  in  the  Fiscal  Years 
1913-1917.     Canada  Year  Book      ......  .         39 

11.  Canadian  Railway  Development.    John  J.  O'Neill  .     .     .         40 

12.  Steam  Railway  Mileage  by  Provinces,  1911-1917      Canada 

Year  Book 43 

Chapter  III.    Maritime  Canada  and  Newfoundland 

1.  The  Appalachian  Region.     G.  A.  Young 44 

2.  The  Province  of  Prince  Edward  Island.     Walson  Griffin     .  46 

3.  Agriculture  in  New  Brunswick.     Walson  Griffin  ....  49 

4.  Bay  of  Fundy  Tides.     Canada  Year  Book 50 

vii 


vni  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

5.  Forest  Resources  of  Maritime  Canada.     Charles  C.  Colby  .         50 

6.  The  Apple  Industry  in  Nova  Scotia.     Natural  Resources 
Intelligence  Branch 51 

7.  Sea-Fisheries  of  Eastern  Canada.     J.  J.  Cowie    ....  53 

8.  Marketing  Sea  Fish  in  Canada.     Allan  Donnell        ...  58 

9.  The  Relation  of  Coal  to  Industry  and  Commerce  in  Nova 
Scotia.     Watson  Griffin 60 

10.  Manufacturing   in   Nova   Scotia.     Natural   Resources   In- 
telligence Branch 63 

11.  A  Geographical  Study  of  Nova  Scotia.     R.  E.  Whitbeck     .         64 
Chapter  IV.    The  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands 

1.  Divisions  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands.     G.A.Young.      .         72 

2.  The  Province  of  Quebec.     Watson  Griffin 73 

3.  The  Isolation  of  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence  Valley.     Roderick 
Pealtie 76 

4.  French  Canada.     E.  M.  Sait 82 

5.  The  Province  of  Ontario.     Watson  Griffin 86 

6.  The  St.  Lawrence  Waterway.     Watson  Griffin     ....         89 

Chapter  V.    The  Laurentian  Upland 

1 .  Some  Responses  to  Physical  Environment  in  the  Laurentian 
Plateau.     A. W.  G.Wilson Q2 

2.  The  Clay  Belt  of  Northern  Ontario  and  Quebec.     John  A. 
Dresser 04 

3.  The  Winnipeg,  a  Typical  River  of  the  Laurentian  Upland. 

Leo  G.  Denis g7 

Chapter  VI     The  Prairie  Provinces 

1.  The  Western  Plains  of  Canada.     Watson  Griffin.      ...         99 

2.  Topography  of  the  Interior  Plain  of  Canada.     G.  A.  Young       104 

3.  Forests  of  the  Prairie  Provinces.    F.  E.  Kitto     ....       105 

4.  Relation  of  Water  Resources  to  Agricultural  Development 

in  Southeastern  Alberta.     Leo  G.  Denis  and  T.  B.  Challies  107 

5.  The  Wheat  Crop  of  Saskatchewan.     F.  H.  Kitto      .      .      .  m 

6.  Routes  by  Which  Canadian  Grain  Is  Shipped  from  Lake 
Superior  Ports  to  the  Atlantic  Sea-Board 113* 

Chapter  VII.    Pacific  Canada— The  Canadian  Cordillera 

1.  Forest  Regions  of  British  Columbia.     R.  E.  Benedict     .      .       120 

2.  Water-Power  Possibilities  of  British  Columbia.     Arthur  V. 
White I25 

3.  Puget  Sound-Fraser  River  Salmon  Industry.     John  Pease 


Babcock 


12 


'■'s 

4.  Western  Canada  and  the  Pacific.     Walter  S.  Tower        .  x  29 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Chapter  VIII.    The  United  States 

i.  The  Land  and  Its  Use.     Benton  MacKaye 

2.  Conditions  Affecting  the  Utilization  of  the  Land  in  the 
United  States.     O.  E.  Baker  and  H.  M.  Strong    .... 

3.  Original  and  Present  Forests  of  the  United  States    . 

4.  Developed  and  Potential  Water-Power  in  the  United  States 

5.  Mineral  Production  in  the  United  States  by  States  . 

6.  Manufacturing  Industries  of  the  United  States   .... 

Chapter  DC.    Northeastern  United  States 

1.  Topography  and  Underlying  Rock  in  New  England.  M.  L. 
Fuller 

2.  Farm  Problems  in  Northeastern  United  States    .... 

3.  The  Relation  of  Environment  to  the  Textile  and  Paper 
Industries  in  Massachusetts.     Malcolm  Keir 

4.  Geographic  Influences  in  the  Development  of  New  York 
State.    R.  H.  Whitbeck 

5.  Geographic  Influences  in  the  Development  of  the  Manu- 
facturing Industry  of  the  Mohawk  Valley.  George  B. 
Roorback    

6.  The  Relative  Importance  of  the  New  York  City  Metro- 
politan District.     Census  of  Manufacturers 

7.  The  Relation  of  the  Port  of  New  York  to  the  Foreign  Com- 
merce of  the  United  States 

8.  The  Significance  of  the  Position  of  New  Jersey.  R.  H. 
Whitbeck 

9.  The  Northern  Appalachian  Coal  Field.  David  White,  M.  R. 
Campbell,  and  R.  M.  Haseltine 


Chapter  X. 
1.  Soils 


Southeastern  United  States 

of   the   Atlantic   and    Gulf   Coastal   Plains.     Milton 
Whitney -    .     .      . 

2.  The  Chesapeake  Bay  Section  of  the  Coastal  Plain 

3.  Soils  of  the  Piedmont  Plateau.     Milton  Whitney. 

4.  Geographic  Divisions  of  Virginia.     G.  T.  Surface. 

5.  The  Cotton  Belt.    0.  C.  Stine  and  O.  E.  Baker  . 

6.  The  Black  Belt  of  Alabama.     Herdman  F.  Cleland 

7.  Mississippi- Yazoo  Flood  Plain.    E.  N.  Lowe  . 

8.  The  Southern  Long-Leaf  Pine  Belt.     F.  V.  Emerson 

9.  Geographic  Divisions  of  Tennessee.     L.  C.  Glenn     . 

Chapter  XI.    Interior  United  States 

1 .  The  Great  Central  Plain  of  North  America.     A .  E.  Parkins 

2.  The  Relation  of  Relief,  Soil,  and  Drainage  to  Agriculture  in 
Ohio.     J.  L.  Falconer 


IX 

PAGE 
142 

l6l 

l67 
I70 
172 


179 
l8l 

186 

192 

198 
204 
20S 
205 
2IO 


2l6 
2l8 
220 

221 
225 
228 
236 

239 
246 

257 
260 


x  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

3.  Agriculture  in  Wisconsin.     R.  H.  Whitbeck 264 

4.  Aspects  of  the  Physical  Environment  in  a  Typical  Section 

of  the  Corn  Belt.     H.  E.  Simpson  .      .  ....        267 

5.  Some  Geographic  Influences  of  the  Lake  Superior  Iron  Ores. 
George  J.  Miller .       269 

6.  Factors  in  the  Establishment  of  the  Cattle  Markets.     H.  W. 
Mumford  and  L.  D.  Hall .      .       278 

7.  The  Economic  Problem  of  the  Ozark  Highland.     Carl  0. 
Sauer 281 

8.  Agriculture  of  South  Dakota.     5.  5.  Visher 294 

0.  Relation    of    Physical    Environment    to    the    Agricultural 
Industries  of  the  Great  Plains.     T.  D.  Rice,  J.  A.  Warren       296 

Chapter  XII.    Western  United  States 

1.  The  Relation  of  Water  Resources  to  Economic  Activities  in 

the  West.    Samuel  T.  Dana 303 

2.  The  Desert  Region  of  the  United  States.    0.  E.  Meinzer    .       310 

3.  Semi-arid  Highlands  of  the  Southwest.     A.  M.  McOmie, 
G.  F.  Freeman,  Alfred  J.  McClatchie  and  J.  Eliot  Coit,  and 

F.  W.  Wilson 311 

4.  The  Butte  Mining  District.     Waller  H.  Weed      ....       320 

5.  Watex_R£S2urces  of  California.     Andrew  H.  Palmer.      .      .       324 

6.  The  Vallev  of  California.     J.  W.  Nelson,  J.  E.  Guernsey, 

L.  C.  Holmes,  E.  C.  Eckmann,  and  A.  T.  Strahorn    ...       332 

7.  Forest  Resources  and  the  Lumber  Industry  in  the  Pacific 
States $$& 

Chapter    XIII.    The    Principal    Geographic    Divisions    of 
Mexico.     Alice  Foster 

1.  The  Sierra  Madre  Occidental 344 

2.  The  Sonoran  Desert 347 

3.  The  Central  Plateau 348 

4.  The  Sierra  Madre  Oriental 349 

5.  The  Northern  Basins  (The  Chihuahua  Semi-Desert)      .      .  350 

6.  The  Northern  Gulf  Coastal  Plain 351 

7.  The  Eastern  Tierra  Caliente 351 

8.  The  Western  Tierra  Caliente 353 

9.  The  Sierra  Del  Sur 353 

10.  The  Highland  of  Chiapas 354 

Chapter  XIV.    Aspects  of  Mexican  Geography 

1.  Lower  California  (Sonoran  Desert).     W.C.Burdett.     .      .       356 

2.  The  Economic  Significance  of  the  Colorado  Delta  (Soaoran 
Desert) 359 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  xi 

PACK 

3.  The  States  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  (Sonoran  Desert).     W.  E. 
Chapman 363 

4.  Geographic  Conditions  Affecting  Land  Tenure  and  Revo- 
lutions in  Mexico  (Northern  Basins).     Leon  Dominion     .  367 

5.  The  Mexican  Cattle  Ranges  (Northern  Basins).     H.  W. 
Mumford  and  L.  D.  Hall 370 

6.  The  State  of  Coahuila  (Northern  Basins) 371 

7.  A  Mexican  Hacienda  (Northern  Basins).     J.  E.  Kirkwood  .  374 

8.  The  Corn  Crop  of  Mexico.     V.  C.  Finch  and  O.  E.  Baker   .  383 

9.  Mexico  as  a  Source  of  Hides  and  Skins.     E.  F.  Feely     ,      .  383 

10.  Cotton  Textile  Industry  of  Mexico  (Central  Plateau  and 

Sierra  Madre  Oriental).     E.  F.  Feely 385 

n.  The  Petroleum  Industry  in  Mexico  (Northern  Gulf  Coastal 

Plain).     V.  R.  Garfias 388 

12.  The    Peninsula    of    Yucatan    (Eastern    Tierra    Caliente). 
Ellsworth  Huntington ....  393 

13.  Forest  Products  of  the  Humid  Tropical  Lowlands  of  Mexico 
(Eastern  Tierra  Caliente).     Alice  Foster 400 

14.  Animal  Industries  of  Southern  Mexico.     Alice  Foster     .      .  402 

15.  The  Relation  of  Geographic  Conditions  to  the  Develop- 
ment of  the  Mexican  Railroad  System.     Victor  M.  Braschi  .  403 

16.  The  Mexican  Railways 405 

17.  The  Foreign  Trade  of  Mexico 409 

Chapter  XV.    Resources  and  Industries  of  Alaska 

1.  Population  of  Alaska 412 

2.  Physiographic  Provinces  of  Alaska.     Alfred  H.  Brooks  .  412 

3.  Climatic  Provinces  of  Alaska 415 

4.  The  Future  of  Alaska  Mining.     Alfred  H.  Brooks     .      .      .  416 

5.  Possible     Agricultural     Development     in     Alaska.       Levi 
Chubbuck 430 

6.  Forest  Resources  of  Alaska.     R.  S.  Kellogg 441 

7.  Alaskan  Fishing  and  Fur  Industries.     Ward  L.  Bowers  and 
Others 445 

8.  The  Transportation  Problem 449 

9.  Commerce  of  Alaska 452 

Map  of  Alaska inside  back  cover 

Index 455 


THE  POINT  OF  VIEW 

The  materials  in  this  book  constitute  a  basis  for  an  introductory 
survey  of  the  economic  geography  of  North  America.  In  order  that 
they  be  used  effectively  it  is  essential  that  the  point  of  view  which 
governed  their  selection  be  understood.  The  thesis  fundamental  to 
this  point  of  view  is  that 

Geography 

is 

The  Relation  of 

Natural  Environment-^  to    <-Human  Activities 

^  4,  ^ 

Economic         Social        Political 
Activities      Activities     Activities 

As  the  title  of  this  book  suggests,  the  present  survey  of  North  America 
is  concerned  primarily  with  the  first  part  of  this  general  field,  namely, 
the  relation  of  the  natural  environment  to  economic  activities.  It  is 
apparent  that  if  attention  is  to  be  focused  on  such  relationships,  a 
knowledge  of  the  component  elements  of  the  natural  environment  of 
the  several  regions  of  the  continent  and  of  the  outstanding  economic 
activities  of  these  regions  is  essential.  It  is  in  supplying  this  knowl- 
edge that  the  material  in  this  book  and  other  relevant  material  func- 
tions. It  furnishes  the  basis  of  fact  essential  in  obtaining  for  each 
part  of  the  continent  (1)  regional  concept,  x,  of  the  natural  environ- 
ment, (2)  regional  concept,  y,  of  the  economic  activities,  and  (3)  of 
establishing  the  relation  of  x  to  y. 

An  interpretation  of  economic  activities  in  terms  of  the  natural 
environment,  although  based  on  concrete  facts  and  statistics,  is  such 
an  abstract  and  complicated  problem  that  considerable  geographic 
training  is  requisite  to  its  solution.  Unless  this  training  be  sufficiently 
extensive  to  enable  the  student  to  visualize  the  problem  so  clearly  that 
a  definite  point  of  view  is  insured,  the  survey  is  liable  to  degenerate 
into  a  cyclopedic  enumeration  of  features  of  the  natural  environ- 
ment on  the  one  hand  and  of  industrial  and  commercial  statistics  on 
the  other.  Such  training  includes  (1)  a  working  knowledge  of  the 
elements  of  the  natural  environment   (elements  of  geography)  and 

xiii 


xiv  THE  POINT  OF  VIEW 

(2)  their  relation  to  the  production  of,  trade  in,  and  utilization  of  the 
major  commodities  on  which  the  industries  and  commerce  of  a  region 
are  based.  These  types  of  geographic  training  are  so  significant  to 
the  present  point  of  view  that  each  must  be  stated  concretely. 

The  elements  of  the  natural  environment  are  named  in  various 
ways  by  geographers  but  practically  all  agree  on  some  combination 
of  the  following  items: 

Elements  of  the  Natural  Environment 


2.  Area  8.  The  oceans 

3.  Climate  9-  The  coasts 

4.  Relief  10.  Native  vegetation 

5.  Soil  n.  Native  animal  life 

6.  Waters  of  the  lands 


As  listed  here,  the  first  nine  of  these  elements  commonly  are  classed 
as  the  elements  of  the  physical  environment.  Certain  of  them,  such 
as  climate  and  soil,  exert  a  profound  influence  on  the  distribution  and 
nature  of  plant  and  animal  life  so  that  such  life  is,  in  one  sense,  as 
truly  a  response  to  physical  environment  as  is  human  life.  However, 
the  forests  and  other  native  vegetation  and  insect  and  other  animal 
life  affect  economic  activities  so  definitely  that,  in  this  survey,  they 
are  thought  of  as  conditioning  factors  and  are  classed  with  the  ele- 
ments of  the  physical  environment.  The  entire  group  is  viewed  as 
the  elements  of  the  natural  environment. 

A  thorough  technical  knowledge  of  these  elements  is  essential  to 
all  significant  geographic  work.  They  are  the  alphabet  of  the  geog- 
rapher. Certainly  without  a  knowledge  of  such  geographic  funda- 
mentals as  types  of  climate,  relief,  soil,  etc.,  and  their  influence  on 
human  activities,  it  is  futile  to  attempt  either  to  gain  a  regional  con- 
cept of  the  natural  environment  or  to  interpret  the  economic  activities 
in  terms  of  this  environment.  The  student  must  be  familiar  with 
such  typical  geographic  relationships  as  (1)  the  economic  adjustments 
occasioned  by  the  different  types  of  climate,  (2)  the  contrast  of  agri- 
cultural opportunities  in  plains  and  mountain  regions,  (3)  the  relation 
of  drainage  and  underground  water  to  rural  and  municipal  water  sup- 
plies, and  (4)  the  character  of  coasts  and  their  effect  on  ports  and  ship- 


THE  POINT  OF  VIEW 


XV 


ping.  Once  a  knowledge  of  the  elements  of  the  natural  environment  is 
attained  it  is  possible  to  understand  the  way  in  which,  in  any  region, 
certain  of  these  elements  are  combined  into  an  environmental  complex 
or  unit,  the  recognition  of  which  constitutes  the  first  phase  of  a 
regional  survey. 

The  second  type  of  geographic  training  essential  to  a  survey  of 
the  economic  geography  of  a  region  is  illustrated  typically  by  such 
concrete  relationships  as  that  of: 


or  of 


Climate 
Relief 
Soil 
Drainage 


Coking  coal 
Iron  ore 
Limestone 


to  the 


to  the 


Production  of 
wheat, 
corn,  or 
cotton 


(Manufacture 
of  iron 
and  steel 


This  phase  of  geographic  training  also  is  concerned  with  an  analysis 
of  the  major  steps  in  the  utilization  of  a  commodity,  as  for  instance: 


The  relation  of 


Climate 
Relief 
Soil_ 
Drainage  . 


>  to 


B 


The  production]         ,„. 
wheat  J 


\  milling 


}- 


D 

Manufacture 
of  special- 
ized food 
products 


or  of 


Climate 
Relief 
Soil 
Drainage 


[The  production]        [Cotton 

to  <  of  >  to  <  manufac- 

[  cotton         J         [  turing 


to  /Clothing 
\     industry 


It  is  obvious  that  B  is  more  concretely  related  to  A  than  are  C  or  D. 
This  does  not  mean  that  A  is  unrelated  to  C  or  D  but  suggests  that 
the  approach  to  an  interpretation  of  the  relation  of  A  to  C  or  D  is 
through  an  investigation  of  the  relation  of  A  to  B.  In  such  analyses 
it  must  be  remembered  that  between  steps  A,  B,  C,  and  D  there  lies 
the  item  of  transportation  likewise  influenced  by  geographic  conditions 
and  which,  therefore,  is  an  integral  part  of  the  analysis  of  a  com- 
modity sequence.  The  production  and  various  phases  of  the  utiliza- 
tion of  some  commodities  occurs  in  one  region.    Other  commodities 


xvi  THE  POINT  OF  VIEW 

are  produced  in  certain  regions,  manufactured  in  other  regions  and 
marketed  in  still  others.  In  such  cases,  a  commodity  becomes 
an  important  item  in  world-commerce  and  the  interpretation  of 
its  performance  a  complicated  matter.  The  regions  participating 
in  this  commerce  are  interrelated  by  their  interest  in  this  commodity 
and  as  a  result  conditions  in  a  distant  region  may  affect  notably  the 
economic  activities  surrounding  the  commodity  in  the  region  under 
consideration. 

An  interpretation  of  the  industries  growing  out  of  the  production 
and  utilization  of  the  principal  commodities  of  commerce  leads  logi- 
cally to  an  analysis  and  interpretation  of  the  complex  of  industries 
established  in  a  particular  region.  The  number  and  scope  of  these 
industries  varies  greatly  from  region  to  region,  depending  upon  the 
variety  and  extent  of  the  resources  of  the  region  and  the  stage  of 
development  which  it  has  attained.  In  a  given  region  the  industries 
may  be  based  on  the  utilization  of  a  single  resource  or  on  a  number 
of  resources.  In  general  the  complexity  of  the  industrial  structure  of  a 
region  increases  with  the  number  of  its  resources  which  are  being 
utilized.  In  some  regions  the  products  of  such  basic  industries  as 
farming,  mining,  or  lumbering  constitute  the  raw  materials  for  other 
industries  and,  in  turn,  their  products  may  be  the  basic  materials  for 
still  other  industries.  In  such  regions  the  various  economic  activities 
are  so  interrelated  and  interwoven  that  an  industrial  or  economic 
structure  of  great  complexity  results.  A  survey  of  the  industrial 
complex  (economic  activities)  of  the  several  regions  of  North  America 
constitutes  the  second  phase  of  the  present  problem. 

The  third  and  central  phase  of  this  problem  is  to  establish,  for 
each  region,  the  relation  of  the  environmental  complex  to  the  indus- 
trial complex  or,  as  originally  stated,  of  natural  environment  to 
economic  activities.  In  North  America,  as  in  the  other  continents, 
the  difficulty  of  accomplishing  this  part  of  the  problem  varies  greatly 
from  region  to  region.  In  some  regions  the  natural  environment  is 
so  inauspicious  to  human  occupation  that  industries  practically  are 
non-existent.  In  others,  economic  activities  center  about  the  produc- 
tion of  a  single  commodity,  while  in  still  others,  the  resources  of  the 
natural  environment  are  so  varied  and  abundant  that  the  resultant 
economic  activities  are  correspondingly  diversified  and  extensive. 
The  Arctic  Plain  of  Canada,  the  Prairie  Plain  of  Canada,  and  the 


THE  POINT  OF  VIEW  xvii 

Ohio  section  of  the  Interior  Plain  of  the  United  States  are  illustrations 
of  such  varying  degrees  of  complexity. 

In  the  Arctic  Plain  of  Canada  the  handicap  imposed  by  the  Arctic 
climate  restricts  the  economic  activities  of  the  few  widely  spaced 
groups  of  primitive  people  who  inhabit  this  broad,  low,  level,  coastal 
plain  to  hunting  and  the  sustenance  phase  of  the  fishing  industry. 

Economic  activities  on  the  Prairie  Plain  of  Canada  center  about 
the  production  of  wheat  (see  pp.  111-12).  At  the  present  stage  of 
development  this  plain — broad,  level,  relatively  low,  fertile,  well 
drained,  lacustrine  or  glacial,  semi-arid  or  humid  continental  with 
short  summers — produces  a  huge  surplus  of  wheat  which  is  distributed 
to  consuming  regions  in  the  United  States  and  Northwest  Europe. 

The  Ohio  section  of  the  Interior  Plain  of  the  United  States  presents 
a  striking  contrast  to  the  foregoing  regions.  This  plain — centrally 
located,  broad,  low,  level,  fertile,  well  drained,  glacial,  humid  conti- 
nental, originally  forested,  underlain  with  horizontally  bedded  sedi- 
mentary rocks  bearing  petroleum  and  contiguous  to  high-grade  coal — 
constitutes  a  natural  environment  so  favorable  to  human  occupation 
that  the  economic  activities  are  exceedingly  varied  and  the  problem 
of  interpreting  these  activities  in  terms  of  the  natural  environment 
correspondingly  complicated. 

In  carrying  forward  this  investigation  one  of  the  problems  is  the 
selection  of  the  regions  for  discussion.  In  this  connection  it  must 
be  realized  that  economic  geography  from  a  regional  basis  is  in  a 
pioneer  stage  of  development  and  therefore  much  material  essential 
to  such  a  survey  is  not  now  available,  and  that  the  recognition  of  the 
center  of  interest  in  the  several  regions  of  the  continent  is  more 
important  than  the  delineation  of  their  boundaries.1  The  material 
in  this  book  is  grouped  into  divisions  which  in  a  broad  way  correspond 

'  Obviously  a  direct  relation  maintains  between  the  industrial  development 
in  a  region  and  the  density  of  its  population.  Consequently  a.  map  of  the  density 
of  population  suggests  the  more  important  regions.  The  following  maps  will  be 
of  assistance  in  this  connection:  (1)  Population  of  North  America,  Philips  Com- 
parative Wall  Atlas  of  North  America;  (2)  Atlas  of  Canada,  Department  of  the 
Interior  of  Canada,  maps  27,  28,  29,  30;  (3)  Statistical  Atlas  of  the  United  States, 
1914,  plate  is;  (4)  S.  W.  Cushing,  "The  Distribution  of  Population  in  Mexico," 
Geographical  Review,  April,  1921,  map  opposite  p.  232;  Mark  Jefferson,  "The 
Anthropology  of  North  America,"  Bulletin  of  American  Geographical  Society, 
March,  19 13,  Fig.  II. 


xviii  THE   POINT  OF  VIEW 

to  the  larger  geographic  regions  of  the  continent.  The  divisions  made, 
however,  only  approximate  the  true  geographic  regions  because  the 
statistics  on  which  much  of  the  present  survey  must  be  based  are 
available  only  by  political  divisions.  It  is  hoped,  however,  that  this 
material  and  other  relevant  material  now  available  furnish  the  essen- 
tials for  a  discussion  which  will  give  the  student  a  more  precise 
knowledge  of  the  geographic  regions  of  the  continent.  If  this  be 
true,  it  should  insure  a  regional  concept  of  the  relation  of  natural 
environment  to  economic  activities  which  should  be  of  assistance  not 
only  in  further  geographic  work  but  also  in  investigations  and  inter- 
pretations of  economic  activities  beyond  the  scope  of  geography. 


CHAPTER  I 

REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA 

1.     SIZE,  POSITION  AND  BOUNDARIES  AS  ENVIRONMENTAL 
FACTORS  IN  CANADA1 

Canada  is  a  large  country.  Her  most  southerly  point  is  in  410  41', 
farther  south  than  Rome;  her  northern  boundary  is  hundreds  of 
.  miles  to  northward  of  the  magnetic  pole;  on  the  east,  the  "long 
wharf"  of  Cape  Breton  invites  the  argosies  of  Europe;  on  the  west, 
she  looks  not  without  wonder  and  alarm  toward  the  awakening  East. 
Within  a  country  extending  over  so  many  parallels  and  through  so 
many  meridians  the  geographical  and  climatic  conditions  are  naturally 
varied;  yet  its  very  size  gives  to  its  main  features  a  certain  large 
simplicity.  Of  some  of  these  features  I  hope  to  speak;  but  I  wish 
to  postulate  its  vast  extent  as  a  preliminary  of  all  our  thought. 

This  largeness  has  many  results The  Maritime  Province 

man  still  tends  to  speak  of  a  journey  westward  as  "going  to  Canada"; 
the  parochialism  of  the  French  in  Quebec  has  been  strengthened  by 
being  a  parochialism  which  covers  300,000  square  miles;  the  British 
Columbian  tries  in  vain  to  rouse  the  East  to  a  full  sense  of  the  Yellow 
Peril.  In  the  present  discussions  on  the  proposed  reciprocity  agree- 
ment with  the  United  States  the  majority  of  the  appeals  are  to  sectional 
interests.  Our  size  colours  our  whole  existence.  You  can  get  change 
of  air  in  England  by  going  from  London  to  Brighton,  from  Oxford  to 
Boar's  Hill;  in  Canada  the  wide  sameness  of  our  scenery  makes 
necessary  a  far  longer  journey;  in  England  the  London  newspapers 
have  a  position  quite  impossible  for  any  Canadian  journal. 

Connected  with  her  size  is  her  position  as  a  halfway  house,  which 
makes  her  economically  the  most  favourably  situated  of  ajl  the 
newer  countries.  "The  greatest  market  of  the  world  for  all  kinds 
of  products  is  Europe.  According  to  Lloyd's  Calendar,  it  requires 
from  36  to  42  days  for  mails  to  pass  from  the  principal  ports  of 

1  Adapted  from  W.  L.  Grant,  "Geographical  Conditions  Affecting  the  Devel- 
opment of  Canada,"  Geographical  Journal,  XXXVIII,  362-69.  Mr.  Grant  is 
Principal,  Upper  Canada  College,  Toronto. 


2  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

New  Zealand  to  London,  the  hub  of  the  European  markets;  from  26  to 
33  days  from  the  principal  ports  of  Australia  to  London;  from  17  to  22 
days  from  the  ports  of  South  America;  from  17  to  21  days  from  the 
ports  of  South  Africa;   from  14  to  16  days  from  the  ports  of  India; 

but  only  from  7  to  8  days  from  the  principal  ports  of  Canada 

The  market  second  in  importance  is  that  of  the  United  States,  and 
as  regards  this  market  none  of  the  newer  countries  are  so  favourably 
situated  as  is  Canada.  Japan  and  China  form  the  market  third 
in  importance,  and  with  regard  to  this  market  also,  Canada  is  as 
favourably  situated  as  any  of  the  newer  countries,  and  much  more  so 
than  most  of  them.  Canada  lies  midway  between  two  of  the  world's 
greatest  markets,  and  is  separated  from  the  third  only  by  an  imaginary 
boundary-line." 

In  Canada  man  is  making  a  nation  in  defiance  of  geographical 
conditions.  If  a  committee  of  wise  men,  in  the  pure  light  of  reason, 
were  to  divide  the  world  into  nations,  Great  Britain  and  Australia 
would  probably  remain  as  they  are;  but  no  sane  man  would,  if 
asked  to  divide  North  America  into  three  nations,  draw  the  present 
boundary-line  between  Canada  and  the  United  States  of  America. 
On  the  east  the  Maritime  Provinces  form  part  of  the  great  Appalachian 
mountain  system.  Under  the  early  French  explorers  New  England 
and  Acadia  were  looked  on  as  one;  only  the  accidents  or  the  fate 
of  history  have  forced  them  apart,  to  the  economic  detriment  of 
both. 

After  this  rending  apart  of  what  geology  had  joined  together,  we 
have  for  a  time  a  natural  frontier  in  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Great 
Lakes.  Thence  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  the  boundary  is  a  compli- 
cated maze  of  lakes  and  rivers,  whence  it  follows  the  forty-ninth 
parallel  to  the  Pacific.  As  far  as  the  Rocky  Mountains  this  artificial 
boundary  coincides  strikingly  with  a  natural  division.  In  a  sense. 
it  is  true  that  the  prairies  of  Canada  are  a  part  of  the  great  central 
plain,  and  that  the  Minnesota  or  Dacotah  farmer  who  emigrates  to 
Canada  finds  no  change  in  soil  or  climate;  but  it  is  also  true  that, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Red  River,  which  has  cut  its  slow  course 
through  the  almost  level  prairie,  and  of  the  Milk  River  in  western 
Alberta,  the  forty-ninth  parallel  coincides  strikingly  with  the  water- 
shed separating  the  streams  which  flow  into  Hudson  Bay  from  those 
which  form  the  headwaters  of  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri;    it  is 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  3 

thus  in  a  very  real  sense  the  great  inland  sea  of  Hudson  Bay  which 
gives  unity  to  the  whole  central  portion  of  Canada. 

The  Cordillera  once  reached,  however,  the  line  not  only  cuts 
across  a  great  natural  feature  of  the  continent,  but  does  so  at  a  point 
where  the  mountain  masses  are  particularly  knotted  and  impenetrable. 
Vancouver  Island  has  fortunately  been  given  to  us  in  its  integrity, 
though  our  American  cousins  wished  the  forty-ninth  parallel  to  con- 
tinue its  course  to  the  open  sea. 

Not  only  is  the  boundary  thus  artificial,  but  great  natural  barriers 
intervene  between  the  districts  which  in  the  early  days  were  most 
open  to  cultivation.  Between  New  Brunswick  and  the  cultivated 
part  of  Quebec  is  thrust  up  a  tumbled  mass  of  river,  lake,  and  crag 
500  miles  wide;  between  Old  Ontario  and  Manitoba  is  the  long 
inhospitable  stretch  of  Laurentian  rock,  in  which  settlement  is,  and 
always  must  be,  thin  and  scattered.  Between  the  fertile  valleys 
and  tree-clad  slopes  of  British  Columbia  and  the  rest  of  Canada 
stretches  the  gaunt  barrier  of  the  Rockies.  Well  might  the  cynic 
describe  the  country  as  "four  separate  projections  of  the  cultivable 
and  habitable  part  of  the  continent  into  Arctic  waste." 

Thus  when,  in  1867,  the  Dominion  of  Canada  was  formed  by  the 
union  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick  to  Upper  and  Lower 
Canada,  one  of  the  terms  of  the  Act  uniting  them  was  the  building  by 
the  Canadian  government  of  a  railway  from  Quebec  to  Halifax.  In 
1876  the  Intercolonial  Railway  was  opened,  and  has  since  been 
extended  to  Montreal.  Built  rather  for  political  than  for  economic 
reasons,  not  seldom  the  prey  of  patronage-broking  politicians,  it  was 
long  a  financial  burden.  But  its  management  is  improving,  and  with 
the  steady  progress  of  the  country  it  may  yet  be  a  valuable  asset. 
In  any  case  a  few  deficits  are  a  small  price  to  pay  for  political  unity. 

The  Intercolonial  was  less  than  half  completed  when  a  greater 
project  was  broached.  The  vast  domain  over  which  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company  had  ruled  since  1670  was  taken  over  in  1870  by  the 
Dominion;  overtures  for  union  were  made  to  British  Columbia,  and 
in  187 1  the  Pacific  province  entered  the  new  nation,  on  condition 
that  it  should  be  bound  to  it  with  links  of  steel. 

With  the  completion  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  Canada 
stretched  from  Atlantic  to  Pacific,  and  attained  length  without 
breadth.     In  1886  Canada  was  still  a  mere  fringe  along  the  border 


4  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  the  United  States;  for  the  size  of  a  country  is  measured  not  in 
square  miles,  not  even  in  habitable  square  miles,  but  in  accessible 
square  miles.  In  modern  times  the  true  boundary  of  a  country  is 
never  far  from  railhead. 

This  linear  character  of  the  country  was  increased  by  a  great 
mistake  of  the  builders  of  the  railway.  By  the  original  surveys  it  had 
crossed  the  Rockies  by  the  easy  gradients  of  the  Yellow  Head  Pass; 
the  new  company  abandoned  this  route  for  the  present  line  through 
the  more  southerly  Kicking  Horse  and  Rogers  passes.  The  reason 
has  never  been  made  public.  Perhaps  even  these  great  men  had  no 
hope  of  the  supposedly  frozen  north;  more  probably  the  reason  was 
political,  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Conservatives  to  take  at  all  costs 
a  different  route  from  that  chosen  by  the  Liberals.  When  business 
and  politics  become  intertwined,  it  is  usually  to  the  detriment  of 
both.  By  their  decision  the  company  was  compelled  to  pass  through 
the  semi-arid  strip  of  southern  Alberta  and  to  retard  for  nearly  twenty 
years  the  development  of  the  real  West.  They  were  compelled  to 
pierce  the  mountains  just  where  the  Cordillera  is  most  knotted  and 
tangled,  to  incur  vast  expense  in  surmounting  the  most  terrible 
engineering  difficulties,  to  build  gradients  on  which  three  engines 
must  be  used  for  each  train. 

Slowly  settlement  came  in  and  began  to  spread  northward.  The 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway  showed  fine  energy,  double-tracked  parts 
of  its  line,  built  or  bought  branches,  till  the  3,000  miles  of  1885 
have  grown  into  13,000  in  operation  today.  Yet  both  politically 
and  economically  it  became  inadequate,  and  early  in  this  century 
the  government  of  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  decided  to  co-operate  with 
the  Grand  Trunk  Railway  in  building  a  second  Pacific  fine,  to  run 
north  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  and  open  up  vast  areas  in 
Quebec,  Ontario,  the  Prairie  Provinces,  and  British  Columbia. 
Much  of  this  line  is  now  in  operation,  and  its  completion  is  hoped 
for  in  19 13.  Meanwhile  a  private  firm,  that  of  Messrs.  Mackenzie 
and  Mann,  had  been  partly  buying  and  partly  building  railways  in 
different  parts  of  the  Dominion,  which  they  are  gradually  knitting 
together  into  a  third  great  transcontinental  system,  the  Canadian 
Northern.  This  also  has  been  assisted  by  the  government,  though 
not  to  the  same  extent,  and  it  is  a  striking  monument  to  the  sagacity 
and  the  enterprise  of  its  promoters. 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OP  CANADA  5 

Thus,  then,  Canada  is  expanding  northward.  She  is  no  longer  a 
tapeworm,  but  rather  resembles  a  wasp,  with  the  waist  at  Winnipeg. 
Not  a  bale  of  goods,  not  an  emigrant,  can  go  from  east  to  west  without 
passing  through  that  city.  It  is  well  for  us  that  war  between  the 
British  Empire  and  the  United  States  is  now — thank  God! — prac- 
tically unthinkable,  for  I  know  of  no  country  in  the  world  so  easy  to 
cut  in  two  as  Canada.  A  dash  over  seventy  miles  of  flat  country  into  an 
unfortified  and  unfortifiable  city  on  an  open  plain,  and  Canada  falls 
as  hopelessly  into  two  as  a  wasp  hit  by  a  carving  knife.  Luckily 
such  a  war  is,  as  I  have  said,  now  almost  as  unthinkable  as  one  between 
England  and  Scotland. 

The  opening  up  of  a  port  on  Hudson  Bay  would  also  help  to 
relieve  another  Canadian  disadvantage — the  extremely  limited 
available  coast-line.  To  the  south  we  face  landwards,  and  most  of 
our  northern  boundary  is  in  the  grip  of  the  Frost  King.  On  the 
east  Montreal  and  Quebec  are  closed  for  between  four  and  five  months, 
and  a  narrow  strip  of  Labrador,  under  the  rule  of  Newfoundland, 
extends  along  the  coast  for  hundreds  of  miles.  Whether  Newfound- 
land, sitting  gaunt  and  desolate  like  a  gair-fowl  on  her  rock,  will 
join  the  Dominion  is  still  doubtful;  but  Canada  should  as  soon  as 
possible  take  over  the  governance  of  continental  Labrador.  Down 
our  west  coast,  however,  extends  the  long  strip  of  Alaska,  which, 
it  is  to  be  feared,  forever  curtails  our  Pacific  frontage.  Thus,  though 
we  have  plenty  of  ports  for  all  necessary  commercial  purposes,  we  are 
never  likely  to  be  a  seafaring  people  in  anything  like  the  proportion 
of  England  or  of  New  Zealand — a  fact  to  be  borne  in  mind  in  all 
considerations  of  a  Canadian  navy. 

2.     AGRICULTURAL  REGIONS  OF  CANADA1 

The  portion  of  Canada,  the  climatic  conditions  of  which  are  favour- 
able to  agriculture,  may  be  divided  into  five  great  regions: 

i.  The  Laurentian  Plateau,  consisting  of  the  vast  upland  sur- 
rounding Hudson  Bay  and  underlain  chiefly  by  igneous  rocks,  such  as 
granite,  together  with  a  less  amount  of  hardened  sediments. 

'Taken  from  Wyatt  Malcolm,  "Geology  in  Relation  to  Agriculture  in 
Canada,"  Canada  Year  Book,  1914,  pp.  34-38.  Mr.  Malcolm  is  a  member  of  the 
Geological  Survey  Branch  of  the  Department  of  Mines  of  Canada. 


6  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

2.  The  Appalachian  region,  occupying  the  Maritime  Provinces 
and  eastern  Quebec  and  underlain  by  folded  sediments  and  igneous 
rocks. 

3.  The  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands  of  southern  Quebec  and  southern 
Ontario  underlain  by  nearly  horizontal  sediments. 

4.  The  Plains  region  of  Manitoba,  Saskatchewan,  and  Alberta 
underlain  by  flat-lying  sediments. 

5.  The  Cordilleran  region,  the  mountainous  region  extending  from 
the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Coast  and  underlain  by  folded 
sediments  and  igneous  rocks. 

These  five  regions  have  all  been  exposed  to  weathering  for  a  long 
time.  The  Laurentian  Plateau  is  the  oldest  land  area  of  any  great 
extent  in  Canada. 

During  the  long  ages  that  this  Laurentian  continent  has  been 
exposed,  the  area  to  the  southeast,  south,  and  west  has  been  sub- 
merged for  long  periods  beneath  the  sea,  and  great  thicknesses  of 
sandstones,  shales,  and  limestones  have  been  laid  down.  These 
sediments  have  been  elevated  subsequently  above  sea-level,  certain 
sections  such  as  southwestern  Quebec,  southern  Ontario,  and  the 
plains  of  Manitoba,  Saskatchewan,  and  Alberta  rising  so  gently  as  to 
produce  little  disturbance  of  the  rock  strata;  while  in  eastern  Quebec, 
New  Brunswick,  Nova  Scotia,  and  British  Columbia  the  strata  have 
been  folded  and  crushed  into  mountain  ranges  and  intruded  by 
igneous  rocks. 

The  soils  derived  from  these  rocks  by  long  subjection  to  decom- 
posing agencies  were  greatly  disturbed  in  recent  times  by  glaciation. 
Nearly  the  whole  of  Canada  was  covered  by  ice,  which  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  country  had  a  general  southerly  movement.  The  result 
of  the  glaciation  was  that  great  stretches  of  country  were  denuded  of 
soil,  and  other  areas  received  accessions  of  a  great  quantity  of  trans- 
ported material.  Toward  the  close  of  the  Glacial  period  the  outlets  of 
many  dspressions  were  closed  by  lobes  of  the  retreating  glaciers  and 
became  filled  with  water.  These  lakes  formed  areas  for  the  deposition 
of  fine  sediments,  such  as  clay  and  silt,  and  on  the  final  melting  of  the 
glaciers  large  stretches  of  level  fertile  land  remained. 

Laurentian  Plateau.  The  most  extensive  physiographic  unit 
of  Canada  is  the  subdued  Laurentian  Plateau.  This  is  a  gently 
sloping   plateau    of    rather    even   surface,    comparatively    low    and 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  7 

seldom  rising  2,000  feet  above  the  sea.  The  hills  breaking  the  even 
surface  rise  but  a  few  hundred  feet  at  most  above  the  general  level. 

It  is  a  great  U-shaped  area  surrounding  Hudson  Bay  and  extends 
from  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  on  the  Labrador  coast,  west  to  a  line  running 
northwest  through  Lake  Winnipeg,  Lake  Athabaska,  Great  Slave  Lake, 
and  Great  Bear  Lake.  It  extends  south  to  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Supe- 
rior ,  and  occupies  nearly  all  the  provinces  of  Ontario  and  Quebec,  except 
the  area  southwest  of  a  line  running  from  Kingston  to  Georgian  Bay, 
that  part  of  eastern  Ontario  forming  the  angle  between  the  Ottawa 
and  St.  Lawrence  rivers,  and  that  part  of  Quebec  south  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  River. 

This  plateau  is  underlain  by  hardened  sediments  and  igneous  rocks. 
The  latter  are  much  more  widespread  than  the  former,  and  granitic 
types  predominate.  The  rocks  of  this  region  are  among  the  oldest 
rocks  of  which  geologists  have  any  knowledge.  They  are  very  resist- 
ant, and,  although  they  have  been  exposed  to  weathering  since  very 
early  in  the  earth's  history,  the  inequalities  in  the  surface  features 
have  not  been  wholly  reduced.  These  inequalities  have  been  aug- 
mented by  glacial  action.  A  further  effect  of  glaciation  was  the 
denuding  of  much  of  this  region  of  its  soil.  Generally  speaking, 
therefore,  the  physiographic  and  soil  conditions  are  not  favourable 
to  agricultural  pursuits.  Over  a  great  part  of  the  area,  however, 
sufficient  soil  has  been  retained  to  support  a  forest  growth,  although 
insufficient  for  agriculture,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  large  stretches 
of  such  land  have  been  depleted  of  their  forests  and  have  become 
dreary,  barren  wastes. 

Within  the  plateau  there  are  valleys  where  areas  of  softer  rock 
have  afforded  a  greater  abundance  of  soil  that  has  not  been  removed 
by  glaciation,  and  beautiful  cultivated  fields  lend  a  pleasing  contrast 
to  the  surrounding  forest.  In  places  the  sediments  deposited  in  the 
basins  of  glacial  lakes  have  reduced  the  inequalities  of  the  surface  and 
produced  large  level  areas  of  arable  land.  Interesting  examples  of 
these  are  furnished  by  the  Clay  Belt  of  northern  Ontario  and  Quebec, 
traversed  by  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  Railway,  and  by  the  flat  section 
of  country  along  the  main  line  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  a  few 
miles  north  of  Sudbury. 

Appalachian  Region.  The  Appalachian  region  occupies  the  hilly 
part  of  southeastern  Quebec  and  the  Maritime   Provinces.     Here 


8  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

during  remote  geological  ages  the  sedimentary  beds  of  limestone, 
sandstone,  and  shale  that  had  been  deposited  beneath  the  sea  were 
folded  into  mountain  ranges,  and  were  much  altered  and  hardened 
and  intruded  by  igneous  rocks.  During  long  succeeding  ages  these 
mountains  have  been  subdued,  and  little  is  left  that  may  be 
regarded  as  mountains  except  (i)  the  Notre  Dame  Range  of  Quebec 
with  a  general  elevation  of  1,000  to  2,000  feet  and  with  peaks 
rising  above  3,500  feet,  (2)  the  broken  hilly  country  of  the  north- 
western part  of  New  Brunswick,  (3)  a  section  of  this  province  border- 
ing the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  (4)  a  central  ridge  of  Nova  Scotia. 

In  the  ordinary  processes  of  erosion  much  of  the  loosened 
material  resulting  from  rock  decay  was  carried  seaward,  and  in 
recent  times  glaciation  denuded  a  groat  deal  of  the  more  elevated 
sections  of  country,  leaving  barely  enough  soil  to  support  a  forest 
growth. 

In  some  places  sediments  have  been  deposited  subsequently  to  the 
great  folding  processes  of  earlier  ages;  they  are  unaltered,  easily 
attacked  by  weathering  agencies  and  are  overlain  by  an  ample  depth 
of  soil.  The  soils  of  Prince  Edward  Island,  the  Annapolis-Cornwallis 
Valley  and  other  sections  are  derived  from  these  sandstones  and 
shales  of  later  deposition,  the  shales  producing  the  clayey  constituents 
and  the  sandstones  yielding  the  sand  that  renders  the  soil  porous  and 
tillable.  Calcareous  slates  have  in  places,  such  as  in  Carleton  and 
York  counties,  New  Brunswick,  broken  down  into  fertile  soils.  In 
eastern  Quebec  sufficient  soil  has  been  retained  in  the  valleys  to 
render  the  land  arable. 

The  great  fertility  of  the  reclaimed  marshes  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
New  Brunswick  is  due  to  the  fine  silt  deposited  by  the  tides  by  which 
they  were  formerly  submerged. 

St.  Lawrence  Lowlands.  The  St.  Lawrence  lowlands  consist  of  the 
generally  level,  arable  land  south  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau.  This 
lies  on  both  sides  of  the  St.  Lawrence  above  Quebec,  reaching  south 
to  the  international  boundary,  occupies  the  eastern  part  of  Ontario, 
east  of  a  line  running  southward  from  a  point  about  fifty  miles  west  of 
Ottawa,  and  forms  that  portion  of  Ontario  lying  southwest  of  a  line 
extending  from  Kingston  to  Georgian  Bay. 

These  lowlands  are  among  the  most  fertile  of  Canada's  agricultural 
sections.     They  are  underlain  by  flat-lying  shales  and  limestones, 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  9 

which  yield  readily  to  weathering.  The  physiographic  features  are 
favourable,  and  the  residual  material  derived  from  the  decomposition 
of  limestones  and  shales  results  in  a  fertile,  calcareous,  clayey  soil. 
The  loose  surface  deposits  are  of  great  depth,  in  places  exceeding 
two  hundred  feet. 

The  lowlands  were  overridden  by  the  great  glacier.  This  glacia- 
tion,  however,  had  apparently  slight  denuding  effect  on  this  part  of 
the  country,  but  served  to  mix  the  loose  materials  resulting  from  the 
weathering  of  the  shales  and  limestones,  and  contributed  the  potash- 
bearing  ingredients  transported  from  the  granitic  areas  of  the  Lauren- 
tian  Plateau. 

In  some  sections,  as  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Great  Lakes,  sedimenta- 
tion took  place  in  large  lakes,  produced  by  the  blocking  of  the  outlets 
of  the  present  lake  basins  by  lobes  of  the  retreating  glacier.  Recent 
sedimentation  took  place  also  over  southwestern  Quebec  and  eastern 
Ontario  during  submergence  beneath  the  sea  about  the  close  of  the 
glacial  period. 

Plains  Region*  The  plains  of  Manitoba,  Saskatchewan,  and 
Alberta  are  underlain  by  nearly  flat-lying  shales  and  sandstones. 
These  have  weathered  down  into  the  clays  and  clay  loams  that  have 
made  the  plains  one  of  the  great  wheat-producing  districts  of  the 
world.  This  part  of  Canada  was  also  subjected  to  glaciation,  but  the 
great  proportion  of  the  surface  deposits  is  derived  from  the  underlying 
rocks. 

Some  large  stretches  of  the  Plains  region  were  submerged  by 
glacial  lakes  in  which  fine  silts  and  clays  carried  down  from  the  sur- 
rounding land  and  introduced  by  glacial  streams  were  deposited. 
Such  is  the  very  fertile  Red  River  Valley.  This  is  a  part  of  the  bed 
of  a  great  lake  that  extended  from  the  Laurentian  Plateau  west  to 
the  Manitoba  escarpment;  it  reached  southward  into  the  United 
States  and  northward  one  hundred  miles  beyond  Lake  Winnipeg. 

The  great  fertility  of  the  prairie  provinces  is  due  in  part  to  the 
mineral  constituents  of  the  soil  and  in  part  to  the  great  accumulation 
of  nitrogenous  organic  matter,  the  remains  of  ages  of  vegetable  growth. 

Cordilleran  Region.  The  Cordilleran  region,  extending  from  the 
Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  is  underlain  by  igneous  rocks 
of  various  kinds  and  sediments  that  have  been  folded  into  mountain 
ranges  and  much  altered.     The  whole  region  remains  mountainous 


10 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


though  the  interior  section  is  reduced  to  an  elevated  plateau. 
Agricultural  pursuits  are  therefore  limited  to  the  valleys.  In  these 
there  are  numerous  terraces  composed  of  silt  carried  down  by  streams 
issuing  from  former  glaciers,  the  latter  acting  as  eroding  agents 
on  the  underlying  rocks.  These  valley  deposits  are  fertile  and  are 
well  adapted  to  fruit  culture.  The  soil  of  the  lower  Fraser  is  a 
heavier  soil  and  consists  chiefly  of  alluvium. 


3.  LAND  AND  WATER  AREA  OF  CANADA  BY  PROVINCES  AND 
TERRITORIES  AND  TOTAL  AREA  OF  NEWFOUNDLAND' 

TABLE  I 


Provinces 

Land 

Water 

Total 

Land  and 
Water 

Prince  Edward  Island 

sq.  miles 

2,184 

21,068 

27,911 

690,865 

365,880 

231,926 

243,382 

252,925 

353,416 

206,427 

1,207,926 

sq.  miles 

sq.  miles 
2,184 
21,428 

27,985 
706,834 
407,262 

251,832 
251,700 

255,285 

355,855 

207,076 

1,242,224 

Nova  Scotia 

360 

74 

15,969 

41,382 

19,906 

8,318 

2,360 

2,439 

649 

34,298 

New  Brunswick 

Ouebec 

Ontario 

Manitoba 

Saskatchewan 

Alberta 

British  Columbia 

Yukon 

Northwest  Territories 

Totals: 

Canada 

3,603,910 

125,755 

3,729,665 
42,734 

Newfoundland 

The  water  area  is  exclusive  of  Hudson  Bay,  Ungava  Bay,  the 
Bay  of  Fundy,  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  all  other  tidal  waters, 
excepting  that  portion  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River  which  is  between 
Pointe-des-Monts  in  Saguenay  and  the  foot  of  Lake  St.  Peter  in 
Quebec. 

4.    TYPES  OF  CLIMATE  IN  CANADA' 

The  climatography  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  deals  with  widely 
varying  conditions   within   the  northern  half  of  the  continent  of 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  1918,  p.  87. 

2  Adapted  from  R.  F.  Stupart,  "General  Survey  of  the  Climate  of  Canada," 
Canada  Year  Book,  1914,  pp.  128-34.  Sir  Frederick  Stupart  is  Director  of  the 
Meteorological  Service  of  Canada. 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  II 

North  America.  Stretching  from  the  Atkntic  to  the  Pacific,  from 
the  United  States  boundary  to  the  Arctic  Ocean,  this  great  area 
exhibits  such  a  great  diversity  in  topographical  features  that  he  who 
traverses  it  must  meet  with  even  greater  changes  of  climate  than 
would  naturally  follow  from  variation  in  latitude  and  distance  from 
the  oceans.  Of  these  features  the  most  important  are  the  lofty 
mountain  ranges  which  parallel  the  Pacific  Coast,  and  cause  the  conti- 
nental type  of  climate  to  predominate  over  the  Dominion,  the  true 
maritime  type  being  confined  to  the  immediate  coast-line  of  British 
Columbia. 

British  Columbia.  Vancouver  Island,  in  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
occupies  somewhat  the  same  position  in  relation  to  the  American 
continent  that  Great  Britain,  in  the  Atlantic,  does  to  Europe,  lying 
between  nearly  the  same  parallels  of  latitude.  The  climate,  as  in  all 
parts  of  British  Columbia,  varies  much  with  the  orographical  features 
of  the  country.  The  annual  rainfall  along  the  exposed  western  coast 
of  the  island  is  very  great,  generally  exceeding  one  hundred  inches,  but 
in  the  more  eastern  districts  it  is  less  than  half  that  amount.  A  com- 
paratively dry  period  extends  from  May  to  September,  while  copious 
rains  fall  between  September  and  March.  The  mean  monthly  and 
mean  annual  temperature  corresponds  very  closely  with  those  found 
in  parts  of  England;  the  summers  are  quite  as  long,  and  severe 
frosts  scarcely  ever  occur. 

The  change  in  climate  between  the  west  and  east  sides  of  the 
Coast  Range  is  decidedly  abrupt.  The  Pacific  winds  are  deprived 
of  much  of  their  moisture  in  ascending  the  western  slopes  of  the 
mountains,  and  the  air  flows  eastward  or  is  drawn  down  to  lower 
levels,  becoming  drier  and  warmer;  hence  the  interior  plateaus 
between  the  Coast  and  Selkirk  ranges  possess  a  relatively  dry  climate; 
the  summers  are  warmer  and  winters  colder  than  on  the  lower  main- 
land. The  cold  of  winter  is,  however,  scarcely  ever  severe,  and  the 
hottest  days  of  summer  are  rendered  pleasant  by  the  fact  that  the 
air  is  dry  and  the  nights  are  cool.  In  all  the  lower  levels  of  British 
Columbia,  March  is  distinctly  a  spring  month.  In  the  more  southern 
divisions  the  mean  temperature  of  April  corresponds  very  nearly  with 
that  of  the  same  month  in  England,  while  the  summer  may  very  well 
be  compared  with  that  of  southern  Ontario,  except  that  the  air  is 
much  drier  and  the  rainfall  is  scant. 


12  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  Sub- Arctic.  To  the  northward  of  the  provincial  boundaries, 
in  latitude  60,  there  are  immense  territories  where  the  climate  is  of  a 
sub-arctic  type,  with  modifications  in  certain  localities.  The  most 
striking  of  these  occurs  in  the  valley  of  the  Mackenzie  River.  Where 
the  summers  are  comparatively  warm  wheat  has  matured  within  the 
Arctic  circle,  and  certainly  vegetables  may  be  grown  quite  generally. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  these  mild  conditions  obtain  over  all  the  ter- 
ritory between  the  river  and  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  winters  are, 
however,  extremely  cold,  and  while  snow  is  disappearing  rapidly  and 
wild  fowl  are  flying  in  April,  it  is  May  before  there  is  much  sign  of 
growth,  and  after  severe  frosts  in  September  winter  sets  in  in  October. 
The  summer  rainfall  is  scant  over  all  the  northern  country,  and  the 
winter  snowfall  is  by  no  means  heavy. 

Alberta.  It  is  doubtful  whether  there  is  any  other  territory  on 
the  surface  of  the  globe  with  a  winter  climate  as  variable  as  in  this 
province.  The  normal  winter  is  cold,  and  in  some  years  extreme 
cold  is  continuous  from  November  to  March,  but  in  other  years  the 
chinook -is  most  persistent,  and  warm  days  with  bright  sunshine  are  the 
characteristic  features  of  the  winter.  The  chinook  is  one  of  the 
most  characteristic  features  of  the  Alberta  climate,  and  usually  occurs 
with  strong  southwest  and  west  winds.  It  is  most  frequent  in  the 
south,  but  is  by  no  means  uncommon  even  in  the  Peace  River  region. 
Sometimes  a  change  of  wind  from  north  and  northeast  to  southwest, 
will  in  Alberta  mean  a  rise  of  temperature  from  perhaps  200  below 
zero  to  400  above  in  a  few  hours.  Largely  to  the  effect  of  this  wind  is 
due  the  fact  that  the  prairies  of  southern  Alberta  are  usually  bare  of 
snow  during  the  greater  part  of  the  winter. 

Saskatchewan.  The  southern  half  of  this  province  is  almost 
wholly  prairie  land,  and  it  is  only  to  the  northward  of  the  Saskatche- 
wan River  that  any  extensive  forest  areas  are  found.  The  climate  is 
similar  to  that  of  Manitoba,  except  that  the  southwestern  portion 
is  more  arid,  has  an  earlier  spring  and  at  times  the  winter  tempera- 
ture is  affected  by  the  Chinook. 

Manitoba.  The  province  of  Manitoba  is  almost  in  the  center  of 
the  continent,  about  midway  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific 
oceans,  and  also  midway  between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Arctic 
Ocean.  It  is  many  hundreds  of  miles  distant  from  any  high  moun- 
tains, and   there  are  no  important  water  areas  to  the  westward, 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  1 3 

The  topographical  features  of  the  province  are  not  pronounced. 
About  two-thirds  of  the  total  area,  including  the  basins  of  Lakes 
Winnipeg  and  Manitoba,  are  at  a  level  of  less  than  1,000  feet,  while 
to  the  westward  the  levels  increase  gradually  to  about  1,600  feet,  with 
some  few  districts  a  little  higher. 

The  very  pronounced  contrast  between  the  continental  and  littoral 
type  of  climate  is  well  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  mean  range  in 
temperature  between  the  warmest  and  the  coldest  months  of  the 
year  is  710  at  Winnipeg,  while  it  is  but  210  at  Victoria,  British  Colum- 
bia. The  absolute  recorded  range  of  temperature  at  Winnipeg 
is  1500.  A  change  of  temperature  of  400  in  twenty- four  hours  is  not 
very  exceptional  in  winter  in  Manitoba,  and  a  range  of  49°  has  been 
registered.  Very  pronounced  also  are  the  departures  from  the  normal 
winter  temperature  in  corresponding  months  in  different  years,  there 
being  a  January  on  record  with  the  mean  temperature  8°  above  normal, 
and  another  with  a  mean  temperature  130  below  normal,  and  a 
February  with  a  mean  temperature  250  above  normal  and  also  one 
with  the  mean  130  below  normal. 

As  will  be  obvious  from  the  figures  just  given,  the  change  from 
winter  to  spring  and  summer  is  more  rapid  than  in  Great  Britain  or 
Western  Europe,  and  frequently  an  April  which  is  wintry  at  the 
beginning  ends  with  conditions  approaching  those  of  summer.  An 
average  April  is  not  so  warm  a  month  in  Manitoba  as  it  is  in  England. 
The  season  is  not,  however,  so  backward  as  the  monthly  mean 
temperatures  might  seem  to  indicate.  The  daily  range  is  large, 
approximately  250,  and  while  the  nights  are  cold,  the  day  temperatures 
are  high;  the  frost  soon  leaves  the  ground  and  the  farmer  may  com- 
mence sowing.  The  mean  temperature  of  May  is  as  high  as  in  the 
south  of  England,  with  the  mean  maximum  considerably  higher, 
and  while  frosts  occasionally  occur  they  are  seldom  severe.  Light 
snowfalls  also  occur  in  this  month,  and  at  times  are  accompanied 
by  high  winds,  but  these  storms  are  seldom  injurious  to  agri- 
culture. 

June  is  characterised  by  warm  days  with  frequent  showers, 
which  produce  an  almost  phenomenally  rapid  growth,  which  con- 
tinues through  July.  Few  summers  go  by  without  several  heat 
spells,  during  which  the  temperature  rises  to  900  or  over,  and  in  August, 
1886,  103°  was  recorded  at  Winnipeg. 


14  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  mean  annual  amount  of  precipitation  in  Manitoba  is  about  19 
inches,  the  heaviest  about  22  inches,  occurring  in  the  extreme  eastern 
portion,  and  the  least  about  17  inches,  in  the  more  southern  and 
western  districts.  As,  however,  most  of  the  precipitation,  especially 
the  summer  rainfall,  comes  from  local  storms,  there  is  sometimes  a 
considerable  difference  in  the  amounts  recorded  at  places  not  far 
distant  from  each  other.  Between  9  and  10  inches  of  rain,  or  approxi- 
mately 50  per  cent  of  the  total  annual  precipitation,  occurs  between 
May  and  August,  and  is  nearly  equal  to  the  amount  that  occurs 
during  the  same  period  in  Ontario  and  in  the  midland  counties  of 
England.  At  Winnipeg  the  greatest  annual  precipitation  recorded 
was  29. 24  inches  in  1878,  and  the  least  14.38  inches  in  1886,  in  which 
year  only  4 .  23  inches  fell  during  the  May  to  August  period.  Most  of 
the  summer  rainfall  occurs  in  thunderstorms,  which  at  times  are 
quite  heavy,  accompanied  by  violent  squalls  and,  less  frequently,  by 
hail.  It  is  but  very  seldom  that  these  storms  attain  the  energy  of  the 
tornado,  which  is  not  uncommon  on  the  more  heated  prairies  to  the 
south. 

The  snowfall  of  the  Manitoba  ranges  from  52  inches  in  the 
eastern  districts  to  44  inches  in  the  western  districts,  and  while 
the  ground  is  usually  well  covered  from  December  to  March,  it  is 
seldom  that  the  depth  is  great.  In  most  winters  there  are  several  heavy 
northwest  gales  succeeding  the  passage  of  cyclonic  areas,  and  in  these 
storms,  as  the  temperature  drops  quickly,  accompanied  by  a  blinding 
drift  of  the  dry  snow,  we  have  the  well-known  blizzard  of  the  prairies. 

Ontario.  The  province  of  Ontario  alone  is  a  vast  territory,  stretch- 
ing over  1 50  latitude  from  a  point  in  the  same  parallel  as  Rome, 
Italy,  to  a  point  in  the  same  parallel  as  the  north  of  Scotland,  with  a 
breadth  including  200  of  longitude.  The  almost  entire  north  and 
east  shores  of  the  Great  Lakes  belong  to  Ontario,  and  its  lands  form 
about  half  the  west  shore-line  of  Hudson  Bay.  In  portions  of  Ontario 
the  climate  is  tempered  by  lake  influence;  other  portions  are  affected 
by  the  northern  inland  sea,  and  other  portions  again  are  exposed  to 
the  severe  cold  waves  from  the  far  northwest,  which  in  winter  sweep 
with  unchecked  severity  over  the  country  north  of  Lakes  Superior 
and  Huron. 

The  climate  of  the  peninsula  of  Ontario  is  much  warmer  than  that 
of  the  northern  parts  of  the  province.     The  first  part  of  March  is 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  15 

usually  rather  cold.  Light  snowfalls  occasionally  occur  in  April, 
but  this  month  with  a  mean  temperature  of  about  430,  three  inches 
of  rain  and  190  hours  of  bright  sunshine,  is  truly  spring.  With  a 
high  percentage  of  bright  sunshine  and  ample  rain,  vegetation  makes 
rapid  progress  during  May.  Frosts  are  quite  infrequent,  and  by  about 
the  twenty-fourth  most  of  the  trees  are  in  full  leaf. 

The  summers,  while  warm,  are  not  oppressively  so.  Wholly 
overcast  and  rainy  days  are  of  rare  occurrence,  the  rain  falling  in 
showers  and  thunderstorms  of  short  duration;  indeed,  from  the 
middle  of  June  until  the  end  of  August  we  may  expect  no  day  without 
a  few  sunny  hours.  The  autumn  sets  in  very  gradually,  and  while 
frost  may  sometimes  occur  as  early  as  September  20,  it  is  usually 
well  on  in  October  before  there  is  anything  severe,  and  toward  the 
end  of  November  before  the  mean  daily  temperature  falls  to  the 
freezing-point. 

Northward  and  eastward,  from  Lake  Ontario  to  the  Ottawa 
valley,  the  spring  opens  somewhat  later  than  in  the  south,  but  from 
mid-April  on  until  the  end  of  August,  the  temperature  and  rainfall 
are  much  the  same  as  in  the  southern  parts  of  the  province,  modified 
in  certain  districts  by  the  effect  of  higher  altitude,  and  in  others  by 
lying  to  the  eastward  of  and  in  close  proximity  to  the  Great  Lakes. 
September,  however,  shows  a  more  rapid  downward  trend  of  the 
temperature  curve.  Killing  frosts  occur  at  an  earlier  date,  and  the 
whole  northern  country  is  usually  snow-covered  before  the  close  of 
November,  while  in  all  southern  counties  it  is  still  bare.  The  snow- 
covering  is  a  most  important  factor  in  the  industrial  life  of  the  more 
sparsely  settled  portions  of  the  country  where  lumbering  is  carried  on, 
since  without  snow  the  work  is  at  a  standstill  during  the  cold  weather, 
and  the  watercourses  are  not  sufficiently  in  flood  during  the  spring 
months  to  float  logs  to  the  major  streams. 

Quebec.  The  province  of  Quebec,  like  Ontario,  covers  an  immense 
area,  being  included  between  220  of  longitude  and  extending  from  lati- 
tude 450  to  the  barren  lands  of  Hudson  Strait.  The  southwestern  dis- 
tricts of  the  province,  which  are  the  warmest,  are  not,  as  in  the  Ontario 
peninsula,  protected  by  the  Great  Lakes,  and  hence  the  winters  are 
considerably  colder,  and  the  autumnal  frosts  occur  a  little  earlier. 

The  Maritime  Provinces.     These  have  a  climate  which  is  in  many 
respects  comparable  with  that  of  southern  Ontario,  but  there  are 
2 


ib  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

important  differences.  The  spring  opens  somewhat  later  near  the 
sea  and  in  a  latitude  somewhat  higher,  and  then  again  the  summers, 
while  a  little  warmer  than  in  the  south  of  England,  are  rather  cooler 
than  in  the  peninsula  of  Ontario.  Temperatures  exceeding  850  and 
at  times  050  are  by  no  means  infrequent  during  the  summer  months. 
After  September  the  temperature  declines  quite  rapidly,  and  while 
October  is  a  month  of  much  finer  weather,  night  frosts  are  likely  to  be 
severe,  and  toward  the  close  of  November  the  normal  daily  tempera- 
ture falls  below  the  freezing-point. 

The  winters  in  Nova  Scotia  are  not  quite  as  cold  as  in  southern 
Ontario,  but  over  the  greater  part  of  New  Brunswick  they  are  colder. 
The  precipitation,  which  is  ample  throughout  the  provinces,  is  heaviest 
along  the  south  shore  of  Nova  Scotia,  where  it  exceeds  50  inches, 
while  between  40  and  45  is  more  general.  The  snowfall  is  very 
heavy  in  northern  New  Brunswick,  where  it  exceeds  100  inches, 
and  diminishes  southward  toward  Nova  Scotia,  where  the  pre- 
cipitation accompanying  winter  storms  is  usually  partly  in  the  form 
of  rain. 

5.    MINERAL  RESOURCES  OF  THE   MAJOR   PHYSIOGRAPHIC 
PROVINCES  OF  CANADA1 

Canada  may  be  divided  into  six  great  regions,  each  distinguished 
by  a  certain  uniformity  of  broadly  developed  physical  and  geologi- 
cal features  and  characterized  by  the  presence  of  special  types  of 
mineral  deposits.  One  region,  known  as  the  Laurentian  Plateau, 
includes  approximately  one-half  of  the  area  of  Canada.  It  extends, 
with  constantly  diverging  east  and  west  boundaries,  from  the  dis- 
tricts about  Lake  Superior,  northward  to  the  Arctic  Ocean.  This 
great  expanse  of  country,  situated  towards  the  center  of  Canada, 
is  occupied  almost  exclusively  by  rocks  of  pre-Cambrian  age,  that 
is,  belonging  to  the  oldest  of  the  great  systems  of  strata  exposed  over 
the  surface  of  the  earth.  Over  considerable  areas  the  ancient  meas- 
ures are  preserved  with  many  of  their  original  characters,  but  over 
other  great  stretches  of  country  the  strata  have  been  folded,  con- 

*  Adapted  from  G.  A.  Young,  "The  Mineral  Resources  of  Canada."  Annals 
of  The  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  XLV  (January,  1013), 
136-50.  Mr.  Young  is  a  member  of  the  Geoloigcal  Survey  Branch  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Mines  of  Canada. 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  17 

torted  and  greatly  altered.  They  have  also  been  penetrated  and 
enclosed  by  large  and  small  bodies  of  granitic  rocks  now  laid  bare 
over  the  greater  part  of  the  region  as  the  result  of  great  cycles  of 
erosion  that  have  largely  swept  away  the  original  covering  of  pre- 
Cambrian  strata.  The  region  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau  is,  on  the 
whole,  an  unknown  country,  but  it  is  presumably  rich  in  mineral 
wealth,  since  within  the  relatively  narrow  limits  of  the  southern, 
better  known  portions,  are  situated  many  mines  producing  nickel, 
copper,  silver,  gold,  iron,  mica,  graphite,  etc. 

The  great  central  area  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau  is  bounded, 
except  along  the  North  Atlantic  coast  of  Labrador,  by  stretches  of 
plain-like  country  in  some  places  lying  at  sea-level,  in  others  rising 
to  a  considerable  altitude.  All  of  these  areas  are  underlaid  by 
nearly  flat-lying,  relatively  undisturbed,  sedimentary  strata.  These 
measures,  during  successive  geological  eras,  were  formed  either 
in  seas  that  surrounded  and  in  part  swept  over  the  area  of  the  Lau- 
rentian Plateau,  or  else  were  deposited  in  large  bodies  of  fresh  or 
brackish  water  or  over  flood  plains  during  intervals  of  time  while 
the  regions  in  question  were  temporarily  freed  from  the  invad- 
ing seas. 

The  areas  encircling  the  Laurentian  Plateau  are  divisible  into 
three  geological  provinces.  On  the  north,  the  Arctic  Archipelago 
extends  far  northwards  toward  the  North  Pole.  On  the  west  side 
is  the  region  of  the  Interior  Continental  Plain,  the  great  wheat 
field  of  Canada.  On  the  east  side  he  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands, 
bordering  the  lower  Great  Lakes  and  forming  the  valley  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  River.  Within  these  three  regions  metalliferous  de- 
posits are  almost  entirely  wanting,  but  their  absence  is  in  a  measure 
compensated  by  the  presence  of  petroleum,  natural  gas  and  salt 
districts  and,  in  the  Interior  Continental  Plain  region,  of  immense 
stores  of  coal. 

The  two  still  undescribed  major  geological  provinces  form 
respectively  the  eastern  and  western  portions  of  Canada.  Both 
are  mountain-built  provinces  characterized  by  the  presence  of  sedi- 
mentary and  volcanic  strata  which,  laid  down  with  horizontal  atti- 
tudes during  various  eras  from  pre-Cambrian  time  onwards,  have 
since  been  flexed  and  faulted  and  invaded  by  bodies  of  igneous 
rocks.     The  eastern  geological  province  is  known  as  the  Appalachian 


18  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

region,  and  though  much  of  the  country  may  be  truly  termed  moun- 
tainous, yet  when  compared  with  the  western  counterpart,  it  is 
more  appropriately  described  as  hilly.  The  western  province  is 
known  as  the  Cordilleran  region  and  includes  the  Canadian  portion 
of  the  lofty,  rugged,  mountain  systems  that  form  the  Pacific  border 
of  the  whole  length  of  the  North  American  continent. 

Both  the  Appalachian  region  on  the  east  and  the  Cordilleran 
region  on  the  west  contain  metalliferous  deposits  and  coal-bearing 
strata,  but  the  Cordilleran  region  is  not  only  of  much  greater  area, 
but  is  also  much  richer  in  mineral  wealth.  Within  its  bounds,  in 
the  northern  portion,  lie  the  world-famous  gold  fields  of  the  Klondike. 
In  the  southern,  better  known  portion  of  the  region  are  many  mining 
centers  producing  gold,  copper,  silver,  lead,  zinc,  etc.,  while  the  region 
as  a  whole  is  rich  in  coal.  The  Appalachian  region,  though  it  is  much 
poorer  in  coal  than  the  western  mountain  province,  yet  annually 
produces  nearly  the  same  amount.  The  eastern  region  is  also 
poorer  in  other  respects,  but  contains  the  most  important  asbestos- 
producing  area  in  the  world  as  well  as  notable  deposits  of  copper,  gold, 
iron,  etc. 

Of  the  six  major  geological  provinces,  all,  except  the  Arctic 
Archipelago,  at  the  present  time  contribute  to  the  mineral  production 
of  the  country.  In  the  following  table  is  presented  a  statement  show- 
ing for  each  division  the  approximate  value  of  the  mineral  yield,  exclu- 
sive of  structural  materials  and  clay  products.  These  figures  should 
not  be  taken  as  directly  indicating  the  relative  mineral  wealth  of 
the  various  regions,  for  the  annual  production  of  a  district  depends 
largely  on  conditions  that  are  in  a  considerable  measure  independent 
of  the  extent  and  value  of  its  mineral  resources.  Among  such  govern- 
ing factors  may  be  mentioned  the  presence  or  absence  of  transporta- 
tion facilities  and  the  activity  of  the  market. 

One  striking  feature  brought  out  by  means  of  Table  II  (p.  19) 
is  the  practically  complete  absence  of  metalliferous  deposits  in  the 
regions  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands  and  the  Interior  Continental 
Plain,  for  the  trifling  gold  production  credited  to  the  latter  region 
is  placer  gold,  whose  ultimate  source  lies  outside  of  this  geological 
province.  A  second  point  worthy  of  emphasis  is  the  large  coal 
productions  credited  to  the  Appalachian  region  in  the  east  and  the 
Cordilleran   region   in   the  west.     The   Interior   Continental  Plain 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA 


19 


region  in  the  near  future  will  take  rank  as  a  coal-producing  area 
with  these  two  regions;  for  the  present  active  development  of  this 
great  wheat-growing  region  will  inevitably  lead  to  an  energetic 
exploitation  of  its  extensive  coal  resources. 

TABLE  II 

Mineral  Production  (Exclusive  of  Structural  Materials  and  Clay 
Products)  by  Geological  Provinces,  for  19 10 


Product 


Appalachian 
Region 


Gold 

Silver 

Copper 

Nickel 

Lead 

Pig  iron  and  iron  ore 

Coal 

Asbestos 

Petroleum  and  natural  gas. 

Gypsum 

All  others 


Total 

Per  cent  of  total  for  Can 
ada 


St.  Lawrence 
Lowlands 


$166,456 

4,061 

"1,757 


123,849 

I3i°3°,6iS 

2,573*603 

1,826 

672,217 

169,226 


16,853,610 
J9-3 


T  ..  Interior 

Laurentian    Continentai 
Plateau  plain 


$63,849 
16,241,755 

2,453>2I3 
11,181,310 


1,851,186 


$1,658,027 

67,229 

593,951 

2,319,207 
2.6 


908,784 


$1,850 


2,069,000 


75,i68 
195,000 


Cordilleran 
Region 


$9 ,973, 680 

1,334,639 
4,529,124 


1,216,249 
15,810,164 


32,700,097 
37-6 


2,341,018 
2.7 


118,243 


32,982,099 
37-8 


The  Appalachian  Region  has  an  area  of  approximately  80,000 
square  miles  and  includes  the  three  Atlantic  provinces  of  Nova 
Scotia,  Prince  Edward  Island  and  New  Brunswick,  and  also  a  large 
part  of  that  portion  of  the  adjoining  province  of  Quebec  situated 
on  the  southeast  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River.  The  extent  of  the 
mineral  resources  of  a  not  inconsiderable  portion  of  this  region  is 
still  practically  unknown,  although  the  area  in  general  was  colonized 
at  an  early  date  and  was  the  scene  of  some  of  the  earliest  attempts 
at  mining  in  Canada. 

In  the  Appalachian  region  coal  is  by  far  the  most  important 
product  of  the  mine,  for  it  furnishes  slightly  over  three-quarters 
of  the  total  annual  value  of  the  mineral  production  of  the  region 
exclusive  of  building  materials  and  clay  products.  The  coal  is  all 
of  the  bituminous  variety  and  in  distribution  is  confined  to  Nova 
Scotia  and  New  Brunswick.  In  1910  these  two  provinces  produced 
slightly  more  than  6,500,000  tons,  or  a  little  over  one-half  of  the 


20  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

total  tonnage  produced  in  all  Canada.  Of  the  total  production, 
about  the  whole  came  from  four  comparatively  limited  coal  fields 
situated  in  Nova  Scotia  and  nearly  three-quarters  of  the  amount 
was  furnished  by  the  Sydney  coal  field. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  the  reserves  of  easily  mineable  coal 
in  the  Nova  Scotian  fields  exceed  6,000,000,000  tons  and  that  the 
New  Brunswick  fields  may  contain  about  150,000,000  tons.  Future 
developments  may  show  a  greater  reserve  of  coal  in  the  different 
fields  or  even  lead  to  the  recognition  of  new  fields,  but  it  seems  entirely 
probable  that  the  total  coal  resources  will  eventually  be  proven 
to  be  of  the  above-stated  order  of  magnitude,  and  that  the  present 
Nova  Scotian  fields  will  continue  to  be  the  chief  producers. 

Next  to  coal,  asbestos  is  at  present  the  most  important  mineral 
product  of  the  Appalachian  region.  The  mining  of  this  mineral 
is  centered  about  the  town  of  Thetford  in  southeastern  Quebec, 
and  from  an  area  of  a  very  few  square  miles  is  furnished  the  greatei 
part  of  the  total  asbestos  supply  of  the  world.  The  commercial 
exploitation  of  the  asbestos  deposits  commenced  in  1878  and  since 
then  approximately  780,000  tons  of  asbestos  valued  at  nearly  $30,- 
000,000  have  been  produced.  Though  the  present  fairly  constant 
yearly  rate  of  production  entails  the  annual  quarrying  of  approxi- 
mately 1,500,000  tons  of  asbestos-bearing  rock,  yet  the  deposits 
give  no  indications  of  failing  and  a  long  future  life  seems  assured. 

The  St.  Lawrence  Lowland  region  lies  to  the  west  of  the  Appa- 
lachian region,  between  it  and  the  Laurentian  Plateau.  The  region 
is  the  smallest  of  the  six  major  geological  provinces  of  Canada  and 
has  an  area  of  approximately  only  35,000  square  miles.  It  consists 
of  a  series  of  plain-like  areas  situated  in  the  provinces  of  Quebec 
and  Ontario,  and  extending  from  Quebec  City  on  the  east,  up  the 
St.  Lawrence  Valley  and  along  the  northern  sides  of  Lakes  Ontario 
and  Erie. 

As  already  pointed  out,  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands  neither 
contain  metalliferous  deposits  nor  coal.  But  the  region  is  by  no 
means  lacking  in  mineral  wealth,  for  from  the  relatively  small  area 
of  Ontario  projecting  as  a  peninsula  between  Lakes  Huron  and 
Erie,  there  are  annually  produced  gypsum,  salt,  natural  gas,  and 
petroleum  of  the  value  of  above  $2,000,000.  The  gypsum  deposits 
are  relatively  the  least  important  of  these,  though  the  annual  pro- 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  21 

Auction  is  steadily  increasing  and  in  1910  amounted  to  a  value  of 
$67,000. 

The  salt  beds  of  Ontario  are  known  to  underlie,  though  not 
continuously,  an  area  of  about  2,500  square  miles  bordering  Lake 
Huron  and  Detroit  River.  The  salt  occurs  at  considerable  depths 
beneath  the  surface.  The  amount  present  in  the  district  in  general 
must  be  enormous,  for  in  places  the  beds  are  known  to  attain  a 
thickness  of  two  hundred  feet.  The  salt  is  secured  in  the  form  of 
brine  by  forcing  fresh  water  down  bore-holes  to  the  salt  beds.  In 
19 10  the  amount  of  salt  produced  from  this  area  reached  above 
80,000  tons  valued  at  over  $400,000. 

The  region  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands  contains  large  deposits 
suitable  for  the  manufacture  of  brick,  tile,  cement  and  other  structural 
and  clay  products.  The  value  of  the  annual  production  of  such 
materials  is  above  $10,000,000. 

The  Laurentian  Plateau  borders  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands 
on  the  west  and  is  the  largest  of  the  great  geological  provinces, 
its  area  being  approximately  2,000,000  square  miles.  This  region 
includes  the  greater  part  of  the  provinces  of  Quebec,  Ontario,  and 
Manitoba,  a  part  of  Saskatchewan  and  a  very  large  part  of  the 
Northwest  Territories.  It  centers  about  Hudson  Bay  and  is  tri- 
angular in  outline,  the  base  of  the  triangle  fronting  on  the  Arctic 
Ocean  while  the  apex  lies  far  to  the  south  in  United  States  territory 
south  of  Lake  Superior. 

The  region  is  still  practically  a  wilderness  and  within  its  bounds 
are  great  stretches  of  territory  that  have  been  traversed  only  by  the 
explorer  perhaps  along  a  single  water  route.  The  portions  that 
with  any  reasonable  degree  of  accuracy  may  be  claimed  to  be  known, 
merely  form  a  narrow  fringe  along  the  southern  margin  of  the  region.1 

1  The  following  is  quoted  from  Mr.  R.  W.  Brock,  Director  of  the  Geological 
Survey  of  Canada:  "To  realize  the  unprospected  nature  of  the  country,  it  is  only 
necessary  to  remember  that  the  greatest  asbestos  deposits  of  the  world  were  brought 
to  notice  by  blasting  the  Quebec  Central  Railway  through  them;  that  the  greatest 
corundum  deposits  extending  in  a  belt  a  hundred  miles  long,  were  found  in  a  settled 
district  by  an  officer  of  the  Survey  only  twelve  years  ago  [written  in  iqoq];  that 
the  Sudbury  nickel  deposits  were  discovered  by  putting  a  railway  through  them, 
that  Cobalt,  now  the  premier  silver  camp,  although  only  a  few  miles  from  one  of 
the  earliest  routes  of  travel  in  the  country,  and  only  a  few  miles  from  a  silver-lead 
deposit  known  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  was  discovered  less  than  six  years 
ago,  and  then  only  by  means  of  a  railway  cutting  through  a  rich  vein." 


2  2  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Within  this  better,  though  very  imperfectly  known,  portion  are 
situated  the  greatest  nickel-producing  mines  and  the  premier  silver 
camp  of  the  world.  The  possibilities  in  the  way  of  mineral  resources 
of  this  region  will  be  further  appreciated  if  it  be  added  that  in  the 
limited  portion  of  the  region  extending  southwards  into  the  United 
States  are  situated  the  richest  copper  camp  and  the  most  important 
iron-ore-producing  area  of  the  world. 

Of  the  total  mineral  production  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau  in 
1910,  nearly  one-half,  or  above  $16,000,000,  is  credited  to  silver 
produced  from  the  Cobalt  field  of  northern  Ontario.  Discovered 
as  recently  as  1903,  this  field  has  already  produced  silver  to  the  value 
of  $65,000,000  and  the  annual  rate  of  production  continues  to  increase, 
though  possibly  nearing  a  maximum.  The  ores  of  the  camp  occur 
in  exceedingly  rich,  narrow  veins.  From  one  vein,  in  no  place  more 
than  eight  inches  wide,  there  was  extracted  from  an  open  cut  50  feet 
long  and  25  feet  deep,  ore  to  the  approximate  value  of  over  $200,000. 
The  ores,  besides  containing  native  silver  and  compounds  of  silver 
with  other  elements,  also  contain  large  amounts  of  nickel,  cobalt, 
and  arsenic.  For  1910  it  is  estimated  that  the  ore  mined  contained, 
besides  silver,  605  tons  of  nickel,  1,098  tons  of  cobalt  and  4,897 
tons  of  arsenic.  It  is  stated  that  these  ores  form  the  principal  source 
of  the  world's  supply  of  cobalt.  Some  portion  of  the  nickel  contents 
is  conserved,  and  in  1910  about  1,500  tons  of  arsenic  were  produced. 

Next  in  rank  to  the  silver  mines  of  Cobalt  are  the  nickel  and 
copper-producing  mines  of  Sudbury.  Noticed  in  1856  and  re- 
discovered in  1883,  the  Sudbury  field  has  since  produced  above  150,000 
tons  of  nickel  and  100,000  tons  of  copper.  The  ores  also  carry  small 
amounts  of  platinum  and  palladium.  These  mines  produce  a  very 
large  part  of  the  world's  annual  supply  of  nickel  and  the  known  ore 
reserves  are  very  great. 

The  two  districts  of  Cobalt  and  Sudbury  in  19 10  furnished 
minerals  to  the  value  of  nearly  $30,000,000,  or  approximately 
90  per  cent  of  the  mineral  production  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau. 
The  remaining  10  per  cent  is  derived  from  a  large  number  of  sources 
representing  various  products  the  present  annual  rate  of  production 
of  which  is  not  commensurate  with  their  known  value. 

The  region  of  the  Interior  Continental  Plain  borders  the  Laurentian 
Plateau  on  the  west.     It  includes  portions  of  the  provinces  of  Mani- 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  23 

toba  and  Saskatchewan,  nearly  the  whole  of  Alberta,  part  of  British 
Columbia,  and  extends  northwestward  through  the  Northwest 
Territories  toward  the  Arctic  Ocean.  Along  the  international 
boundary  this  geological  province  has  a  width  of  approximately 
750  miles  and,  with  converging  boundaries,  it  extends  northwards 
for  more  than  1,100  miles.  Its  area  is  approximately  500,000  square 
miles. 

Like  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands,  the  region  lacks  metalliferous 
wealth,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  is  very  rich  in  coal,  it  having  been 
estimated  that  within  the  region  there  is  at  least  500,000,000,000 
tons  of  mineable  lignite.  The  lignite  seams  occur  in  various  districts 
over  the  southern  part  of  Saskatchewan  and  in  many  areas  over 
nearly  the  whole  of  Alberta.  In  all,  the  areas  containing  mineable 
coal  have  been  estimated  to  extend  over  24,000  square  miles,  but 
coal  seams  doubtless  underlie  a  total  area  much  larger  than  this, 
though  perhaps  too  deeply  buried  to  be  profitably  mined.  In  19 10 
approximately  000,000  tons  of  coal,  all  lignite,  were  produced  from 
the  region.  The  rate  of  annual  production  will  undoubtedly  show 
very  marked  increases  for  some  time  to  come,  concurrent  with  the 
rapid  settlement  of  the  territory  now  taking  place. 

Gypsum  and  natural  gas  are  the  only  two  products  besides  coal 
and  structural  materials  that  now  contribute  to  the  annual  yield 
of  the  region.  Deposits  suitable  for  the  production  of  brick,  tile, 
cement,  etc.,  occur  at  many  points  and,  as  a  result  of  the  rapid  growth 
of  population,  are  becoming  of  increasing  importance. 

The  Cordilleran  Region  bounds  the  Interior  Continental  Plain 
on  the  west  and  extends  to  the  Pacific.  The  region  has  an  average 
width  of  about  400  miles  and  stretches  from  the  international  bound- 
ary northward  for  1,500  miles  to  the  Arctic  Ocean.  The  region 
includes  nearly  the  whole  of  British  Columbia,  all  of  Yukon  Terri- 
tory and  part  of  the  Northwest  Territories;  its  area  is  approximately 
650,000  square  mile;. 

The  Cordilleran  region  furnishes  two-fifths  of  the  total  tonnage 
of  coal  annually  mined  in  Canada;  almost  all  the  gold;  practically 
all  the  lead  and  nearly  three-fifths  of  the  copper.  Like  its  great 
rival,  the  Laurentian  Plateau,  the  Cordilleran  region  is  exceedingly 
rich  in  metalliferous  deposits,  but,  unlike  the  eastern  geological 
province,  it  also  possesses  vast  stores  of  coal.     As  in  the  case  of  the 


24  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Laurentian  Plateau,  the  western  geological  province  is  essentially 
an  undeveloped,  unprospected  region.  As  yet  only  over  a  very 
limited  area  in  the  extreme  south,  and  to  a  lesser  degree  along  the 
Pacific  Coast  and  the  eastern  border  of  the  region,  has  prospecting 
advanced  beyond  the  initial  stages.  Though  much  of  the  territory 
is  still  virtually  unknown,  the  broader  geological  features  have  been 
determined  and  sufficient  knowledge  has  been  gained  to  firmly  estab- 
lish and  warrant  the  belief  that  the  region  must  be  extremely  rich  in 
mineral  wealth.  Even  at  present,  when  traveling  facilities,  and 
therefore  prospecting,  are  limited  within  relatively  narrow  limits,  not 
a  year  passes  without  the  discovery  of  deposits  or  mineral  districts 
of  importance. 

The  annual  production  of  coal  furnishes,  in  value,  nearly  one- 
half  of  the  mineral  production  of  the  region,  and  in  1910  amounted 
to  nearly  $16,000,000.  Of  this  amount  less  than  one-quarter  was 
furnished  by  the  coal  fields  of  Vancouver  Island.  Nearly  the  whole 
of  the  remainder  came  from  coal  fields  situated  in  the  East,  in  the 
Rockies  or  the  foothills.  Coal  basins  have  been  found  at  intervals 
from  the  international  boundary  northward  along  the  range  of  the 
Rockies  for  a  distance  of  675  miles.  The  coal  of  these  basins  is 
bituminous  in  quality  except  in  one  limited  field,  where  it  is  anthracitic. 
Many  of  these  eastern  coal  basins  are  of  large  size  and  contain  a 
number  of  thick  seams.  In  one  field  the  width  of  the  outcropping 
coal  is  measured  in  terms  of  hundreds  of  feet.  Basins  containing 
lignite,  and  in  one  large  district  anthracite,  occur  throughout  the 
length  of  the  central  part  of  the  Cordilleran  region.  As  already  men- 
tioned, coal  basins  occur  on  Vancouver  Island;  coal  also  occurs  on  the 
Queen  Charlotte  Islands.  In  all  it  has  been  estimated  that  the 
Cordilleran  region  contains  50,000,000,000  tons  of  mineable  coal 
(mainly  bituminous),  but  even  these  figures  are  probably  much  too 
small,  for  each  year  sees  the  discovery  of  a  new  field  or  the  further 
extension  of  an  old  one. 

The  Cordilleran  region  has  long  been,  and  probably  always  will 
continue  to  be,  the  great  gold-producing  area  of  Canada.  Much 
of  the  gold  has  come  from  placer  deposits  and,  in  all,  the  region  has 
produced  in  the  neighborhood  of  $220,000,000  in  gold.  Since  the 
discovery  of  the  first  placer  fields  between  1855  and  1857,  there  has 
been  a  long  series  of  discoveries  of  auriferous  gravels,  the  most  impor- 


REGIONAL  CONCEPTS  OF  CANADA  25 

tant  of  recent  years  being  that  of  the  Klondike  in  the  Yukon  Territory. 
This  northern  field  was  discovered  or  announced  in  1896  and  in  the 
following  years  took  place  a  rush  of  gold  seekers  from  all  parts  of  the 
world.  In  1900  the  Klondike  produced  its  maximum  yield,  amount- 
ing to  $22,275,000.  Of  late  years  the  total  production  of  this  and 
other  relatively  minor  fields  in  the  Yukon,  has  annually  amounted  to 
about  $4,500,000,  while  the  yield  of  the  British  Columbian  placers 
has  been  somewhat  less  than  $500,000. 

The  present  annual  gold  yield  from  placer  fields  is  almost  equaled 
by  the  gold  produced  by  lode  mining.  A  considerable  part  of  this  is 
the  product  of  free  milling  ores  chiefly  from  one  field  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Nelson,  B.C.  But  about  three-quarters  of  the  total  is  from 
mines  producing  ores  containing  copper  and  some  silver  as  well  as  gold. 

An  important  element  in  the  production  of  the  Cordilleran  region 
is  the  silver  lead  ores  of  a  very  large  area,  in  southeastern  British 
Columbia,  that  stretches  eastward  for  many  miles  from  the  Arrow 
Lakes.  One  district,  the  Slocan  district,  produces  annually  above 
6,000,000  pounds  of  lead  and  from  700,000  to  900,000  ounces  of  silver. 
Another  district,  the  Fort  Steele  district,  produces  over  23,000,000 
pounds  of  lead  and  nearly  600,000  ounces  of  silver.  Some  of  the 
deposits  in  this  general  area  are  rich  in  zinc  ores  and  a  considerable, 
though  not  very  large,  production  of  zinc  is  furnished  by  the  various 
districts.  Practically  all  the  lead  produced  in  Canada  comes  from 
this  Cordilleran  area.  The  annual  production  has  ranged  during 
the  last  few  years  from  above  60,000,000  pounds  to  less  than  20,000,- 
000  pounds,  and  the  total  production  since  1893  amounts  to  above 
650,000,000  pounds. 

The  Arctic  Archipelago  is  the  only  one  of  all  the  major  geological 
provinces  of  Canada  that  at  present  does  not  contribute  to  the  annual 
mineral  production.  It  embraces  a  very  large  region  believed  to  be 
geologically  not  unlike  the  Interior  Continental  Plain.  It  is  known 
to  contain  deposits  of  coal  and  presumably  is  lacking  in  metalliferous 
deposits. 

In  conclusion,  it  may  again  be  pointed  out  and  as  the  above 
brief  review  indicates,  that  the  mineral  industry  of  Canada  as  a 
whole  is  still  in  an  initial  stage.  Only  in  the  comparatively  limited 
area  extending  eastward  from  the  St.  Lawrence  Valley  is  the  annual 
production    in    any    way   commensurate    with    the    known    mineral 


26 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


resources  of  the  country.  And  even  in  this  eastern  region  the 
discoveries  of  recent  years  have  indicated  the  existence  of  previously 
unsuspected  classes  of  mineral  deposits.  Over  nearly  the  whole  of 
the  vast  area  of  Canada  the  mineral  resources  at  present  being 
developed  are  confined  to  very  limited  areas  bordering  the  main 
routes  of  travel.  Even  within  these  circumscribed  areas  it  is  indis- 
putably known  that  great  stores  of  mineral  wealth  still  lie  untouched 
or  undiscovered. 


6.     POPULATION  OF  CANADA  BY  PROVINCES  AND  TERRITORIES  IN 
THE  CENSUS  YEARS  1871  TO  1911  AND  OF  NEWFOUNDLAND 

FROM  1891  TO  1919' 

TABLE  III 


Provinces 

1871 

1881 

1891 

IQOI 

IQII 

IQ2I 

Prince  Ed.  Island 
Nova  Scotia .... 
New  Brunswick . 
Quebec 

94,021 
387,800 

285,594 

1,191,516 

1,620,851 

25,228 

108,891 

440,572 

321,233 

1,359,027 

1,926,922 

62,260 

109,078 

450,396 
321,263 

1,488,535 

2,114,321 

152,506 

103,259 

459,574 

331,120 
1,648,898 
2,182,947 

255,2H 
91,279 
73,022 

178,657 
27,219 
20,129 

93,728 

492,338 

351,889 

2,003,232 

2,523,274 
455,614 
492,432 
374,663 
392,480 
8,5" 
l8,48l 

88,615 

523,837 

387,839 
2,349,067 

2,929,054 
6l3,008 
761,390 
581,995 
523,363 
4,l62 

6,684 

Ontario 

Manitoba 

Saskatchewan . . . 

Alberta 

British  Columbia 
Yukon  Territory. 

36,247 

49,459 

98,173 

Northwest  Ter.  . 

48,000 

56,446 

98,967 

Totals: 
Canada 

3,689,257 

4,324,810 

4,833,239 
197,934 

5,37i,3i5 
217,037 

7,206,643 
238,670 

Newfoundland 

*26o,922 

♦Estimated  in  iqiq.     In  addition,  the  population  of  Labrador  (120,000  square  miles),  which 
is  dependent  on  Newfoundland,  was  3,647. 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  1918,  p.  27. 


CHAPTER  n 

RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA 
1.  FARM  LANDS  IN  CANADA1 
To  the  question,  What  fraction  of  the  total  area  of  Canada  is 
suited  to  agriculture  ?  it  is  impossible  from  the  nature  of  the  case  to 
return  any  exact  reply,  as  the  data  do  not  exist  from  which  definite 
conclusions  can  be  drawn.  Of  the  total  land  area  in  Canada,  placed 
by  the  most  recent  measurements  at  2,306,502,000  acres,  1,401,361,413 
acres  is  the  total  land  area  of  the  nine  provinces  as  at  present  consti- 
tuted; the  remaining  area  consists  of  the  Northwest  Territories 
(773,073,000  acres)  and  the  Yukon  territory  (132,113,000  acres). 
The  Northwest  and  Yukon  territories  may  be  omitted  for  the  present, 
since  no  appreciable  extent  of  land  therein  is  likely  to  be  devoted  to 
agriculture  before  all  the  land  within  the  provinces  has  been  occupied. 
The  following  table  ....  takes  no  account  of  forests  and  swamp 
lands,  which  may  ultimately  be  tilled,  nor  of  northern  districts  of 
which  the  agricultural  possibilities  are  at  present  unknown  because 
the  lands  are  unexplored  and  unsurveyed. 

TABLE  IV 
Areas  Occupied  and  Areas  Possible  of  Occupation  as  Farm  Land  dm  Canada 


Total  Land, 
Acres 

Occupied  as  FARMf 
Land,  191 1 

Estimate  of  Possible 
Farm  Land 

Provinces 

Acres 

Per  Cent 
of  Total 

Acres 

Per  Cent 
of  Total 

Prince  Ed.  Island. 

Nova  Scotia 

New  Brunswick. . 
Ouebec 

1,397,991 
13,483,671 
17,863,266 

442,153,287 
234,163,030 
148,432,698 
i55,764,ioo 
161,872,000 
226,186,370 

1,202,354 
5,260,455 

4-537,999 
15,613,267 
22,171,785 
12,228,233 
28,642,985 
17,751,899 

2,540,011 

86.OI 

38.OI 

25-44 

3-53 

9-47 

8.24 

18.39 

10.96 

1. 12 

1,258,000 
8,090,000 
10,718,000 
44,215,000 
58,541,000 
74,216,000 
93,459,000 
105,217,000 
45,237,000 

90 
60 
60 
10 

Ontario 

25 

Manitoba* 

Saskatchewan*.. . 

Alberta* 

British  Columbia. 

50 
60 

65 
20 

Total 

1,401,316,413 

109,948,988 

7.84 

440,951,000 

31 

♦The  provincial  census  of  19 16  states  that  the  amount  of  land  occupied  as  farms  in  that  year 
was  13  436,670  acres  in  Manitoba,  36,800,698  in  Saskatchewan,  and  23,062,769  in  Alberta 

t  Not  necessarily  in  crops. 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  19 14,  pp.  207-8. 

27 


2S 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


2.    AREA,    YIELD,    AND   VALUE   OF   PRINCIPAL    FIELD    CROPS    IN 

CANADA,  AVERAGE  1910-1913' 

TABLE  V 


Crops 


Prince  Edward  Island 

Spring  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Buckwheat 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc. 

Hay  and  clover 

Nova  Scotia 

Spring  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Buckwheat 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc. 

Hay  and  clover 

New  Brunswick 

Spring  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Buckwheat 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc. 

Hay  and  clover 

Quebec 

Spring  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Rye 

Peas 

Beans 

Buckwheat 

Mixed  grains 

Corn  for  husking 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc. 

Hay  and  clover 

Fodder  corn 

Ontario 

Fall  wheat 

All  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Rye 


Area 

in 
Acres 


31,000 

180,000 

5,000 

3,000 

32,000 

8,000 

203,000 

13,000 

100,000 

5,000 

11,000 

31,000 

11,000 

531,000 

13,000 
200,000 

3,000 

63,000 

42,000 

q,  000 

610,000 

62,000 

[,354,000 

96,000 

1 1 ,000 

30,000 

5,000 

116,000 

103,000 

20,000 

120,000 

13,000 

5,160,000 

37,000 

767,000 

886,000 

2,819,000 

505,000 

92,000 


Bushels 
per 
Acre 


18.61 

33-4° 

26.52 

26.79 

179-94 

47I-OS 

1. 41 

20.08 

30.05 

27.12 

23.98 

191.40 

415-39 

i-57 

18.64 
28.85 
26.79 
24.71 
191 .90 

344-19 
1.30 

16.77 

26.55 

23.80 

15-08 

i5-4o 

18.23 

23.00 

26.13 

29.65 

141-17 

304-37 

1.49 

8.28 

22.21 
21.70 
33-35 
28.45 
16.96 


Total 
Yield 
Bushels 


577,000 
6,012,000 

12  2,000 

71,000 

5,686,000 

3,580,000 

286,000 

259,000 
2,996,000 

141,000 

259,000 
6,010,000 
4,694,000 

832,000 

248,000 
5,769,000 
71,000 
1,557,000 
8,060,000 
3,201,000 

790,000 

1 ,040,000 

35,944,000 

2,285,000 

169,000 

462,000 

93,000 

2,668,000 

2,692,000 

587,000 

16,940,000 

3,835,000 

4,712,000 

303,000 

17,036,000 
19,225,000 
94,005,000 
14,365,000 
1,560,000 


Price 

per 

Bushel 


$0.98 
O.40 
0.61 
O.62 
O.30 
0.2I 

IO.37 

I.  IO 
O.52 
O.76 
O.65 
O.48 

o-33 

11.52 

1 .02 
0.50 
0.61 

o.57 
0.46 

o-33 
9.21 

1. 19 
0.50 
0.76 
0.99 
1. 65 
2.19 
0.72 
0.66 
0.99 
0.48 

o.34 

10.  20 

4.66 

0.88 
0.88 
0.40 
0.60 
o.73 


Total* 
Value 


$565,000 

2,415,000 
74,000 
44,000 

1,723,000 
760,000 

2,966,000 

287,000 
1,559,000 
108,000 
169,000 
2,872,000 
1,537,000 
9,587,000 

253,000 

2,872,000 

43,000 

882,000 
3,685,000 
1,055,000 

7,274,000 

1,239,000 
17,887,000 

1,741,000 
i6S,ooo 
760,000 
204,000 

1,924,000 

1,778,000 
578,000 

8,104,000 

1,317,000 
49,055,000 

1,412,000 

14,967,000 

16,900,000 

37,490,000 

8,608,000 

1,131,000 


*  Yield  per  acre,  total  yield,  and  price  for  hay  and  clover,  fodder  corn,  and  alfalfa  are  in  tons. 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  1914,  pp.  143-63.     The  area,  total  yield,  and  total  value 
are  expressed  in  round  numbers. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA 
TABLE  V— Continued 


29 


Crops 


Area 
in 

Acres 


Bushels 
per 
Acre 


Total 

Yield, 

Bushels 


Price 

per 
Bushel 


Total* 
Value 


Ontario — Continued 

Peas 

Beans 

Buckwheat 

Flax 

Corn  for  husking 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangoLls,  etc.  .  . 

Hay  and  clover 

Fodder  corn 

Sugar  beets 

Alfalfa 

Manitoba 

All  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Rye 

Flax 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc.  .  . 

Hay  and  clover 

Fodder  corn 

Alfalfa 

Saskatchewan 

All  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Rye 

Flax 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds, etc.  . . 

Hay  and  clover 

Alberta 

All  wheat   

Oats 

Barley 

Rye 

Flax 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc.  .  . 

Hay  and  clover 

Alfalfa 

British  Columbia 

All  wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Potatoes 

Turnips,  mangolds,  etc. 

Hay  and  clover 

Alfalfa 


249,000 

43,000 

186,000 

8,000 

278,000 

156,000 

131,000 

3,328,000 

249,000 

17,000 

66,000 

2,875,000 

1,316,000 

460,000 

4,000 

67,000 

26,000 

4,000 

151,000 

9,000 

3,000 

5,197,000 

2,383,000 

257,000 

2,000 

1.089,000 

29,000 

1 1 ,000 

50,000 

1,405,000 

1,276,000 

167,000 

13,000 

94,000 

24,000 

4,000 

165,000 

7,000 

12,000 
43,000 

2,000 
15,000 

3,000 
138,000 

6,000 


15-23 

17.86 

22.19 

15-23 

58.32 

118.80 

361.63 

i-39 

9-51 

9.82 

2-35 

18.54 

38.82 

28.04 

19.32 

11.99 

186.13 

308.29 

1.46 

7-25 
2.50 

19.46 

41-77 

30-88 

22.  27 

11. 51 

173-41 

266.32 

1 .60 

20.34 
41.99 
28.96 
24.62 
10.74 

I77.83 
262.75 

i-45 
2.64 

28.27 

53-95 

38.75 

215-79 

487.42 

2.07 
4-39 


3,793,000 

768,000 

4,128,000 

128,000 

16,214,000 

18,533,000 

47,373,ooo 

4,622,000 

2,369,000 

167,000 

i55,ooo 

53,291,000 

51,082,000 

12,897,000 

85,000 

803,000 

4,914,000 

1,079,000 

220,000 

66,000 

7,000 

101,143,000 

99,541,000 

7,935,000 

49,000 

12,544,000 

5,029,000 

2,903,000 

80,000 

28,584,000 

53-570,ooo 

4,837,000 

320,000 

1,010,000 

4,268,000 

1,051,000 

240,000 

19,000 

345,ooo 

2,320,000 

93,000 

3,129,000 

1,511,000 

285,000 

25,000 


$0.98 
1.89 
0.56 
1.62 
0.60 
0.62 
0.20 

11.89 

4-71 

5-90 

11.30 

0.70 
0.30 
0.40 
0.64 
1.36 
0.40 

0-39 

9-34 

9-32 

IO-57 

0.61 
0.26 
0.36 

o.49 
1.09 
0.48 
o.45 
8-34 

0.60 
0.26 
o-35 
o.54 
1.09 

0.43 

o.45 

10.60 

10.47 

1. 00 
0.56 
0.70 
0.61 
o.53 
17-65 
15-04 


$3,706,000 

1,448,000 

2,327,000 

207,000 

9,755,ooo 

11,486,000 
9,419,000 

54,969,000 

11,149,000 

986,000 

i,75i,ooo 

37,346,000 

15,131,000 

5,108,000 

54,ooo 

1,091,000 

1,965,000 

425,000 

2,054,000 

615,000 

74,ooo 

61,799,000 

25,963,000 

2,866,000 

24,000 

13,728,000 

2,392,000 

1,296,000 

667,000 

17,067,000 

13,771,000 

1,683,000 

174,000 

1,104,000 

1,846,000 

470,000 

2,543,000 

199,00c 

346,00c 

1 ,300,000 

65,000 

1,913,000 

806,000 
5,032,000 

376,000 


♦Yield  per  acre,  total  yield,  and  price  for  hay  and  clover,  fodder  corn  and  alfalfa  are  in  tons. 


30  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

3.     NUMBER  OF  FARM  LIVE  STOCK  BY  PROVINCES  IN  19191 

TABLE  VI 


Province 

Horses 

Milch  Cows 

Other  Cattle 

Sheep 

Swine 

Prince  Edward  Island 

Nova  Scotia 

34,576 

65,589 

77,828 

463,902 

732,977 

379,356 

1,078,452 

800,380 

43.717 

45,662 

162,230 

153,058 

1,056,347 

1,141,016 

227,872 

374,o62 

336,596 

5I,594 

79,815 

243,831 

211,964 

1,213,297 

1,786,175 

553,899 
1,005,501 
1,247,448 

194,644 

"4,955 
261,529 

212,745 

1,007.425 

1,101,740 

167,170 

146,911 

364.498 

44,985 

49,5IO 
69,982 

104,939 

935,425 

1,695,487 

261,542 

432,367 

445,858 

44,96o 

New  Brunswick 

Quebec 

Ontario 

Manitoba 

Saskatchewan 

.Alberta 

British  Columbia 

Canada 

3,667,369 

3,548,437 

6,536,574 

3,421,958 

4,040,070 

PRODUCTION  AND  VALUE  OF  CREAMERY  BUTTER  AND  FACTORY 
CHEESE  IN  CANADA  BY  PROVINCES  IN  1917' 

TABLE  VII 


Province 

Butter 

Cheese 

Pound 

Value 

Pound 

Value 

Prince  Edward  Island. .  . 
Nova  Scotia 

597,271 

1,746,062 

565,699 
34,392,56o 
28.714,352 
7,050,921 
4,098,187 
8,943,971 
1,294,743 

$       239,940 

711,652 

233,686 

13,689,310 

11,219,029 

2,595,472 

i,52S,935 

3,4i4:54i 
594,623 

2,234,985 

67,497 

1,244,106 

67,835,017 

121,173,086 

1,003,646 

$      466.317 
14,269 

257,645 
14,162,213 
25,771,944 

199,036 

New  Brunswick 

Quebec 

Ontario 

Manitoba 

Saskatchewan 

Alberta 

1,274,905 
71,094 

280,185 
18,954 

British  Columbia 

Canada 

87,404,366 

34,227,188 

194,904,336 

41,170,563 

5.     THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  CATTLE  IN  CANADA* 

Cattle  are  more  widely  distributed  in  Canada  than  other  live- 
stock and  probably  than  any  one  farm  crop.  The  distribution  of 
both  dairy  cows  and  other  cattle  is  shown  on  map  facing  this  page. 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  1919,  pp.  193-95. 

2  Ibid.,  1918,  pp.  202-3. 

3  Text  by  Charles  C.  Colby;  map  as  indicated. 


o 


Map  i.— Reproduced  from  V.  C.  Finch  and  O.  E.  Baker,  Geography  of  the  World's  Agriculture,  Office  of  Farm  Management,  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  1917,  p.  126 


D 


c 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA  31 

The  outstanding  position  of  the  provinces  of  Ontario  and  Quebec 
in  both  phases  of  the  cattle  industry  is  demonstrated  by  the  graphs 
which  accompany  the  maps  and  by  Tables  VI  and  VII.  As  the  maps 
indicate,  cattle  raising  in  these  provinces  is  confined  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence Lowlands  and  the  adjacent  uplands,  the  only  exceptions  being  a 
small  development  of  the  dairy  business  about  the  mining  camps  north 
of  Georgian  Bay  and  near  the  twin  ports,  Port  Arthur  and  Fort 
William  on  Lake  Superior.  In  these  lowlands  an  abundant  summer 
rainfall  and  a  relatively  cool  growing  season  make  it  possible  to  main- 
tain excellent  pastures  and  to  produce  large  quantities  of  cereals, 
hay,  and  clover,  and  fodder  crops.  In  addition  the  dairy  industry 
has  the  advantage  of  an  active  local  market  in  the  industrial  and 
commercial  cities  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Valley.  Years  of  experience 
and  experimentation  in  the  manufacture  of  butter  and  cheese  have 
lead  to  an  organization  of  this  industry  which  insures  products  of 
such  high  quality  that  they  compete  successfully  in  British  and 
American  markets.  The  large  number  of  cattle  other  than  dairy  cows 
raised  in  Ontario  Peninsula  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Erie  is 
due  to  the  position  of  this  peninsula  at  the  northern  margin  of  the 
corn  belt.  Its  corn  crop  is  large  enough  to  stimulate  the  feeding  of 
beef  cattle  and  to  make  it  the  principal  hog-raising  district  of  Canada. 

As  cattle  or  dairy  cows  are  raised  on  most  Canadian  farms  and 
ranches,  these  maps  approximately  indicate  the  occupied  areas  of 
the  country.  They  show  that  few  cattle  are  raised  in  the  relatively 
unsettled  hilly  crystalling  uplands  of  eastern  Nova  Scotia,  central 
and  western  New  Brunswick,  and  the  Gaspe  Peninsula  and  empha- 
size the  vast  stretch  of  unoccupied  territory  north  of  Lake  Superior 
and  the  Rainy  River.  Thus,  in  Canada,  the  middle  portion  of  the 
country,  corresponding  in  position  to  the  fertile  plains  of  the  corn 
belt  in  the  United  States,  is  at  the  present  time  a  wilderness.  As 
this  area  has  the  topography  and  soil  characteristic  of  the  Laurentian 
Plateau,  most  of  it  is  not  suited  to  agriculture,  so  that  its  settlement 
will  depend  upon  its  forest  and  mineral  resources. 

While  cattle  are  raised  throughout  the  occupied  portions  of  the 
Prairie  Provinces,  the  industry  is  most  significant  in  the  plains 
contiguous  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  where  the  chinook  makes  winter- 
grazing  possible,  and  the  irrigated  districts  provide  fodder  to  supple- 
ment the  pastures. 


32 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


6.     PRODUCTS  OF  THE  FORESTS  OF  CANADA  IN  1918' 

TABLE  VIII 

Quantities  and  Values  of  the  Cut  of  Lumber,  Shingles,  and  Lath  by 

Provinces  in  191 8 


Province 


Ontario 

British  Columbia. . .  . 

Quebec 

New  Brunswick 

Nova  Scotia 

Saskatchewan 

Manitoba 

Alberta  

Prince  Edward  Island 
Yukon , 

Total 


Lumber 


Quantity 
M.ft.b.m.* 


1,110,062 

i,iS7,636 

841,084 

430,625 

176,332 

75.835 

54,047 

22.388 

6,393 
229 


3,883,631 


Value 


$34,168,754 

28,351,207 

20,916,604 

12,189,312 

4,089  039. 

2,122,307 

1,240,052 

473,694 

136,336 

10,51s" 


103,697,620 


Shingles 


Quantity 
M.ft.b.m.* 


52,303 

2,162,184 

249,160 

170,486 

19,138 


212 

8,948 


2,662,521 


Value 


i   183,328 

6,641,174 

775,058 

512,812 

49,633 


577 
21,466 


8,184,448 


Lath 


Quantity 
M.ft.b.m.* 


148,999 
49,74i 
78,633 

117,521 

16,459 

17,244 

8,698 


805 


438,100 


Value 


506  516 

179,041 

214,711 

328,554 

41,630 

73,490 

22,764 


2,901 


1,369,616 


*  M   ft.  b.  m.  signifies  r.ooo  feet  board  measure. 


TABLE  IX 

Quantities  and  Values  of  Wood  Used  in  the  Manufacture  of  Pulp  and  the 
Amount  of  Pulp  and  Paper  Produced  by  Provinces  in  1918 


Province 


Quebec 

Ontario 

New  Brunswick . 
Nova  Scotia .... 
British  Columbia 

Total 


Wood 

Used, 
Cords 


1,085,478 
784,691 

11,668 
218,774 


2,210,744 


Value 


511,061,191 

io,39S,7I7 

920,854 

73,8i6 

2,434,897 


24,886,475 


Pulp 

Produced, 

Tons 


802,030 

505,366 

66,619 

10,017 

173,161 


1,557,193 


Paper 

Produced. 

Tons 


419,980 
425,228 


122,516 


967,724 


1  Canada  Year  Book,  1919,  pp.  239,  241,  243. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA 


33 


7.    THE  MINERAL  PRODUCTS  OF  CANADA' 

TABLE  X 

Quantities  and  Values  of  Minerals  Produced  in  Canada,  1916  and  191 7 


Tons* 

Values 

Description 

1016 

igi7t 

1016 

igi7t 

Metallic 

Copper,  lb 

117  150,028 

930,492 
115,691 
41,497,615 
82,958,564 
25,459,741 
23,364,760 

108,860,358 

747,366 
46,022 
32,072,269 
84,470,970 
22,150,680 
31,227,351 

$31,867,150 

19,234,976 
1,328,605 
3,532,692 

29,035,498 

16,717,121 

2,991,623 

1,611,700 

$29,588,254 

Gold,  oz 

15,449,426 

Pig  iron,  ton 

768,783 

Lead, lb  

3,571,889 

Nickel  lb 

33,778,388 

Silver,  oz 

18,034,419 

Zinc,  lb 

2,779,547 

Other  metallic  products 

2,660,046 

Total  Metallic 

106,319,363 

106,630,752 

Non-Metallic 

Asbestos  and  asbestic, 
ton 

154,149 
14,483,395 

342,915 
25,467,458 

198,123 

309,251 

132,903 

5,369,560 

153,781 

14,015,588 
339,418 

26,465,686 
205,332 

403,243 

138,909 

4,768,488 

5,228,869 

38,817,481 

738,593 
3,958,029 

392,284 
1,084,095 

717,653 
6,547,728 
4,120,805 
1,091,463 
1,838,320 

1,247,267 
2,224,091 

265,054 
2,610,437 

7,234,077 

Coal,  ton 

47,643,646 

Gypsum,  ton 

887,170 

Natural  gas,  M.  cu.  ft. . 

Petroleum,  brl 

Pyrites,  ton 

5,003,342 

478,937 
1,586,091 

Salt,  ton 

1,047,792 

Cement,  brl 

7,699,521 

4,603,755 

Lime,  bu 

5,493,250 
8,156,207 

6,338,212 
7,157,279 

1,517,918 

Sand  and  gravel,  ton. . 
Stone: 

1,908.773 
613,588 

2,291,692 

Marble    and    sand- 

316,142 

3,808,620 

Total  non-metallic .  . 

70,882,169 

86,641,064 

Grand  Total.  . 

177,201,534 

193,271,816 

*  The  ton  is  the  short  ton  of  2.000  lb.  t  Subject  to  revision. 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  1918,  pp.  260,  263-67. 


34 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


TABLE  XI 

Value  of  Minerals  Produced  in  Canada  by  Provinces  in  the  Calendar 

Years  1916  and  1919 


1916 

1010* 

Province 

Value 

Per  Cent 
of  Total 

Value 

Per  Cent 
of  Total 

Nova  Scotia 

$20,042,262 

1,118,187 

14,406,598 

80,461,323 

1,823  576 

590.473 

13,297,543 

39,969,962 

5,491,610 

II. 31 

O.63 

8.13 

45 -41 

1.03 

0-33 

7-5o 

22.56 

3.10 

$23,213,751 

1,675,606 

21,341,829 

65,842,826 

2,846,565 

1,118,055 

20,815,049 

34,258,267 

1,963,965 

IV4 

New  Brunswick 

Ouebec 

1 .0 
12.3 

Ontario 

38.0 

Manitoba 

1 .7 

Saskatchewan 

0.  7 

Alberta 

12.0 

British  Columbia 

Yukon  Territory 

19.8 
1 .1 

Total 

177,201,534 

100.00 

i73.°7S,9I3t 

100. 0 

*  Subject  to  revision. 


8.    WATER  POWERS  OF  CANADA* 

Canada  is  fortunate  in  the  extent  and  location  of  her  water- 
powers.  During  the  last  twenty-five  years  nearly  1,800,000  water 
horse-power  has  been  developed  and  employed.  Table  XII,  a  state- 
ment compiled  from  recent  data,  shows  the  available  and  developed 
water-powers  of  the  principal  European  countries,  as  compared  with 
those  of  the  United  States  and  Canada.  It  will  be  seen  from  this 
statement  that  Canada  occupies  a  unique  position  as  regards  both 
potential  and  developed  water-power.  The  present  per  capita  power 
developed  in  Canada  is  larger  than  all  other  countries  except  Norway. 
It  is  the  same  with  respect  to  known  undeveloped  water-power.  No 
country  enjoys  to  a  greater  degree  the  benefits  of  cheap  dependable 
hydro-power,  and  no  country  has  had  these  benefits  more  universally 
applied  for  municipal,  industrial,  and  domestic  use.  That  Canada  is 
one  of  the  great  water-power  countries  of  the  world  is  due  largely  to 
(1)  the  nature  and  extent  of  water  resources— abundance  and  season- 
able distribution  of  rainfall ;   the  regimen  of  the  rivers — upper  waters 

•Adapted  by  permission  from  J.  B.  Challies,  "Water  Powers  of  Canada," 
Canada  Year  Book,  1918,  p.  281-83,  I9I9,  P-  287.  Mr.  Challies  is  Superintend- 
ent, Dominion  Water  Power  Branch,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Canada. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA 


35 


well  forested  with  large  lakes  suitable  for  regulation— rivers  flowing 
through  valleys  with  well  concentrated  falls;  (2)  the  fortunate 
location  of  the  waterfalls  with  respect  to  existing  commercial  centers 
and  related  raw  materials;  (3)  the  action  of  Dominion  and  Provincial 
governments  in  having  the  water-powers  thoroughly  investigated 
and  intelligently  administered;  (4)  the  foresight  of  the  capitalist,  and 
the  professional  skill  of  the  engineer,  in  water-power  development 
and  use;  (5)  the  almost  universal  adaptation  of  electrical  energy  for 
municipal,  industrial,  and  domestic  purposes. 

TABLE  XII 

Water  Powers  0?  European  Countries  and  of  the 
United  States  and  Canada 


Country 


U.S.A 

*Canada  

Austria-Hungary . 

France 

Germany 

Italy 

Norway 

Spain 

Sweden 

Switzerland 


Area  in  sq. 
miles 

Population 

Horse- 
power 

Horse- 
power 

Available 

Developed 

2,973,890 

98,783,300 

28,100,000 

7,ooo,coo 

2,000,000 

8,033,500 

19,554,000 

2,305,000 

261,260 

51,173,800 

6,460,000 

566,000 

207,500 

39,601,500 

5,587,000 

1,200,000 

208,800 

64,926,000 

1,425,000 

618,000 

91,400 

28,601,600 

7,000,000 

1 ,500,000 

124,130 

2,391,780 

5,500,000 

1,300,000 

190,401 

19,588,700 

5,000,000 

440,000 

172,960 

5,522,400 

6,700,000 

1,105,000 

15,976 

3,781,500 

2,000,000 

511,000 

*  Excludes  the  northern  area  improbable  of  immediate  development. 


Within  economic  transmission  range  of  practically  every  impor- 
tant city  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  except  those  in  the  central 
western  prairies,  there  are  clustered  water-power  sites,  which  will 
meet  the  probable  demands  for  hydro-power  for  generations.  Table 
XIII  indicates  with  reasonable  accuracy  the  provincial  distribution 
of  the  developed  and  undeveloped  water-powers  within  the  settled 
portions  of  the  Dominion. 

In  general,  the  use  of  Canadian  water-powers  may  be  distributed 
as  (a)  for  municipal  purposes;  (b)  for  pulp  and  paper;  and  (c)  for 
electric,  chemical,  and  similar  processes.  For  municipal,  including 
domestic  and  ordinary  industrial  purposes,  about  78  per  cent  of  the 
total  has  been  developed,  or  1,348,490  horse-power.     For  these  uses 


36 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


further  requirements  will  probably  be  met  for  some  years  by  additional 
installations  at,  and  increased  storage  for,  existing  plants.  In 
certain  centers,  however,  as  for  instance  the  Niagara  power  zone, 
growing  requirements  can  only  be  met  by  new  water-power  develop- 
ment. 

TABLE  XIII 

Distribution  of  Developed  Water-Power  in  Canada  by  Provinces  and  by 
Use  of  Power,  January  i,  19 19,  and  Estimated  Water-Power  Available* 


Water  Power  Developed,  Horse  Power 

Province 

Centralf 
Electric 
Stations 

Pulpt 

and 

Paper 

Other 

Industries 

Total 

Water-power 

Available, 
Horse-power 

British  Columbia 

Alberta. 

221,625 
32,58o 

46,450 

44,348 
300 

312,423 
32,880 

3,000,000 
466,000 

567,000 
3,218,000 
5,800,000 

Manitoba 

64,100 

791,103 
597,6oi 

6,878 

3,354 

170 
10,000 

12,072 

59,945 
89,648 

5,i9i 
9,170 

i,559 
3,392 

76,172 
985,060 
842,761 

14,869 

26,024 
1,729 

I3,392 

Ontario 

133,932 

155,512 

2,800 

13,500 

Quebec 

6,000,000 

New  Brunswick 

300,000 
100,000 

Prince  Edward  Island. . 

3,000 
100,000 

Yukon. . 

Northwest  Territories.  . 

Total 

i,727,47i 

352,214 

225,625 

2,305,310 

i9,554,ooo§ 

*  Census  of  Industry  of  Canada,  1917,  Sessional  Paper  No.  i7«,  9  George  V,  27. 

t  Includes  only  hydro-electric  stations  which  develop  power  for  sile. 

t  Includes  only  power  owned  by  pulp  and  paper  companies.  A  further  100,000  horse-power  or 
upward  is  purchased  by  pulp  and  paper  companies  from  central  electric  stations,  making  the  total 
hydro-power  utilized  in  the  pulp  and  paper  industry  some  450,000  horse-power.  _  If  this  100.000  horse- 
power is  added  to  column  3  it  should  be  subtracted  from  column  2  to  maintain  the  correct  tabular 
totals. 

§  On  account  of  the  absence  of  data  about  the  water-powers  of  the  northern  territories  and  of  the 
unsettled  sections  in  the  northern  part  of  the  various  provinces  and  in  regard  to  the  minor  powers  in 
the  settled  sections  of  these  provinces,  this  estimate  of  the  total  water-power  available  in  Canada  must 
be  regarded  as  a  rough  approximation 


For  pulp  and  paper,  about  15  per  cent  of  the  total  had  been  devel- 
oped, or  352,214  horse-power.  Further  requirements  can  probably 
be  met  for  some  time  by  additional  installations  to  present  plants, 
although  the  growth  of  this  industry  will  necessitate  the  development 
of  new  water-powers  in  different  parts  of  the  Dominion.  There  are 
now  54  pulp  and  paper  plants  scattered  throughout  Canada,  and 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA  37 

several  new  plants  have  been  under  serious  contemplation,  some  of 
which  would  be  in  use  now  had  it  not  been  for  the  difficulty  of  finan- 
cing due  to  war  conditions.  On  account  of  the  isolated  nature  of  the 
industry — away  from  commercial  centers — power  requirements  for 
pulp  and  paper  need  not  conflict  with  other  demands  upon  hydro- 
power. 

For  the  electro-chemical  and  similar  processes,  about  8  per  cent  of 
the  total  has  been  developed,  or  140,000  horse-power.  While  the 
United  States  have  achieved  almost  a  world-supremacy  in  electro- 
chemical processes,  the  industry  in  Canada  is  of  very  recent  growth. 
It  has,  however,  expanded  at  an  enormous  rate,  entailing  recent 
extensive  additional  installations  in  present  plants,  and  it  will  require 
in  the  near  future  the  development  of  additional  water-power  sites. 
Propinquity  to  the  United  States  and  abundance  of  essential  raw 
material  will  compel  the  migration  to  the  Dominion  of  many  new 
electro-chemical  plants  of  importance  and  value.  The  products  of 
the  electro-chemical  industry  are  extremely  diversified.  They 
include  aluminium,  silicon,  calcium-carbide,  cyanamid,  ferro-alloys, 
graphite,  carborundum,  chlorine,  etc.,  many  of  which  are  indispens- 
able in  arts  and  manufactures.  Without  aluminium  the  modern 
high-speed  scout  airplane  could  not  exist;  without  electro-chemical 
abrasives  and  ferro-alloys  manufacturing  processes  would  be  length- 
ened many  fold.  Industrial  supremacy  in  time  of  peace  is  dependent 
upon  these  products  to  a  very  considerable  extent. 

One  of  the  most  important  electro-chemical  processes  is  the 
fixation  of  nitrogen;  about  30,000  horse-power  is  used  for  this  purpose 
at  Niagara  by  the  American  Cyanamid  Company,  and,  while  other 
plants  of  this  kind  have  so  far  not  been  put  into  operation  commer- 
cially in  this  country,  they  have  been  seriously  contemplated,  and 
await  only  a  sufficient  source  of  low-price  power  for  realization.  The 
electro-metallurgical  industry  is  in  its  infancy,  but  promises  great 
expansion,  especially  in  the  production  of  nicu-steel  in  Canada. 
During  the  last  two  years  there  has  been  rapid  growth  in  the  use  of 
electric  furnaces  for  the  production  of  the  highest  grades  of  steel. 

By  proper  foresight  the  demand  for  hydro-power  for  these  indus- 
tries need  not  conflict  with  other  demands,  as  for  instance,  those 
for  municipal,  domestic,  and  ordinary  industrial  uses.  As  shown  in 
Table  XIII  the  total  developed  power  is  about  2,305,310  horse-power. 

6S       i 


3« 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


9.     MANUFACTURES  OF  CANADA 

TABLE  XIV 

The  Leading  Manufactures  of  Canada  in  1917' 

(000,000  omitted  except  in  first  and  third  columns) 


No.  of 

No.  of 

Cost 

Estab- 

Capital 

Employ- 

Wages 

of 

lish- 

ees on 

Paid 

Mater- 

ments 

Wages 

ials 

8,000 

$299 

49,062 

$35 

$565 

1,008 

73 

5,428 

4 

184 

6q 

68 

6,879 

6 

117 

3.30Q 

16 

3,4io 

4 

72 

2,026 

36 

16,241 

11 

44 

8 

32 

2,252 

2 

53 

10 

17 

1,226 

I 

39 

982 

20 

5.509 

3 

18 

4,112 

203 

78,906 

43 

142 

26 

40 

15,053 

7 

20 

102 

29 

11,080 

6 

19 

172 

18 

Il,2g9 

7 

16 

170 

23 

8,599 

5 

16 

1,040 

307 

70,071 

6g 

205 

40 

92 

15,021 

18 

109 

629 

7o 

21,535 

10 

24 

76 

41 

11,226 

10 

32 

58 

24 

7,646 

8 

8 

10 

33 

1,241 

2 

11 

4,403 

290 

92,139 

59 

87 

2,879 

140 

54,676 

34 

41 

753 

38 

8,260 

5 

15 

34 

36 

5,66i 

5 

8 

1,240 

76 

18,450 

12 

61 

185 

31 

ii,338 

7 

27 

1^6 

31 

3,774 

3 

27 

1,810 

224 

40,510 

31 

5i 

23 

142 

14,153 

12 

22 

916 

31 

9,692 

8 

7 

433 

48 

4.325 

3 

13 

333 

118 

14,953 

12 

66 

9 

16 

3,228 

3 

14 

6 

16 

2,620 

3 

14 

913 

79 

11,079 

9 

5 

2,3" 

123 

26,280 

23 

91 

17 

55 

5,799 

7 

36 

1,656 

27 

9,155 

6 

19 

76 

14 

3,642 

3 

16 

176 

27 

8,940 

4 

19 

146 

18 

6,871 

3 

15 

970 

220 

47,8i7 

43 

102 

13 

98 

19,093 

18 

39 

II 

28 

5.oi5 

5 

36 

I2S 

69 

15,982 

14 

IS 

201 

43 

12,289 

13 

13 

70 

42 

11,370 

12 

13 

2,378 

680 

94,534 

74 

155 

122 

66 

37,490 

34 

43 

666 

356 

5. 501 

4 

75 

39 

8234 

6 

20 

22 

22 

5,227 

4 

17 

90 

70 

9,562 

8 

16 

5,976 

48 

31.950 

25 

30 

900 

25 

17,714 

16 

23 

I .  Food  products 

Flour  and  gristmill  products 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Butter  and  cheese 

Bread,  biscuits,  and  confectionery 

Sugar  refined 

Slaughtering,  not  including  meat  pack 

ing 

Fish,  preserved 

II.  Textiles 

Cottons 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods 

Clothing,  women's  factory 

Clothing,  men's  factory 

Ill    Iron  and  steel  products 

Rolling  mills  and  steel  furnaces 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. . 

Iron  and  steel  products 

Boilers  and  engines 

Iron,  pig 

IV.  Timber  and  lumber  and  their  re-manu 
factures 

Log  products,  sawmill 

Lumber  products 

Woodpulp,  chemical  and  mechanical . . . 

V.  Leather  and  its, finished  products 

Boots  and  shoes 

Leather,  tanned  and  curried 

VI    Paper  and  Printing 

Pulp  and  paper 

Printing  and  publishing 

VII.  Liquors  and  beverages 

VIII.  Chemicals  and  allied  products , 

Explosives 

Petroleum 

IX.  Clay,  glass,  and  stone  products 

X.  Metals  and  metal  products  other  than 

iron  and  steel 

Smelting 

Plumbing  and  tinsmithing 

Brass  castings 

XI.  Tobacco  and  its  manufactures 

Tobacco,  cigars,  and  cigarettes 

XII.  Vehicles  for  land  and  air  transporla 
lion 

Cars  and  car  works , 

Automobiles 

Car  repairs , 

XIII.  V essels  for  water  transportation  .... 
Ships  and  ship  repairs 

XIV.  Miscellaneous  industries 

Ammunition 

Electiic  light  and  power , 

Electrical  apparatus  and  supplies , 

Rubber  and  elastic  goods , 

Agricultural  implements , 

X  V    Hand  trades , 

Housebuilding , 


*  Only  manufactures  which  had  a  value  of  $25,000,000  or  more  in  1917  are  listed. 
1  Compiled  from  Canada  Year  Book,  1919,  277-83. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA 


39 


TABLE  XV 

Statistics  of  Manufactures  by  Provinces  for  1917' 

(000,000  omitted  from  columns  2,  4,  5,  and  6) 


Provinces 

No  of 
Establish- 
ments 

Capital 

No.  of 
Employees 

Salaries 

and 
Wages 

Cost 

of 

Materials 

Value 

of 

Products 

Canada 

34,392 

534 

2,147 

1,423 

10,042 

14.381 

1,329 

1,436 

i,3J7 

1,772 

n 

$2,787 

3 

137 

66 

823 

i,336 
101 

33 

63 

221 

4 

674,910 

1,923 

31,398 

21,363 

2II,Ol8 

326,635 

22,670 

8,2IO 

H,524 
40,098 

71 

$550 
I 

24 

14 

158 

278 

20 

7 
10 

38 

$1,606 

3 
no 

33 
403 
823 

73 
23 
44 
92 

$3,016 

Prince  Ed.  I..  . 
Nova  Scotia.  . 
N.Brunswick. 

Quebec 

Ontario 

Manitoba .... 
Saskatchewan. 

Alberta 

British  Col..  . . 
Yukon 

6 

176 

62 

831 

1,534 

123 

4i 

72 

171 

10.     TOTAL  VALUE  OF  FISHERIES  BY  PROVINCES  IN  THE  FISCAL 

YEARS  1913-1917* 

TABLE  XVI 


Province 

Prince  Edward  Island 

Nova  Scotia 

New  Brunswick 

Quebec 

Ontario 

Manitoba 

Saskatchewan 

Alberta 

British  Columbia.  .  . 
Yukon 

Total  for  Canada . 


1913 


$i,379,905 

7,384,055 

4,264,054 

1,988,241 

2,842,878 

800,149 

111,839 

51,616 

14,455,488 

111,239 


33,389,464 


1014 


$1,280,447 
8,297,626 
4,308,707 

1,850,427 

2,674,685 

606,272 

148,602 

81,319 

13,891,398 

68,265 


33,207,748 


1915 


$1,261,666 

7,730,191 
4,940,083 
1,924,430 

2.755,291 
849,422 

132,017 

86,720 

11,515,086 

69,725 


31,264,631 


1016 


3   933,682 
9,166,851 

4,737,145 
2,076,851 
3,341,182 

742,925 
165,888 

94,i34 

14,538,320 

63.730 


35,860,708 


1Q17 


$i,344,i79 
10,092,902 

5,656,859 
2,991,624 

2,658,993 
1,390,002 

231,946 

144,317 

14,637,346 

60,210 


39,208,378 


Production  and  Value  of  Fisheries.  In  comparing  the  results 
of  one  season  with  another  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  volume 
of  production  is  affected  by  certain  natural  conditions  which  differ 
greatly  from  year  to  year.  For  instance,  every  fourth  year  there 
occurs  on  the  Fraser  River  a  big  run  of  salmon.     In  the  following 

1  Canada  Year  Book,  1919,  p.  275. 

2  Ibid.,  1918,  pp.  255-58. 


40  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

years  the  run  gradually  diminishes  till  it  reaches  its  poorest  stage  in  the 
year  preceding  the  next  big  run.  The  masses  of  herring  and  mackerel 
that  visit  Canadian  shores  vary  in  volume  annually — the  latter 
especially  being  extremely  erratic  in  their  movements.  The  hook 
and-line  fisheries  for  cod,  haddock,  hake,  halibut,  etc.,  are  dependent 
on  a  supply  of  herring  for  bait,  and  a  scarcity  or  abundance  of  this 
bait  fish  immensely  affects  the  output  of  the  line  fishermen.  Dogfish 
are  more  numerous  in  some  seasons  than  in  others,  and  destroy 
edible  fish  and  gear  to  such  an  extent  as  to  stop  operations  at  times. 
Lastly  the  state  of  the  weather,  by  limiting  the  number  of  fishing 
days  or  permitting  operations  on  the  greatest  possible  number  of 
days  in  the  course  of  the  season,  affects  the  production  of  all  kinds  of 
fish  perhaps  more  than  any  other  natural  agent.  The  season  of  191 6 
was  adversely  affected  by  several  of  these  conditions.  The  poorest 
salmon  year  in  the  cycle  of  four  on  the  Fraser  River  occurred;  there 
was  an  abnormal  amount  of  unfavourable  foggy  weather  on  the 
Atlantic  coast;  the  spring  herring  fishery  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence 
was  greatly  curtailed  as  a  result  of  ice  remaining  on  the  coast  till  a 
late  date;  and  the  summer  and  fall  herring  fishery  all  over  the  Atlantic 
coast  was  a  very  poor  one. 

11.     CANADIAN  RAILWAY  DEVELOPMENT' 

The  factor  of  greatest  importance  in  the  opening  up  of  a  new 
country  is  its  railways.  Canada  is  pre-eminently  the  new  country  of 
the  twentieth  century,  and  it  is  interesting  to  see  in  just  what  way  the 
railways  are  furthering  the  tremendous  development  of  the  industries, 
and  the  colonization  of  unsettled  territory. 

The  striking  feature  of  the  great  railway  expansion  is  the  part 
played  by  the  government  in  stimulating  company  enterprise,  and 
in  building  government  railroads  where  private  companies  do  not 
feel  justified  in  taking  the  risk.  Up  to  the  end  of  June,  191 1,  the 
Dominion  government  had  expended  for  the  construction  of  govern- 
ment railways  a  total  of  $261,414,695  and  had  granted  subsidies  to 
private  railways  amounting  to  $148,217,072,  and  land  grants  along 
their  right-of-ways  totaling  32,004,474  acres.     The  subsidies  granted 

1  Adapted  from  John  J.  O'Neill,  "Canadian  Railway  Development,"  Journal 
of  Geography,  April,  IQ13,  pp.  265-67. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA  41 

by  the  separate  provinces  up  to  the  same  date  totaled  $35,919,360, 
with  land  grants  of  32,251,943  acres,  making  a  grand  total  of  govern- 
mental aid  to  private  companies  of  over  $184,000,000  and  55,256,417 
acres  of  land. 

The  five  great  railways  in  Canada  are:  (1)  The  Canadian  Pacific 
Railway;  (2)  The  Grand  Trunk  Railway;  (3)  The  Grand  Trunk 
Pacific  Railway;  (4)  The  Canadian  Northern  Railway;  (5)  The 
Intercolonial  Railway.1 

The  first  and  third  of  these  are  transcontinental  lines,  and  number 
four  may  almost  be  considered  such.  The  Intercolonial  and  the 
eastern  division  of  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  are  the  property  of  the 
Dominion  government;  the  others  are  owned  by  private  companies. 
The  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  has  the  unique  distinction  of  being 
the  longest  single  railroad  on  the  American  continent;  in  191 1  its 
length  was  over  10,200  miles,  and  it  forms  a  continuous  Canadian 
system  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  Not  only  does  this  railway 
dominate  land  traffic  but  it  maintains  fleets  of  steamers  on  the  Great 
Lakes  and  on  both  oceans,  plying  between  Montreal  and  Liverpool, 
and  between  Vancouver  and  Yokohama,  Japan.  It  maintains  its 
own  hotels,  one  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  every  large  city  and  in 
numerous  resorts  en  route. 

The  Grand  Trunk  system  in  Canada  operated  3,095  miles  of 
railroad  in  191 1.  This  railway  is  not  purely  Canadian  but  has  a 
large  part  of  its  system  in  the  United  States;  its  eastern  terminus  is 
Portland,  Maine,  and  it  extends  west  to  Chicago.  It  does  not  main- 
tain a  system  of  hotels  but  has  just  opened  one  valued  at  $2,000,000 
in  Ottawa. 

In  1903  this  company  made  an  agreement  with  the  Federal 
government  by  which  it  undertook  to  build  the  western  division  of 
the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific;  and  upon  completion  of  the  road  the  com- 
pany will  lease  the  eastern  division  and  operate  the  whole  system. 

The  Canadian  Northern  is  one  of  the  most  active  railways  in  the 
country;  in  191 1  there  were  3,688  miles  of  railroad  in  operation,  and 
it  is  rapidly  connecting  separate  stretches  of  road  so  that  in  the  near 
future  this  railroad  also  will  be  transcontinental.     It  is  constantly 

1  In  1918  the  miles  operated  by  these  railways  were:  Canadian  Pacific,  13,295; 
Canadian  Northern,  9,320;  Grand  Trunk,  3,567;  Grand  Trunk  Pacific,  2,714; 
Intercolonial,  1,592. 


42  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

extending  its  lines,  and  one  of  the  big  feats  in  construction  at  present 
is  the  driving  of  a  tunnel  through  Mount  Royal,  at  Montreal,  to 
afford  an  entry  to  the  heart  of  the  city  from  the  north. 

The  Intercolonial  Railway  is  owned  and  operated  by  the  Dominion 
government.  It  extends  from  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  to  Montreal, 
Quebec,  and  is  over  1,450  miles  in  length.  It  was  built  in  fulfilment 
of  one  of  the  clauses  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Provinces. 

The  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  Railway  is  treated  last  because  it  is  the 
newest,  and  is  being  built  under  peculiar  conditions.  In  1903  the 
Dominion  government  entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  Grand 
Trunk  Railway  by  which  a  transcontinental  railway  was  to  be  built 
wholly  on  Canadian  territory.  The  essentials  of  this  contract  were 
that  the  government  should  construct  the  eastern  section  of  the  road, 
i.e.,  that  part  from  Moncton,  New  Brunswick,  on  the  Atlantic  coast, 
west  to  Winnipeg,  Manitoba,  and  that  the  Grand  Trunk  Railway 
should  build  at  its  own  expense  the  western  section  extending  from 
Winnipeg  to  Port  Simpson  or  Prince  Rupert  on  the  Pacific  coast. 
The  road  was  to  be  completed  in  1913.  The  length  of  the  eastern 
division  is  1,805  miles,  and  over  68.5  per  cent  of  the  whole  work  was 
completed  by  June  30,  191 1;  the  total  expenditure  up  to  this  date 
was  $95,423,085.  The  western  division  is  divided  into  two  sections, 
a  prairie  section  and  a  mountain  section.  It  has  a  total  length  of 
1,750  miles  and  traverses  the  most  fertile  belt  of  the  western  prairie 
provinces  and  of  British  Columbia,  thus  opening  up  for  settlement  a 
vast  area  of  the  finest  wheat  land  in  the  world.  A  large  part  of  both 
divisions  is  already  under  operation,  and  the  whole  line  will  be  finished 
within  a  year  or  two.  This  system  is  already  operating  a  line  of 
steamships  in  the  Pacific  coastal  trade. 

The  government  is  going  ahead  with  a  new  railway,  the  Hudson 
Bay  Railway,  which  will  extend  from  Winnipeg  to  Port  Nelson  on  the 
west  side  of  Hudson  Bay,  and  possibly  from  Montreal  to  a  port  on 
east  side  of  the  same  bay,  thus  opening  up  a  great  stretch  of  new  terri- 
tory, and  providing  another  outlet  for  the  great  wheat  crops  of  the 
West. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  CANADA 


43 


12.     STEAM  RAILWAY  MILEAGE  BY  PROVINCES,  1911-1917' 

TABLE  XVII 


Provinces 

ign 

1913 

1015 

1917 

Ontario 

8,322 
3,882 
3,466 
3,121 

i,494 
1,842 

i,548 

i,354 

269 

102 

9,000 
3,986 
3,933 
4,651 
2,212 

i,95i 

i,545 

1,360 

279 

102 

225 

10,702 
4,677 
4,498 
5,327 
3,i74 
3,100 
1,962 
1,367 

275 
102 

398 

1 1 ,049 
4,734 
4,194 
6,124 

4,444 
3,885 

i,959 
1,422 

278 
102 

Quebec 

Manitoba 

Saskatchewan 

Alberta 

British  Columbia 

New  Brunswick 

Nova  Scotia 

Prince  Edward  Island 

Yukon 

In  United  States* 

413 

Canada 

25,400 

29,304 

35,582 

38,604 

*  The  mileage  shown  in  the  United  States  relates  entirely  to  lines  which  cross  American  territory 
in  passing  from  one  point  in  Canada  to  another;  such  lines,  although  not  heretofore  included  in 
Canadian  mileage,  are  operated  wholly  for  the  purposes  of  Canadian  traffic.  There  is  a  large  addi- 
tional mileage  in  the  United  States,  which  is  owned  and  operated  by  Canadian  Railways,  but  of 
which  no  account  is  taken  in  these  statistics. 

'Canada  Year  Book,  1918,  p.  407. 


CHAPTER  III 

MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND 

1.    THE  APPALACHIAN  REGION' 

The  Appalachian  region  of  Canada  may  be  defined  as  including 
the  territory  lying  east  of  a  line  running  northeast  from  the  foot  of 
Lake  Champlain  on  the  Vermont  border,  to  the  city  of  Quebec  and 
thence  down  the  St.  Lawrence  Valley,  that  is,  it  contains  most  of  the 
Province  of  Quebec  lying  east  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  together  with 
the  Maritime  Provinces  of  New  Brunswick,  Prince  Edward  Island, 
and  Nova  Scotia.  The  country  is  part  of  a  mountainous  belt,  the 
Appalachian  Mountain  system,  that,  commencing  not  far  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  continues  northeastward  through  the  eastern  portion 
of  the  continent  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  beyond  which  it  reappears 
in  the  island  of  Newfoundland.  Throughout  this  belt  the  strata  are 
frequently  highly  folded  and  faulted,  and  evidence  of  igneous  activity 
is  not  wanting;  while  within  it,  in  Canada  as  elsewhere,  are  many 
valuable  mineral  deposits,  including  the  asbestos  deposits  of  south- 
eastern Quebec,  the  most  noted  in  the  world,  the  coal  and  gold  fields  of 
Nova  Scotia,  as  well  as  bodies  of  iron,  copper,  and  various  other  ores. 

The  Appalachian  Mountain  system,  throughout  its  entire  course 
of  1,700  miles  within  the  limits  of  the  continental  land,  preserves  a 
general  southwest  and  northeast  trend.  In  northern  New  York, 
the  New  England  states,  and  Eastern  Canada,  the  mountain  system 
is  irregular  in  structure.  In  Eastern  Canada,  the  Appalachian 
system,  regarded  as  a  mountainous  belt,  is,  strictly  speaking,  repre- 
sented only  by  the  elevated  tracts  of  eastern  Quebec  and  northern 
New  Brunswick.  Elsewhere,  over  the  greater  part  of  the  Maritime 
Provinces,  the  Appalachian  character  is  mainly  represented  by  the 
general  trend  of  the  major  hills  and  of  the  large  indentations  of  the 
sea,  and  by  the  general  geological  structure  of  the  country  as  a  whole. 

1  Adapted  from  G.  A.  Young,  A  Descriptive  Sketch  of  the  Geology  and  Economic 
Minerals  of  Canada,  Department  of  Mines,  Geological  Survey  Branch  No.  1085, 
PP-  30-32. 

44 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  45 

In  the  eastern  townships  of  southeastern  Quebec,  the  Green 
Mountains  of  Vermont  are  continued  northeastward  by  the  Notre 
Dame  Mountains,  that  approach  the  St.  Lawrence  below  Quebec, 
and  from  there,  bordering  the  estuary  of  the  river,  continue  with 
increasing  altitudes  into  and  through  the  Gaspe  Peninsula,  where  they 
are  known  as  the  Shickshocks.  In  the  eastern  townships  the  Notre 
Dame  Mountains  are  represented  by  three  rudely  parallel  ridges, 
that,  passing  eastward,  have  progressively  higher  average  elevations, 
and  finally,  over  considerable  areas,  rise  above  2,000  feet. 

Proceeding  northeastward  to  a  point  opposite  the  city  of  Quebec, 
the  Notre  Dame  Mountains  sink  to  lower  and  lower  elevations,  but 
beyond  this  they  again  increase  in  height,  so  that  in  the  Gaspe 
Peninsula  they  form  an  uplifted  area  with  a  general  elevation  of  from 
1,000  feet  to  2,000  feet,  with  many  peaks  rising  above  3,500  feet. 
Throughout  the  elevated  tract  of  eastern  Quebec  the  country  is 
largely  drained  by  tributaries  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  flowing  northwest- 
ward through  defiles  which  they  have  trenched  across  the  north- 
easterly trending  ridges. 

In  the  Maritime  Provinces  the  Appalachian  system  is  represented 
by  the  broken,  hilly  district  of  the  northwestern  part  of  New  Bruns- 
wick, where  the  general  elevation  over  considerable  tracts  of  country 
is  above  1,000  feet,  while  a  number  of  hills  rise  over  2,500  feet  above 
the  sea.  A  second  relatively  high  tract  in  this  province  borders  the 
Bay  of  Fundy,  and,  though  much  broken  in  its  westward  portion, 
forms  a  considerable  area  of  plateau-like  country,  with  a  general 
elevation  of  about  1,200  feet.  Lying  between  the  two  hilly  portions, 
a  very  large  part  of  New  Brunswick  has  a  mean  elevation  of  only  a 
few  hundred  feet,  and  the  same  is  true  of  Prince  Edward  Island  The 
higher  land  of  the  peninsula  of  Nova  Scotia  forms  a  central  ridge 
seldom  reaching  1,200  feet,  though,  in  what  may  be  regarded  as  its 
continuation,  in  the  island  of  Cape  Breton,  some  higher  points  attain 
an  altitude  of  1,500  feet. 

The  Appalachian  region,  though  essentially  a  broken,  often  rugged, 
hilly  country,  contains  many  fertile,  cultivated  districts.  Among 
these  may  be  mentioned  the  valleys  of  the  eastern  townships  of 
Quebec,  the  St.  John  River  Valley  of  New  Brunswick,  and  in  Nova 
Scotia  the  Annapolis-Cornwallis  Valley  that  parallels  the  Bay  of 
Fundy,    from  which   it   is  separated   by   the   long  ridge  of  North 


46  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Mountain.  Much  of  the  Appalachian  region  in  Canada  is,  however,  a 
forested  country,  traversed  by  swiftly  flowing  streams,  and,  in  parts 
of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick,  dotted  with  small  lakes. 


2.     THE  PROVINCE  OF  PRINCE  EDWARD  ISLAND' 

Prince  Edward  Island,  the  smallest  province  of  the  Dominion,  lies 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  is  separated  from  the 
mainland  of  New  Brunswick  and  Nova  Scotia  by  Northumberland 
Strait.  It  is  150  miles  in  length,  varies  in  width  from  four  to  thirty 
miles,  and  has  an  area  of  2,184  square  miles  or  1,397,991  acres,  nearly 
all  of  which  is  suitable  for  cultivation,  but  it  is  estimated  that  only  a 
little  more  than  half  of  this  area  is  actually  under  cultivation  in  field 
crops. 

Anyone  who  drives  through  the  island  along  the  country  roads 
must  be  impressed  with  the  appearance  of  prosperity  and  comfort 
everywhere.  The  farms  are  neat,  clean,  and  well  cultivated,  the 
houses  comfortable  and  homelike;  hedges  are  more  common  than  in 
any  other  part  of  Canada,  and  everything  looks  wonderfully  fresh  and 
green  except  when  covered  with  the  whiteness  of  winter  snows.  The 
soil  of  fields  and  roadways  is  red  and  contrasts  strongly  with  the  green 
of  the  grass,  trees,  and  hedges,  and  even  with  the  green  of  the  growing 
grains  and  vegetables. 

Prince  Edward  Island  is  distinctly  a  farmers'  and  fishermen's 
province.  The  island  has  no  mineral  resources.  Coal  is  believed  to 
exist  at  a  very  great  depth,  but  the  cost  of  getting  at  it  would  be  so 
great  as  to  make  mining  unprofitable  in  competition  with  the  coal  of 
Nova  Scotia.  There  are  few  manufacturing  industries,  and  those  that 
do  exist  are  closely  related  to  farm  production  and  the  fisheries,  such 
as  the  preparation  of  condensed  milk,  pork  packing,  starch  manufac- 
ture from  potatoes,  and  the  canning  of  lobsters. 

The  fisheries  are  important.  Lobsters  and  oysters  are  the 
greatest  source  of  revenue,  but  large  catches  of  cod,  hake,  haddock, 
herring,  and  mackerel  are  made.  There  are  210  lobster  canneries  in 
operation  in  this  province. 

'  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
Department  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  1015,  pp.  31-34.  Mr.  Griffin  is  Superin- 
tendent, Commercial  Intelligence  Service,  Department  of  Trade  and  Commerce. 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  47 

The  soil  of  Prince  Edward  Island  is  naturally  fertile,  and  the 
farmers  believe  that  when  exhausted  by  over-cropping  a  good  dressing 
of  the  mussel  mud  formed  by  the  decay  of  oyster,  clam,  and  mussel 
shells  in  all  the  bays  and  river  mouths  has  a  marvelous  effect  in 
restoring  fertility.  In  winter,  dredging  machines  are  placed  on  the 
ice  in  the  bays  and  dig  up  the  mud  for  use  as  a  fertilizer.  However, 
with  a  view  to  protection  of  the  oyster  beds,  the  Provincial  Government 
has  made  regulations  providing  that  no  dredging  shall  be  done  within 
200  yards  of  a  live  oyster  bed  and  then  only  when  a  fishery  inspector's 
permit  is  given. 

Oats,  potatoes,  and  hay  are  the  most  important  crops,  but  small 
quantities  of  wheat,  barley,  buckwheat,  beans,  and  peas  are  pro- 
duced. The  majority  of  farmers  pay  little  attention  to  fruit- 
growing. 

Fur  Farming.  The  most  interesting  feature  of  Prince  Edward  farm- 
ing at  the  present  time  is  the  breeding  of  fur-bearing  animals  and  espe- 
cially silver-black  foxes.  Some  years  ago  two  farmers  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  island,  noting  that  the  fur  of  the  Prince  Edward  Island 
silver-black  fox  commanded  higher  prices  than  any  other  fox  fur  on 
the  London  market,  entered  into  a  partnership  to  breed  foxes  in 
captivity.  The  stock  was  bred  from  Prince  Edward  Island  wild 
foxes  caught  in  traps  and  held  in  captivity  in  wire  inclosures.  The 
experiment  proved  a  great  success;  the  pelts  sold  at  prices  ranging 
from  $100  to  $2,000  each,  seldom  selling  for  less  than  $500  a  pelt,  and 
the  two  pioneers  amassed  large  fortunes  before  the  nature  of  their 
enterprise  became  widely  known.  Their  example  was  followed  by 
others,  and  it  was  soon  found  that  more  money  could  be  made  in 
selling  pups  for  breeding  purposes  than  in  selling  the  pelts.  The 
demand  for  silver  fox  pups  became  so  great  that  the  price  steadily 
increased,  and  at  the  time  the  great  war  broke  out  five  months'  old 
silver  fox  pups  of  the  best  Prince  Edward  Island  stock  were  selling 
at  from  $12,000  to  $16,000  per  pair,  and  old  stock  of  proved  fecundity 
realized  as  much  as  $35,000  per  pair.  When  the  pups  could  be 
bought  at  from  $1,000  to  $4,000  per  pair  a  number  of  farmers  started 
fox  ranches,  but  when  the  price  went  up  to  above  $10,000  it  became 
impossible  for  the  ordinary  farmer  individually  to  buy  foxes.  Then 
it  occurred  to  someone  to  organize  joint-stock  companies  for  fox- 
breeding  purposes.     In  April,  19 14,  there  were  in  Prince  Edward 

s 


48  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Island  194  limited  liability  joint-stock  companies  that  had  been 
organized  for  the  purpose  of  breeding  fur-bearing  animals,  chiefly 
silver-black  foxes.  These  companies  had  an  authorized  capital  of 
$31,232,700,  but  a  number  of  the  companies  have  not  yet  been 
floated,  and  probably  not  more  than  half  the  stock  has  been  actually 
issued.  A  large  proportion  of  the  farmers  of  Prince  Edward  Island 
are  said  to  have  invested  in  the  stock  of  fur-farming  companies. 
The  farmers  of  the  island  have  always  been  prosperous.  They  had 
large  sums  of  money  in  the  savings  banks,  and  the  huge  dividends 
paid  by  some  of  the  companies  induced  general  investment  in  stock 
of  fur-farming  companies.  Besides  the  joint-stock  companies  about 
three  hundred  individual  farmers  are  registered  as  having  ranches 
for  breeding  fur-bearing  animals. 

Very  few  silver  fox  pelts  have  been  sold  in  Prince  Edward  Island  in 
recent  years  owing  to  the  great  demand  for  breeding  stock,  but  it  is 
generally  agreed  that  as  the  silver  foxes  on  the  ranches  are  rapidly 
increasing  the  industry  will  come  down  to  a  pelt  basis  in  a  few  years. 
The  fox  reproduces  rapidly  and  conies  to  maturity  in  eight  months. 
In  19 14  some  breeders  estimated  that  it  cost  fifty  dollars  a  year  to 
feed  a  pair  of  foxes.  In  that  year  the  average  price  of  wild  silver 
fox  skins  in  London  was  about  two  hundred  dollars,  and  for  ranch 
foxes  such  as  are  found  with  the  best  ranchers,  twelve  hundred  dollars. 
Wild  silver  fox  skins  are  not  always  prime,  and  they  are  frequently 
shot,  chewed,  mangled,  and  poorly  dressed,  while  ranched  foxes  are 
usually  killed  when  their  fur  is  in  prime  condition.  The  highest 
price  ever  paid  at  the  London  sales  for  a  silver  fox  skin  was  $2,900. 
Prince  Edward  Island's  example  is  being  followed  in  other  provinces 
of  the  Dominion,  especially  in  the  other  Maritime  provinces. 

The  Population  of  the  Island.  The  population  of  Prince  Edward 
Island  at  the  census  of  191 1  was  93,728,  that  is  42 .91  per  square  mile, 
while  the  population  of  the  whole  Dominion  was  only  1.93  per 
square  mile.  But  while  Prince  Edward  Island  seems  quite  densely 
populated  compared  with  the  whole  Dominion  of  Canada,  the  popula- 
tion is  not  dense  compared  with  that  of  many  other  countries.  The 
state  of  Rhode  Island,  with  an  area  of  1,248  square  miles  compared 
with  Prince  Edward  Island's  area  of  2,184  square  miles,  had  a  popula- 
tion of  542,694  at  the  last  census.  Rhode  Island  is  a  manufacturing 
state,  but  we  may  compare  Prince  Edward  Island  with  the  islands 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  49 

of  Jersey  and  Guernsey  in  the  English  Channel,  which  are  purely  farm- 
ing and  fishing  communities.  Jersey  and  Guernsey  have  together  a 
little  over  93,000  people,  almost  exactly  the  same  population  as 
Prince  Edward  Island;  yet  their  combined  area  is  only  69!  square 
miles.  Prince  Edward  Island,  with  over  thirty-one  times  the  area 
of  Jersey  and  Guernsey  and  nearly  the  whole  of  its  area  very  fertile, 
with  a  climate  most  favorable  to  human  life  and  to  all  kinds  of  live 
stock,  with  fish  in  abundance  in  the  surrounding  sea  and  all  the 
bays  and  river  mouths,  might  have  a  population  of  over  three  millions 
and  yet  be  less  densely  populated  than  the  Channel  Islands.  It  is 
not  probable  that  Prince  Edward  Island  will  ever  be  so  densely 
populated  as  the  Channel  Islands,  but  this  comparison  will  make  it 
evident  that  there  are  still  possibilities  of  great  expansion  in  Canada's 
smallest  and  most  densely  populated  province. 

3.    AGRICULTURE  IN  NEW  BRUNSWICK1 

There  are  17,910,400  acres  of  land  in  the  province,  and  it  has  been 
estimated  by  experts  that  over  ten  million  acres  are  suitable  for 
agriculture.  Of  the  remaining  acreage  a  considerable  portion  could  be 
made  available  for  agriculture  by  drainage.  Millions  of  acres  still 
belong  to  the  Crown  and  can  be  obtained  by  settlers  as  free  grants. 
While  there  is  good  farm  land  in  every  county,  the  counties  having 
the  largest  areas  of  fertile  land  are  Carleton,  Victoria,  Madawaska, 
Restigouche,  King's,  and  Queen's.  The  recent  construction  of  rail- 
ways has  made  much  of  this  land  that  was  formerly  inaccessible 
available  for  settlement.  The  rivers  of  New  Brunswick  run  through 
tracts  of  low-lying  alluvial  land  of  remarkable  fertility,  sometimes 
extending  for  miles  back  from  the  river,  but  generally  less  than  a 
mile  wide.  These  low  lands,  which  are  called  intervals,  are  partly 
covered  with  water  in  the  spring.  Without  dyking  and  without 
manure  they  produce  great  crops  of  fine  hay  every  year.  When 
dyked  and  brought  under  cultivation  they  prove  to  be  remarkably 
fertile.  New  Brunswick  has  so  many  great  rivers  that  the  area  of 
intervals  is  extensive,  but  these  lands  are  usually  attached  to  upland 
farms.  The  Crown  permits  no  land  to  be  thrown  open  for  settle- 
ment unless  it  is  well  served  by  roads  and  is  adaptable  to  agriculture. 

1  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
Department  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  1915,  p.  55. 


50  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

4.     BAY  OF  FUNDY  TIDES1 

The  most  important  seafront  of  New  Brunswick  is  along  the  Bay 
of  Fundy,  for  this  great  inland  sea  gives  the  province  a  winter  port 
which  is  always  open.  The  Bay  of  Fundy,  which  almost  completely 
separates  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunwsick,  is  noted  the  world  over 
for  its  peculiar  tides,  which  are  generally  supposed  to  be  even  more 
extraordinary  than  they  really  are.  They  are  often  said  to  rise  as 
high  as  seventy  feet,  whereas  official  records  show  that  they  never 
exceed  fifty-five  feet  at  any  point  and  do  not  average  more  than  thirty 
feet.  The  highest  rise  is  along  the  the  Chignecto  Isthmus  and  in  the 
Basin  of  Minas  on  the  Nova  Scotia  side.  At  St.  John,  the  winter 
port  of  New  Brunswick,  the  spring  tide  is  twenty-seven  feet  and 
the  neap  tide  twenty-three  feet.  The  great  tidal  waves,  rushing  up 
the  rock-bound  bay,  turn  inward  wherever  they  find  an  opening  made 
by  a  river  and  ascend  its  channel  under  the  name  of  tide  bores,  so 
that  in  Nova  Scotia  river  beds  which  ordinarily  contain  nothing  but 
rivulets  are  full  of  water  at  flood  tide.  On  the  New  Brunswick  side 
the  rivers,  being  much  more  important,  do  not  dwindle  to  rivulets 
when  the  tide  is  out,  but  there  is  a  very  great  difference  in  the  volume 
of  water  near  their  mouths  at  high  and  low  tides.  When  the  tide  is 
out,  vast  muddy  flats  are  left  bare,  and  it  is  only  during  spring  tide 
that  they  are  entirely  covered.  Thousands  of  acres  of  these  marsh 
lands  near  the  river  mouths,  both  in  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick, 
have  been  reclaimed  by  dyking,  and  the  land  thus  made  available 
for  agriculture  is  of  extraordinary  fertility,  producing  astonishing 
crops  for  years  without  manure.  The  alluvial  mud  is  sometimes 
carried  to  the  uplands  to  be  used  as  manure. 

5.  FOREST  RESOURCES  OF  MARITIME  CANADA2 
It  is  estimated  that  in  Nova  Scotia  the  mainland  has  approxi- 
mately 9,000,000,000  feet  and  Cape  Breton  1,000,000,000  feet  of 
coniferous  timber  suitable  for  sawing.  This  timber  will  yield  about 
24,000,000  cords  of  pulpwood  of  which  10,000,000  cords  are  on  the 
mainland  and  14,000,000  cords  on  Cape  Breton.  In  addition,  there 
are  330,901  acres  of  hardwood  timber  on  the  mainland  and  195,968 
acres  on  the  island.     Forests  and  burnt-over  forest  areas  occupy 

1  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
Department  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  1915,  p.  53. 

aBy  Charles  C.  Colby. 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  51 

two-thirds  of  Nova  Scotia.  Most  of  these  lands  are  non-agricultural 
and  should  be  maintained  permanently  as  forests. 

Indiscriminate  cutting  and  forest  fires  have  so  decreased  the 
stands  of  white  pine  in  New  Brunswick  that  at  present  but  little  of 
this  lumber  is  produced.  The  second  growth  is  mainly  spruce  which 
with  the  original  stands  of  spruce  make  the  annual  cut  of  that  timber 
ten  times  as  great  as  that  of  pine.  Prince  Edward  Island  has  but 
small  areas  of  forest  because  most  of  it  is  cultivated. 

It  is  estimated  that  there  are  about  10,000  square  miles  of  timbered 
lands  in  Newfoundland.  Most  of  this  timber  is  in  the  valleys  of  the 
major  streams  and  about  the  ponds  and  lakes.  Spruce,  balsam, 
fir,  and  hemlock  form  the  basis  for  the  notable  development  of  paper 
manufacturing  which  has  occurred  since  1905.  British  companies 
operate  large  pulp  and  paper  mills  in  the  island  and,  in  1913,  pro- 
duced 17  per  cent,  and,  in  191 5,  45  per  cent  of  the  newsprint  paper 
used  in  England.  The  advantages  for  paper  manufacturing  in 
Newfoundland  are  that  (1)  timber  is  cheap  and  the  fiber  of  the  wood 
excellent,  (2)  the  timber  occurs  in  dense  stands,  (3)  the  topography 
and  drainage  make  it  easy  to  get  the  logs  to  the  mills,  (4)  most  of 
the  forests  are  near  the  sea,  (5)  the  ports  on  the  south  are  free  from 
ice  so  that,  in  contrast  to  the  St.  Lawrence  ports,  overseas  shipments 
can  be  made  throughout  the  year,  (6)  Newfoundland  is  much  nearer 
the  British  markets  than  Canada  or  the  United  States,  and  (7)  labor 
is  plentiful  and,  compared  with  Canada  and  the  United  States, 
moderately  cheap  in  price.  The  cheapness  of  labor  is  due  to  the 
absence  of  competing  industries,  to  the  existence  of  a  pioneer  scale  of 
living,  and  to  the  fact  that  the  fishermen  are  employed  in  the  logging 
camps  during  their  off  season. 

6.    THE  APPLE  INDUSTRY  IN  NOVA  SCOTIA' 

Apple  orchards  in  Nova  Scotia  are  what  orange  and  lemon  groves 
are  in  California — a  staple  industry  known  far  and  wide  and  a  lode- 
stone  to  attract  desirable  settlers.  At  present  the  Annapolis-Cornwallis 
Valley  is  considered  the  most  suitable  region  for  apple  growing,  but 
the  Provincial  Government  has  shown  by  practical  experiment  that 
other   parts   of   the  province   are   likely  to   claim  attention.     The 

1  Adapted  from  Natural  Resources  of  Nova  Scotia,  Natural  Resources  Intelli- 
gence Branch,  Department  of  the  Interior  of  Canada,  1920,  pp.  39-40. 


52  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

danger  in  certain  districts  lies  in  late  spring  frosts  and  in  unusually 
severe  winters.  As  the  citrus  fruit  industry  in  Florida  or  California 
grows  in  spite  of  an  occasional  year  of  killing  frost,  Nova  Scotia  can  well 
afford  on  rare  occasions  to  lose  a  percentage  of  its  crop  as  in  the 
windstorm  of  August  10,  191 7.  The  record  year  was  191 1  when 
1,734,000  barrels  were  packed  and  sold  from  the  Annapolis  Valley 
and  neighbourhood  alone.  In  "off  years"  the  pack  may  fall  to  one- 
half  of  the  above  figure. 

The  United  Fruit  Company  of  Nova  Scotia  embraces  forty 
co-operative  fruit  companies  and  does  most  necessary  work  in  market 
ing  and  regulating  shipments,  and  in  buying  fertilizer  and  implements 
wholesale.  In  1914  one  cent  a  pound  covered  every  expense  after 
picking  to  delivery  at  the  London  docks. 

The  principal  market  is  Great  Britain,  but  South  Africa  took 
10,000  barrels  in  1914,  and  a  South  American  market  is  claiming 
attention. 

Nova  Scotia  as  a  province  has  won  the  gold  medal  of  the  Royal 
Horticultural  Society  for  apples  in  competition  with  other  parts  of 
the  Empire,  while  individual  exhibits  at  the  same  time  took  fourteen 
medals. 

The  Annapolis  Valley — "The  Garden  of  Nova  Scotia" — stretches 
for  seventy  miles  from  the  head  of  Annapolis  basin  to  the  Bay  of 
Minas  with  a  varying  width  of  from  10  to  15  miles.  North  Mountain, 
lying  along  the  Bay  of  Fundy  from  Cape  Blomidon  southwest  to 
Brier  Island,  forms  a  barrier  that  shelters  it  from  the  northwest  winds 
and  fogs,  and  parallel  to  this  is  South  Mountain  on  the  other  side  of 
the  valley.  Of  the  enclosed  valley  area  only  about  one-tenth  is  under 
cultivation.  The  price  of  land  varies  from  $60  per  acre  to  $200  for  a 
six-year-old  orchard  and  $1,000  for  one  in  full  bearing.  As  in  other 
parts  first  settled  by  the  French,  the  farms  are  usually  in  narrow 
strips  of  from  20  to  120  acres,  having  meadow  hay  land  in  the  bottom, 
orchard  land  midway,  pasture  and  wood  above. 

A  full-bearing  orchard  of  ten  acres  should  provide  ample  work 
for  a  settler  and  a  fair  living,  but  adjoining  land  for  mixed  farming  is 
a  comforting  possession  in  an  "off  year."  Even  in  the  special  fruit- 
growing areas  mixed  farming  is  recommended  as  an  adjunct  to  the 
orchard,  for,  though  it  is  possible  to  maintain  fertility  by  the  ploughing 
under  of  green  crops  and  by  commercial  fertilizers,  real  stability  is 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  53 

best  obtained  by  catch  crops  such  as  potatoes,  beans,  roots,  or  flax. 
Farmers  with  the  live  stock  necessary  to  keep  the  land  in  good  shape 
for  such  crops  weather  best  a  lean  fruit  year  and  have,  to  boot,  the 
more  fertile  soil. 

7.     SEA-FISHERIES  OF  EASTERN  CANADA1 

The  fisheries  of  Eastern  Canada  at  the  present  time  fall  thus  into 
two  distinct  divisions,  the  deep-sea  and  the  in-shore  or  coastal  fisheries. 
The  in-shore  fishery  is  the  more  important  of  the  two,  inasmuch  as 
it  employs  about  eight  men  for  one  that  is  employed  in  the  deep-sea 
fishery.  It  is  carried  on  in  boats  carrying  two  or  three  men,  and  at  a 
distance  of  from  one  to  five  miles  from  the  shore.  A  small  class  of 
vessels,  carrying  four  to  seven  men,  is  also  used  on  the  nearer  "banks" 
lying  twelve  to  fifteen  miles  out;  while  many  fixed  fishing  contriv- 
ances, such  as  traps,  drag-seines,  and  weirs,  are  operated  from  the 
shore.  Boats  engaged  in  the  hook-and-line  fishery  leave  harbour 
about  daybreak  and  return  in  the  course  of  the  afternoon,  while 
vessels  of  the  small  class  remain  two  days  and  sometimes  a  week  on 
the  fishing  grounds  before  returning  to  harbour. 

The  kinds  of  fish  taken  from  the  in-shore  waters  are  cod,  hake, 
haddock,  pollock,  halibut,  herring,  mackerel,  shad,  alewives,  smelts, 
flounders,  swordfish,  sardines,  salmon,  lobsters,  oysters,  and  clams. 
Herring  is  the  chief  baitfish  used  in  fine  fishing;  but  when  these  are 
scarce,  clams  are  largely  used  as  a  substitute.  Squid,  a  kind  of 
cuttlefish,  when  obtainable,  is  a  favourite  bait. 

The  deep-sea  or  bank  fishery  is  pursued  in  substantial  fore-and- 
aft  rigged  sailing  vessels  of  from  60  to  100  tons,  carrying  crews  of 
from  12  to  20  men.  Operations  are  conducted  on  the  many  shallow 
stretches  known  as  "banks"  which  lie  between  the  outer  edge  of 
the  in-shore  area  and  the  deeper  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  ranging  from 
the  "Grand  Bank"  lying  southward  of  Newfoundland  to  "Browns 
Bank"  off  the  western  end  of  Nova  Scotia,  also  on  the  many  banks 
in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  around  the  Magdalen  Islands,  and 
between  Cape  Breton  and  Newfoundland.  The  fish  are  split  and 
salted  down  in  the  hold  of  the  vessels  at  the  end  of  each  day's  fishing, 

1  Adapted  from  J.J.  Cowie,  Sea-Fisheries  of  Eastern  Canada,  Commission  of 
Conservation  of  Canada,  1912,  pp.  97-109.  In  1912  Mr.  Cowie  was  connected 
with  the  department  of  Marine  and  Fisheries. 


54  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  when  the  hold  is  full,  or  the  supply  of  salt  gives  out,  the  anchor 
is  hove  up,  and  a  course  shaped  for  the  land.  The  kind  of  fish  taken 
by  vessels  on  the  off-shore  grounds  are  cod,  haddock,  hake,  and 
halibut. 

Of  all  branches  of  the  fisheries  of  the  east,  the  most  important 
is  the  cod  fishery,  and  so  far  as  money  value  is  concerned,  it  remains 
the  leading  branch  of  the  Atlantic  coast  fisheries.  The  counties 
along  the  south  shore  of  Nova  Scotia  produce  the  largest  quantities 
of  this  fish;  but  the  majority  of  the  fishermen  of  this  district  give  their 
whole  time  and  attention  to  fishing,  and  are  in  possession  of  a  fine 
type  of  fishing  boat.  These  facts  account  for  their  success  in  this 
as  in  other  branches  of  the  industry. 

Of  all  the  cod-fishing  waters  of  Eastern  Canada,  probably  the 
most  prolific  are  those  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  around  the  Mag- 
dalen Islands,  on  the  north  and  east  coasts  of  Prince  Edward  Island, 
the  north  coast  of  Cape  Breton  and  in  Chaleur  Bay.  In  addition  to 
this,  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  are  rendered  exceptionally  advantageous 
for  fish-drying,  owing  to  their  immunity  from  the  fogs  that  sweep  in 
upon  the  southern  or  Atlantic  coast  of  Nova  Scotia;  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  but  for  the  inferior  type  of  boat  used,  and  the  fact  that 
many  of  the  fishermen  around  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  cease  operations 
during  the  very  height  of  the  season  to  attend  to  the  work  of  the 
farm,  the  value  of  the  cod  fishery  of  that  portion  of  our  coasts  could 
be  enormously  increased. 

The  catches  of  both  the  in-shore  and  the  off-shore  fishermen  are 
mostly  all  split  and  salted  for  drying  purposes.  There  is  a  vast 
difference,  however,  between  the  dried  products  of  the  two  modes  of 
fishing.  Cod  that  is  split  on  board  of  a  deep-sea  vessel  is  heavily 
salted,  in  order  to  preserve  it  during  the  fishing  voyage,  which  some- 
times lasts  a  couple  of  months;  and  being  so  thoroughly  impregnated 
with  salt,  it  does  not  make  good  dried  fish,  but  is  apt  to  become 
slimy  when  transported  to  hot  climates.  On  the  other  hand,  in-shore 
fish  are  landed  daily,  split,  and  placed  in  salt  for  a  short  time  only, 
then  dried.  The  curing  is,  therefore,  due  less  to  the  salt  than  to  the 
action  of  the  sun  and  air,  so  that  fish  cured  in  this  manner  may  be 
safely  exported  to  hot  climates  and  stored  there  without  deteriorating. 
To  overcome  the  difficulty,  caused  by  the  frequent  presence  of  fog 
on  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  on  the  southern  shores  of  Nova 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  55 

Scotia,  drying  by  artificial  means  has  been  resorted  to.  This  consists 
of  a  system  of  steam  or  hot  water  piping,  over  which  are  placed  trays 
containing  the  fish.  They  are  there  submitted  to  a  temperature  of 
90  to  95  degrees  Fahrenheit  for  a  few  hours,  and  when  thoroughly 
warmed,  alternate  currents  of  cool  and  warm  air  are  forced  over  and 
under  them,  the  moisture  being  meantime  carried  off  by  suitable 
ventilators.  Drying  by  this  process  is  accomplished  in  about  forty- 
eight  hours,  as  against  three  weeks  by  the  sun  and  air  process. 

The  chief  markets  for  dried  cod  are  found  in  Italy,  Spain,  Portugal, 
Brazil,  the  West  Indies,  and  the  United  States.  The  largest  and 
best  fish  are  sent  to  Europe  and  Brazil;  and  the  inferior  kinds  to  the 
West  Indies.  The  total  value  of  cod  taken  by  the  fishermen  of 
Eastern  Canada  during  the  year  1909-10  amounted  to  $3,847,844. 

Haddock,  hake,  and  pollock  are  taken  largely  by  the  in-shore 
fishermen  while  fishing  for  cod. 

Haddock  are  abundant  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  in  the  waters  along 
the  whole  Atlantic  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  in  the  southern  portions 
of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence;  but  they  do  not  frequent  the  northern 
shore  of  the  Gulf.  The  chief  haddock  season  occurs  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  year,  at  which  time  the  fish  swarm  into  the  bays  and 
harbours  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick,  when  great  catches  of 
them  are  made  by  boat  fishermen.  In  the  spring  and  summer, 
haddock  are  mostly  split  and  dried,  and  are  marketed  chiefly  in 
the  West  Indies.  In  the  fall  and  early  winter,  the  catches  are  mostly 
shipped  in  a  fresh  state  or  as  smoked  finnan  haddies  to  the  inland 
towns  and  cities  of  Canada.  The  value  of  the  haddock  catch  in  1910 
amounted  to  $829,553,  seven-eighths  of  which  was  produced  by 
Nova  Scotia. 

Halibut  are  usually  found  wherever  cod  are  met  with.  The 
fishery  is  not,  as  a  rule,  prosecuted  as  a  distinct  one,  the  fish  being 
taken  in  considerable  quantities  by  the  cod  fishermen.  These  fish 
generally  inhabit  deep  gullies  near  the  shore  or  between  the  "banks." 

The  annual  catch  of  halibut  has  not  increased  in  the  course  of  the 
last  twenty-five  years;  but  being  a  fish  that  is  consumed  fresh,  its 
value  has  in  recent  years  been  enhanced  considerably  by  means  of 
improved  facilities  for  transporting  it  to  inland  centers  of  population. 
At  one  time  fishermen,  when  anxiously  fishing  for  cod,  looked  upon 
the  halibut  as  a  pest;  now  it  is  commonly  worth  eight  to  ten  cents  a 


56  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

pound  as  it  comes  from  the  water.  There  were  14,970  cwt.,  valued 
at  $153,400,  taken  in  the  year  1910,  about  six-sevenths  of  which  was 
taken  by  Nova  Scotia  fishermen. 

Although  the  herring  fishery  falls  below  some  others  in  money 
value,  it  is  in  some  respects  the  most  important  of  all  the  Eastern 
Canadian  fisheries,  inasmuch  as  the  success  or  failure  of  the  great 
hook-and-line  fishers  depends  to  a  great  extent  on  the  abundance 
or  scarcity  of  the  supply  of  herring  for  baiting  purposes. 

In  the  spring  of  each  year,  without  fail,  large  masses  of  herring 
move  close  in  to  the  shore,  and  are  literally  washed  up  on  the  beaches, 
in  many  parts  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  especially.  The  mode  of 
capture  is  by  fixed  trap  and  gill  nets  set  close  to  the  shore,  and,  so 
long  as  the  mass  of  fish  remains  in-shore,  large  quantities  are  taken. 
The  spring  herring  is  poor  in  quality;  but  it  provides  an  abundant 
supply  of  fresh  bait  for  the  cod  fishing  fleet  in  its  first  voyage  to  the 
"banks,"  while  much  of  it  is  salted  and  stored  for  bating  lobster 
traps  throughout  the  lobster-fishing  season.  In  the  summer  and 
fall,  herring  of  an  extremely  fine  quality  abound;  but  they  do  not 
come  so  near  the  shore  as  in  the  spring,  and,  as  a  consequence  of  the 
use  of  the  same  fixed  fishing  gear,  the  summer  catch  is  a  small  one. 
Thus,  not  only  are  the  operations  of  the  great  cod  fishing  fleet  seriously 
hampered  for  want  of  a  steady  supply  of  bait  when  most  needed,  but 
only  an  insignificant  quantity  of  this  summer  herring  of  unsurpassed 
quality  is  prepared  for  consumption  as  food. 

It  has  been  demonstrated  by  an  experiment  conducted  by  myself, 
that,  by  the  use  of  what  are  known  as  drift  nets  such  as  are  used  in 
the  British  herring  fisheries,  abundant  supplies  can  be  secured  through 
all  the  summer  months,  ten,  twenty  or  thirty  miles  from  shore;  and 
if  our  fishermen  could  only  be  prevailed  upon  generally  to  adopt  similar 
methods,  a  large  increase  in  the  value  of  this  fishery  would  be  insured. 

The  total  value  of  herring  fishery  of  Eastern  Canada  in  1910 
amounted  to  $1,702,493;  but  it  has  to  be  recorded  that  twenty-five 
years  earlier  the  value  obtained  from  this  fishery  by  the  four  eastern 
provinces  amounted  to  $2,016,019. 

In  the  light  of  the  extreme  abundance  of  herring  on  the  Atlantic 
coasts,  it  is  to  be  deplored  that  this  branch  of  the  fisheries  is  as 
yet  practically  undeveloped.  Of  the  comparatively  small  proportion 
of  the  annual  herring  catch  that  is  smoked  and  cured  in  pickle,  part 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  57 

is  consumed  in  Canada  and  part  exported  to  the  United  States  and 
the  West  Indies;  but  owing  to  careless  packing  and  badly  made 
barrels,  the  price  obtained  is  not  such  as  to  induce  those  engaged  in 
the  business  to  increase  the  output. 

Since  1908,  steam  trawling,  the  latest  and  most  successful  mode 
of  capturing  large  quantities  of  fish  ever  put  into  operation,  has  been 
tried  in  a  small  way  on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia.  This  method  con- 
sists in  the  dragging,  by  a  steam  vessel,  of  a  strong,  bag-shaped  net 
over  the  sea-bottom,  for  the  capture  of  all  kinds  of  fish. 

It  is  a  fact  that  wherever  this  style  of  fishing  has  been  introduced, 
it  has  been  denounced  in  the  most  decided  manner  by  fishermen  who 
use  hooks  and  lines.  They,  not  unnaturally,  fear,  firstly,  the  effects 
on  the  fresh-fish  markets  of  the  greater  catching  power  of  the  trawler; 
secondly,  the  depletion  of  the  in-shore  fishing  areas  by  over-fishing, 
and  lastly,  the  possible  destruction  of  their  fishing  gear  by  the  sweep 
of  the  trawler's  net. 

Trawling  is  an  expensive  mode  of  fishing,  and  requires  a  large 
and  ready  outlet  for  all  kinds  of  fish  in  their  fresh  state,  at  good  prices, 
the  price  of  salt  fish  being  generally  too  low  to  permit  of  profitable 
working  for  that  trade  alone.  There  is,  therefore,  some  reason  for 
the  fears  recently  expressed  by  Canadian  line  fishermen  that  a  rapid 
development  of  this  mode  of  fishing  would  so  continually  over-supply 
the,  as  yet  limited,  though  growing,  fresh -fish  markets  of  Canada  as 
to  render  both  line  and  trawl  fishing  unremunerative. 

With  the  increasing  application  of  modern  methods,  arises  the 
question:  Will  the  vaunted  abundance  of  fish  in  Canadian  waters 
remain  unaffected  ?  This  question  can  be  only  answered  by  a  study 
of  the  records  of  the  fisheries  of  European  waters,  where  steam  trawling 
has  been  carried  on  so  long,  and  where  the  fleets  are  so  large.  There, 
in  the  comparatively  narrow  North  Sea,  what  would  in  Canada  be 
called  excessive  fishing  to  a  superlative  degree  goes  on  from  January 
to  December,  year  in  year  out,  by  an  immense  fleet  of  trawling  and 
other  steam  vessels  without  let  or  hindrance  except  within  the  three- 
mile  limit . 

I  would  merely  point  out  here,  that  climatic  conditions  in  Cana- 
dian waters  provide  a  natural  protection  against  depletion.  For 
three  or  four  months  in  each  year  there  is  an  enforced  close  time, 
during  which  little  or  no  fishing  takes  place,  and  during  which  even 


58  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

the  operations  of  steam  trawlers  would  be  brought  to  a  standstill, 
owing  to  the  severity  of  the  weather.  Indeed,  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence— that  immense  fish-breeding  area — is  virtually  closed  to  fishing 
from  December  to  May,  which  period,  mark  you,  covers  the  spawning 
season  for  cod,  haddock,  hake,  and  such  fish. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  to  convince 
the  government  of  France  as  to  the  alleged  ruin  the  method  works  on 
the  "banks,"  I  do  not  see  how  trawling  can  be  totally  prohibited  on 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic;  I  would,  however,  heartily  welcome  some 
international  arrangement  whereby  trawling  might  be  prohibited 
within  at  least  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  of  the  shore,  and  regulated  for 
the  benefit  of  the  thousands  who  depend  for  their  livelihood  on 
what  the  baited  hook  captures. 

8.    MARKETING  SEA  FISH  IN  CANADA' 

It  was  not  until  1906  that  any  organized  effort  was  made  by 
Canadian  interests  to  supply  the  markets  of  Ontario  and  Quebec 
with  fresh  sea  fish.  This  was  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  such  impor- 
tant American  fishing  ports  as  Portland,  Gloucester,  and  Boston 
were  considerably  closer  to  Montreal,  Toronto,  and  other  centers 
in  Ontario  than  are  Halifax  and  Mulgrave.  This  gave  American 
shippers  the  advantage  of  better  express  and  freight  rates  which 
enabled  them  to  overcome  the  duty  of  one-half  cent  (later  raised  to 
one  cent)  a  pound.  Not  only  that,  but  the  Canadian  Atlantic 
fisheries  were  carried  on,  for  the  most  part,  during  the  summer  months 
only.  This  made  the  shipment  of  fresh  fish,  except  in  refrigerator 
cars,  all  but  impossible.  Consequently,  the  dealers  in  central 
Canadian  cities  found  it  to  their  advantage  to  secure  fresh  fish  from 
American  ports  where  the  service  was  steady  and  reliable. 

In  1906,  however,  certain  Nova  Scotia  fish  dealers  made  arrange- 
ments with  the  railway  companies  for  a  Saturday  cold  storage  car 
between  Mulgrave  and  Montreal.  This  service  is  still  in  operation 
and  has  marketed  large  quantities  of  fresh  fish  in  Quebec  and  Ontario. 
In  September,  1907,  the  Department  of  Marine  and  Fisheries  entered 

1  Adapted  from  Allan  Donnell,  "The  Canadian  Fresh  Sea  Fish  Trade,"  Sixth 
Annual  Report,  Commission  of  Conservation  of  Canada,  1915,  pp.  180-82.  Mr. 
Donnell  was  assistant  editor  of  the  Commission  of  Conservation  in  1915. 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  59 

into  agreements  with  the  Intercolonial  and  the  Halifax  and  South- 
western railways,  which  provided  for  the  attachment  of  refrigerator 
cars  for  fish  to  the  fast  freight  trains  leaving  Halifax  on  Saturdays  and 
Mulgrave  on  Mondays  for  Montreal.  This  service  was  undertaken 
on  the  understanding  that  the  Department  guaranteed  the  railways 
that,  on  each  trip  west,  these  cars  would  earn  at  least  two-thirds  of 
the  regular  charge  on  carload  lots  of  30,000  lbs.,  in  addition  to  cost 
of  icing  at  minimum  carload  rates.  This  freight  service  guarantee 
cost  the  Department  $208.37  during  the  fiscal  year  1907-8.  The  fol- 
lowing year,  the  first  full  year  that  the  plan  was  in  operation,  it  cost 
$1,943.89.  In  1909-10  the  guarantee  was  reduced  to  $481.29, 
after  which  the  service  became  self-sustaining.  Since  191 1,  however, 
it  has  not  been  much  used  from  Halifax,  as  the  express  service  meets 
the  requirements  of  that  point  better. 

A  freight  service  is  likely  to  be  slow  and  uncertain  and,  to  offset 
this,  the  Department,  in  the  spring  of  1908,  arranged  for  an  express 
service.  This  arrangement  provided  for  a  refrigerator  car  to  be 
attached  to  the  Marine  express  one  day  a  week,  to  transport  fish  to 
Montreal,  at  a  rate  of  $1 .00  per  100  lbs.  from  Halifax  and  $1 .05  per 
100  lbs.  from  Mulgrave.  The  service  did  not  prove  popular,  how- 
ever, and  was  soon  discontinued.  Its  failure  was  probably  due  in 
part  to  the  fact  that  it  was  limited  to  one  day  a  week,  as  well  as  to 
the  necessity  for  the  consignee  taking  charge  of  shipments  at  the  car. 
In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  new  arrangements  were  made  with 
the  express  companies  whereby  one-third  of  the  charges  on  shipments 
to  points  as  far  west  as  the  eastern  boundary  of  Manitoba  were  to 
be  met  by  the  Department.  This  gave  a  rate  of  $1 .00  per  100  lbs. 
from  Halifax  and  Mulgrave  to  Montreal.  The  plan  proved  to  be 
very  successful  and  resulted  in  great  increases  in  the  sales  of  Canadian 
fresh  sea  fish  in  Ontario  and  Quebec.  Coincident  with  this  there 
was  a  decided  falling  off  in  the  imports  of  fresh  fish  from  the  United 
States  into  these  p-ovinces.  Thus,  in  1906,  the  imports  in  question 
amounted  to  1,968,572  lbs.,  in  1908  they  had  fallen  to  1,180,543  lbs., 
and,  in  1910,  to  761,569  lbs. 

It  is  obvious,  however,  that  the  ordinary  express  service,  when 
used  for  the  transportation  of  fresh  fish,  has  distinct  limitations. 
Hot  weather  in  summer  and  the  fact  that  the  regular  cars  are  arti- 
ficially heated  in  winter  tend  to  make  them  unsafe  for  such  a  purpose. 


60  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Refrigerator  cars  are  not  only  an  advantage  but  practically  a  necessity. 
Last  year  a  limited  refrigerator  express  service  from  the  Maritime 
Provinces  to  Montreal  was  inaugurated.  A  refrigerator  express  car 
leaves  Mulgrave  every  Saturday,  and  shipments  from  Halifax  are 
consolidated  in  this  car  at  Truro.  In  addition  to  paying  one-third 
of  the  ordinary  express  charges  on  shipments  forwarded  in  this  car, 
the  Department  has  guaranteed  the  express  companies  that  the 
earnings  per  trip  will,  at  least,  aggregate  the  charges  on  10,000  lbs. 
The  fresh  fish  trade  of  the  Pacific  coast  is  also  expanding  rapidly, 
the  halibut  trade  being  in  an  especially  thriving  condition.  Credit 
for  this  is  probably  partly  due  to  the  requirements  of  the  American 
markets.  The  growing  scarcity  of  halibut,  coupled  with  the  difficulty 
of  securing  winter  supplies  on  the  stormy  Atlantic  coast,  led  certain 
New  England  fishery  interests  to  attempt  the  exploitation  of  the  hali- 
but fisheries  near  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  off  the  British  Columbia 
coast.  This  fishery  is  now  one  of  the  most  flourishing  halibut  fisheries 
in  the  world.  The  opening  of  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  Railway  will 
enlarge  the  market,  and  it  is  of  interest  to  note  that  the  first  carload 
of  halibut  from  Prince  Rupert,  over  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific,  reached 
Toronto  the  first  week  in  October,  19 14.  An  extensive  carload-lot 
trade  is  being  carried  on  with  Toronto  and  Montreal  and,  to  a  less 
extent,  with  Calgary  and  Winnipeg.  These  latter  shipments,  of 
course,  do  not  cost  the  Department  anything. 

9.     THE  RELATION  OF  COAL  TO  INDUSTRY  AND  COMMERCE 

IN  NOVA  SCOTIA1 

Nova  Scotia  has  the  only  coal  yet  discovered  on  the  Atlantic  sea- 
board of  America.  The  coal  is  bituminous,  of  good  quality,  some  of 
the  seams  being  particularly  suited  for  steam-making  and  for  the 
manufacture  of  coke  for  blast  furnace  use,  while  others  are  better 
adapted  to  the  production  of  gas.  There  are  extensive  beds  of  coal 
with  seams  of  great  thickness  on  both  the  eastern  and  western  coasts 
of  Cape  Breton  Island,  in  the  central  county  of  Pictou  and  in  Cumber- 
land County  at  the  extreme  west  of  the  province.  Mining  operations 
are  carried  on  in  each  of  these  sections,  so  that  there  are  mines 
convenient  not  only  to  all  parts  of  the  province  of  Nova  Scotia  but 

■  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
pp.  39-44- 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  6 1 

also  to  Prince  Edward  Island  and  New  Brunswick,  while  in  summer 
shipments  can  be  made  from  all  the  mines  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
River  to  the  Province  of  Quebec.  During  the  year  1913  the  produc- 
tion of  coal  in  Nova  Scotia  was  7,203,913  tons,  of  which  3,341,768  tons 
were  consumed  in  the  Maritime  Provinces  of  Canada,  210,544  tons  in 
New  Foundland,  2,193,228  tons  in  Quebec  Province,  21,391  tons  by 
time  chartered  boats,  234,177  tons  for  bunkering,  468,090  tons  in  the 
United  States,  and  the  remainder  in  other  countries. 

Manufacturing  Industries.  The  sales  of  Nova  Scotia  coal  for 
consumption  in  the  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  have  increased  86  per 
cent  within  ten  years.  This  great  increase  in  local  consumption  is 
due  to  the  recent  development  of  manufacturing  industries.  Not 
many  years  ago  the  province  had  very  few  manufactures.  Now 
there  are  about  1,500  manufacturing  establishments  with  nearly 
30,000  employees. 

The  greatest  of  the  industries  is  the  manufacture  of  iron  and 
steel.  British  success  in  supplying  foreign  markets  with  iron  and 
steel  has  been  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  United  Kingdom  had 
extensive  supplies  of  coal  and  iron  ore  close  to  the  seaboard  and 
could  get  supplies  of  iron  ore  conveniently  from  other  countries,  while 
the  geographical  position  of  the  country  is  favourable  to  a  world-wide 
commerce.  Nowhere  else  can  conditions  be  found  more  nearly 
similar  than  in  the  Canadian  island  of  Cape  Breton.  Coal  is  very 
widely  distributed  in  Cape  Breton,  but  the  most  valuable  seams  are 
those  included  in  the  coal  field  of  Sydney,  extending  from  Mira  Bay 
on  the  east  to  Cape  Dauphin  on  the  west,  a  distance  of  31  miles,  and 
occupying  a  land  area  of  over  200  square  miles,  besides  extensive 
submarine  areas.  The  greater  part  of  these  coal  areas  are  controlled 
by  the  Dominion  Steel  and  Coal  Company  and  the  Nova  Scotia 
Steel  and  Coal  Company,  the  former  now  operating  seventeen 
collieries  and  the  latter  five  collieries. 

In  considering  the  future  prospects  of  iron  and  steel  manufacture 
in  Cape  Breton  the  first  factors  to  be  taken  into  account  are  the  char- 
acter and  extent  of  the  raw  materials,  iron  ore,  limestone  and  fuel, 
their  distance  from  each  other  and  the  means  of  transportation.  The 
supplies  of  coal  and  limestone  for  the  Cape  Breton  blast  furnaces  are 
close  at  hand,  but  the  iron  ore  is  brought  from  Great  Bell  Island  in 
Conception  Bay  off  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  about  400  miles  from 


62  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Sydney  harbour.  English  mining  engineers  have  estimated  that 
there  is  enough  ore  in  the  areas  already  opened  up  by  the  Dominion 
Steel  Company  to  supply  a  plant  larger  than  that  now  in  existence 
at  Sydney  for  over  a  hundred  years  and  there  are  other  areas  belonging 
to  the  company  which,  if  the  seams  are  continuous  as  is  supposed, 
would  in  their  opinion  probably  yield  a  much  larger  quantity  of  ore 
than  the  areas  now  being  worked.  The  ore  has  a  good  percentage 
of  iron.  It  is  low  in  sulphur  but  rather  high  in  phosphorus.  It  can 
be  mined  very  cheaply  and  as  the  mines  are  close  to  deep-water  docks, 
while  the  blast  furnaces  are  on  the  water  front  of  Sydney  harbour 
with  deep-water  docks  at  hand  it  is  claimed  that  the  iron  ore  can 
be  delivered  at  the  furnace  at  lower  cost  than  at  any  other  blast 
furnaces  in  America  except  in  the  state  of  Alabama  where  iron  ore 
and  coal  lie  near  together. 

In  converting  coal  into  coke  for  use  in  the  blast  furnaces  at 
Sydney  by-product  ovens  are  used,  and  in  addition  to  obtaining  large 
quantities  of  gas  for  use  at  the  works,  tar  and  ammonium  sulphate 
are  recovered.  There  is  a  good  market  for  the  sulphate  of  ammonia 
on  the  sugar  plantations  of  the  West  Indies.  From  the  tar  by  dis- 
tillation pitch,  light  volatile  oils,  creosote,  carbolic  acid  and  benzol 
are  obtained. 

Commercial  Position  of  Cape  Breton.  It  is  an  extraordinary 
fact  that  the  harbours  of  Sydney  and  Louisburg,  while  more  than 
2,200  miles  nearer  to  Liverpool  than  Mobile  and  New  Orleans,  the 
nearest  ports  to  the  southern  blast  furnaces  are  at  the  same  time, 
about  600  miles  nearer  Pernambuco,  Rio  Janeiro,  and  Buenos  Ayres, 
and  about  900  miles  nearer  to  Cape  Town,  South  Africa.  Ham- 
shaped  South  America  lies  far  to  the  east  of  North  America,  while 
New  Orleans,  Mobile  and  other  ports  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  are  a  long 
distance  west  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Moreover,  ships  from  southern 
ports  of  the  United  States  cannot  take  a  direct  route  because  they 
have  to  steer  clear  of  the  West  Indies  Islands.  Cape  Breton,  jutting 
far  eastward  into  the  Atlantic,  is  much  nearer  to  a  direct  line  drawn 
north  from  the  east  coast  of  South  America  than  the  ports  of  the 
United  States. 

In  considering  Sydney's  advantages  as  a  steel  and  coal  center  in 
comparison  with  other  localities  in  America,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  coal  mines  and  steel  works  of  the  United  States  are  not  near 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  63 

the  sea  coast,  and  their  products  must  be  carried  hundreds  of  miles 
by  rail  to  reach  a  port. 

10.    MANUFACTURING  IN  NOVA  SCOTIA1 

Of  the  21,306  manufacturing  establishments  in  Canada  in  19 15 
Nova  Scotia,  ranking  fourth  among  the  provinces,  was  credited  with 
968,  distributed  among  86  industries.  The  capital  invested  was 
$126,539,183  and  the  employees  were  33,581.  The  falling-off  from 
the  1480  in  1910  was  due  to  the  inactivity  in  the  lumber  trade  and  the 
closing  of  568  sawmills,  a  state  of  things  now  greatly  changed  during 
the  period  of  reconstruction.  The  government  of  Great  Britain 
alone  expects  to  build  1,600,000  houses  in  the  next  ten  years,  the 
wood  for  which  will  have  to  be  imported. 

Of  the  Nova  Scotia  manufacturing  plants,  those  with  a  product 
value  exceeding  a  million  dollars  were: 

Value  of  Products 

Iron  and  steel  products $10,087,013 

Railway  cars  and  car  works 6,457,279 

Fish  (preserved) 4,436,413 

Logs,  lumber  products 3,418,921 

Bread,  biscuits,  etc 2,670,459 

House  building i»359.56o 

Electric  light  and  power 1,192,825 

Note. — The  iron  and  steel  industry  in  the  year  1915  owed  an  increase  of  more  than  five 
millions  to  the  war,  and  car  products  more  than  a  million. 

Apart  from  the  steel  and  iron  manufactures  centered  in  Cape 
Breton  Island  and  Pictou  County,  where  the  proximity  of  iron  and 
coal  insures  a  busy  future,  the  chief  industrial  towns  are  Halifax 
(including  Dartmouth),  Truro,  and  Amherst.  In  these  centers  the 
main  industries  are  chocolate,  biscuits,  and  confectionery,  office  and 
other  furniture,  textiles  and  clothing,  hats  and  caps,  condensed  milk 
paint,  railway  cars,  oil  and  sugar  refining. 

The  physical  position  of  Nova  Scotia,  generally,  offers  great 
inducements  to  the  industrial  investor;  she  has  a  certain  amount  of 
water-power,  and  abundance  of  coal;  she  has  plenty  of  raw  material 
of  her  own,  and  many  fine  harbours  where  that  from  foreign-countries, 

1  Adapted  from  The  Resources  of  Nova  Scotia,  Natural  Resources  Intelligence 
Branch,  Department  of  the  Interior  of  Canada,  1920,  p.  53. 


64  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

e.g.,  sugar-cane,  cacao,  tobacco,  or  cotton,  can  be  laid  down  cheaply, 
and  from  which  a  whole  fleet  of  ships  built  in  the  province  can  sail 
abroad. 

11.     A  GEOGRAPHICAL  STUDY  OF  NOVA  SCOTIA1 

Two  hundred  years  ago  Nova  Scotia  was  nearly  if  not  quite  as 
promising  a  colony  as  Massachusetts.  Its  position  was  more  strategic. 
Its  climate  was  as  good  and  its  resources  were  superior.  Massa- 
chusetts has  no  equal  area  of  farm  land  as  fertile  as  the  Annapolis 
Valley.  It  has  a  longer  coast  line,  fringed  with  harbors.  Louisburg, 
the  French  stronghold  on  Cape  Breton  Island,  was  scarcely  second  in 
importance  to  Quebec.  Halifax  was  founded  and  fortified  by  England 
in  1749  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  French  Louisbourg,  and  the  taking 
of  this  fortress  by  the  New  England  troops  was  one  of  the  great 
events  of  colonial  history.  Port  Royal  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy  was 
the  first  permanent  settlement  in  North  America  north  of  Florida. 
The  importance  attached  to  Port  Royal  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it 
was  five  times  taken  by  the  English,  unsuccessfully  attacked  by  them 
three  times,  and  by  the  French  and  Indians  twice.  It  was  sacked  and 
abandoned  twice,  once  by  pirates  and  once  by  United  States  Revolu- 
tionary troops.  The  ruins  of  its  fortifications  cover  28  acres.  After 
the  Revolutionary  War,  more  than  25,000  people — the  United 
Empire  Loyalists — left  the  states  and  selected  Nova  Scotia  and  New 
Brunswick  for  their  home.  Even  in  1800  most  people  saw  as  pros- 
perous a  future  for  New  Scotland  as  for  New  England.  Writing  in 
1787,  Hollingsworth  says  in  his  book  on  Nova  Scotia: 

"This  country  [Nova  Scotia],  as  has  been  already  observed,  may 
be  justly  esteemed  the  first  in  the  American  world,  with  respect  to 
that  situation,  whether  in  peace  or  war,  which  a  great  maritime 
power,  possessed  also  of  settlements  in  the  West  Indies,  would  wish 
to  retain  and  improve." 

Yet  today  the  total  population  of  Nova  Scotia  is  less  than  that 
of  Boston,  and  its  average  density  is  equal  to  that  of  Oklahoma. 
There  are  ten  cities  in  Massachusetts  any  one  of  which  manufactures 
more  than  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  semi-annual  profits  of  the  United 

'Taken  from  R.  H.  Whitbeck,  "A  Geographical  Study  of  Nova  Scotia," 
Bulletin  of  the  American  Geographical  Society,  June,  1914,  pp.  413-19.  Mr. 
Whitbeck  is  professor  of  geography  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin. 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  65 

States  Steel  Corporation  in  time  of  active  business  would  pay  for 
the  total  yearly  manufactures  of  Nova  Scotia. 

Nova  Scotia  lies  nearer  Europe  than  does  New  England;  it  was 
settled  by  the  best  of  European  stocks,  English,  Scotch  and  Germans, 
and  some  Irish,  with  a  large  admixture  of  New  Englanders.  It  has 
ample  supplies  of  coal  and  limestone  at  the  water's  edge,  while  only 
a  day's  run  to  the  north  are  the  iron  mines  of  Wabana,  Newfoundland, 
also  at  the  water's  edge.  Moreover,  the  province  lies  at  the  entrance 
to  the  River  and  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  the  gateway  into  Canada. 

If  a  rigorous  climate,  thin  soil,  Atlantic  waterfront,  many  harbors 
and  North  European  stock  account  for  the  phenomenal  development 
of  New  England,  why  have  these  same  factors  not  led  to  similar  results 
in  Nova  Scotia?  And  still  more,  since  the  latter  has  coal  and  the 
former  has  none  ? 

The  province  has  21,000  square  miles,  more  than  half  of  which  is 
forest  well  culled  and  much  injured  by  fires.  Three-eighths  of  the 
land  is  in  farms,  but  half  of  this  is  wooded.  Not  over  20  per  cent 
of  the  total  area  is  suitable  for  farming.  The  peninsula  is  peneplained 
to  a  relief  of  about  400  feet  in  the  south,  rising  to  nearly  1,000  feet  in 
Cape  Breton;  it  is  underlain  in  part  by  ancient  slates  and  quartzites, 
intruded  by  massive  batholiths  of  granite  and  is  also  underlain  by 
Paleozoic  rocks.  The  entire  surface  was  thoroughly  scraped  by 
glaciers  and  the  southeastern  shore  is  deeply  fiorded.  The  coal 
measures  are  in  Cape  Breton  Island  and  along  the  shore  of  North- 
umberland Strait.  Parallel  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy  runs  the  high  trap 
ridge  known  as  North  Mountain,  of  the  same  origin  and  age  as  the 
trap  ridge  of  New  Jersey  and  the  Palisades  of  the  Hudson.  Opposite 
this  and  eight  miles  away  extends  the  granite  wall  of  South  Mountain, 
and  between  lies  the  paradise  of  Nova  Scotia,  the  Cornwallis-Annapolis 
Valley,  eroded  in  the  soft  red  shales  of  the  Triassic.  This  is  the 
principal  valley  of  the  province,  the  home  of  prosperous  and  well- 
housed  farmers  and  apple  growers.  The  granite  and  quartzite 
knobs  are  bare,  the  soil  on  the  slopes  is  thin,  and  most  of  the  crops 
are  grown  near  the  roads  on  the  so-called  interval,  or  valley  land,  or 
on  the  rich  tide-marsh  reclaimed  from  the  sea  by  the  dikes  which  the 
Acadians  built  or  taught  others  to  build.  These  reclaimed  lands  are 
made  of  sea  mud  washed  into  the  estuaries  by  the  powerful  tides. 
They  are  the  most  valuable  meadow  lands  of  the  province,  producing 


66  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

as  high  as  three  tons  of  hay  to  the  acre  year  after  year.  The  general 
aspect  of  much  of  the  country,  with  its  wide  stretches  of  cut-over 
and  burned-over  land,  is  not  prepossessing.  The  farm  houses  are 
small  and  crops  are  light.  The  average  farm  of  the  province  is 
valued  at  about  $2,000  and  it  produces  from  $300  to  $500.  The 
Cornwallis-Annapolis  Valley,  eighty  miles  long  and  eight  wide,  is 
almost  a  continuous  orchard.  Protected  on  the  north  and  south 
by  mountain  walls  of  considerable  height  and  possessed  of  rich  red 
soil,  it  is  ideally  suited  to  apple  growing,  and  annually  exports 
$2,000,000  worth  of  fruit.  A  single  tree  is  officially  reported  to  have 
borne  35  barrels  in  one  year. 

Next  after  the  valley,  the  area  of  Paleozoic  rocks  in  the  north, 
bordering  on  Northumberland  Strait,  is  agriculturally  best  developed. 
The  part  of  the  province  that  faces  the  Atlantic  is  the  poorest  and 
half  of  this  is  a  wilderness  traversed  by  no  railroad.  Even  Halifax 
County  is  so  little  developed  that  it  is  one  of  the  chief  moose-hunting 
grounds  of  the  province.  Despite  the  continuous  fringe  of  harbors, 
there  is  but  one  important  port,  Halifax,  The  port  of  Lunenburg 
in  the  German  settlement  is  the  chief  fishing  center. 

The  Fisheries.  The  nearness  of  the  fishing  banks,  the  many- 
harbored  coast  and  the  scanty  soil  had  the  same  influence  in  Nova 
Scotia  as  in  New  England.  In  both  regions  these  influences  bred  a 
race  of  boat-builders,  fishermen  and  sailors.  In  the  days  of  wooden 
ships,  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  like  the  coast  of  Maine,  was  busy  with 
the  building  of  sailing  vessels,  and,  like  those  of  Maine,  many  of  the 
shipyards  of  Nova  Scotia  are  now  idle.  But  the  influence  of  the  fish- 
eries has  left  its  impress  upon  almost  every  phase  of  the  life  of  the 
province,  and  fishing  is  now  and  will  continue  to  be  one  of  the  principal 
industries.    In  registered  tonnage  per  capita,  Nova  Scotia  vies  with 

Norway. 

The  Mines.  One  of  the  few  places  in  the  world  where  coal  is 
mined  at  the  sea  shore,  in  fact  two  miles  out  under  the  sea,  is  in 
Nova  Scotia.  The  Sydney  coal  field  in  Cape  Breton  occupies  200 
square  miles  and  is  bounded  on  three  sides  by  salt  water.  In  Pictou 
County  are  seams  24  to  30  feet  thick.  Nova  Scotia  produces  two- 
thirds  of  the  coal  mined  in  the  Dominion.  The  coal  from  the  Sydney 
mines  in  Cape  Breton  is  taken  to  Quebec  and  Montreal  on  specially 
constructed  steamers  at  a  small  cost  per  ton.    Off  the  eastern  coast 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  67 

of  Newfoundland  is  the  strange  little  island  of  iron  ore  whose  beds 
dip  under  the  sea,  so  that  the  major  part  of  the  ore  properties  are 
submarine.  How  much  coal  and  iron  have  been  put  beyond  men's 
reach  by  the  sinking  of  the  land  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  no 
one  can  tell.  At  the  Sydneys  and  at  New  Glasgow  are  the  largest 
smelting  and  steel  plants  of  the  Dominion.  Here  on  the  shore  of  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  the  iron  ore  and  coal  meet  under  many  favorable 
conditions  of  location.  It  looks  as  if  iron  and  steel  production  and 
the  subsidiary  industries  which  live  on  the  steel  mills  have  a  future 
here.  Already  a  little  Pittsburg  has  grown  up.  If  it  does  not  grow 
into  a  big  Pittsburg  it  will  be  the  fault  of  men,  not  of  geography. 

All  told  the  extractive  industries  yield  $25,000,000  a  year,  the 
value  of  two  dreadnoughts.  The  value  of  all  manufacturing  is 
$40,000,000  to  $50,000,000  a  year,  with  iron  and  steel  the  leading  item. 

Railroads.  The  railroads  of  Nova  Scotia  are  probably  as  numer- 
ous and  as  good  as  conditions  will  warrant,  but  they  do  not  remind  you 
of  the  Pennsylvania.  The  government-owned  Intercolonial  Line 
crosses  the  province  and  terminates  at  Halifax.  It  runs  two  good 
trains  each  way  daily,  one  even  on  Sunday.  This  Sunday  train  is  a 
special  concession  to  an  unwelcome  demand  from  outside  and  is  not 
popular  in  the  province.  Sunday  trains  or  boats  in  the  Maritime 
Provinces  are  not  countenanced.  However,  changes  of  great  moment 
are  under  way.  The  Canadian  Pacific  has  obtained  the  Dominion 
Atlantic  Line  which  connects  Digby  on  the  Bay  of  Fundy  with  Halifax 
on  the  Atlantic.  This  may  mean  that  Halifax  is  to  become  the 
principal  Atlantic  port  of  the  great  Canadian  Pacific  system.  It  is 
understood  also  that  this  will  be  the  Atlantic  terminal  of  the  Grand 
Trunk  Pacific  when  it  is  completed.  Vast  terminal  improvements 
involving  $35,000,000  are  now  in  progress  at  Halifax,  and  the  people 
of  the  old  town  are  slowly  getting  into  a  new  frame  of  mind.  They 
see  a  future  for  their  city. 

So  much  for  the  material  side  of  the  neglected  province  of  Nova 
Scotia — the  province  that  has  been  passed  by.  In  its  material 
aspects  there  is  nothing  that  rises  above  the  ordinary,  but  there  is  a 
side  to  its  history  which  looms  above  the  commonplace  and  to  this 
I  now  ask  your  attention. 

The  People.  It  is  not  necessary  that,  when  wealth  increases, 
men  decay.     It  is  not  a  demonstrated  law  that  bare  hills,  or  poor  land 


6S  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

or  a  rigorous  climate  are  the  necessary  environment  wherein  to 
breed  men,  but  it  is  a  law  that  a  land  of  great  material  prosperity, 
teeming  with  industry  and  wealth,  attracts  its  young  Alexanders  and 
Shakespeares  into  the  world  of  business,  and  they  become  Harrimans, 
Morgans,  and  Rockefellers.  Not  so  with  a  land  placed  and  endowed 
like  Nova  Scotia.  In  this  province  there  was  a  migration  of  some  of 
the  same  stock  that  made  New  England,  and  into  it  there  came 
thousands  of  Scotch,  mostly  highlanders.  From  such  scions  as  these, 
men  are  bound  to  grow,  and  if  the  material  activities  of  their  country 
cannot  absorb  their  energies,  then  those  energies  are  turned  into 
other  channels.  Nova  Scotia  is,  as  its  name  warrants,  a  Scotchman's 
province.  In  Halifax  I  met  the  chief  engineer  in  charge  of  the  great 
harbor  and  terminal  improvements;  his  name  is  MacGregor.  I  met 
the  President  of  Dalhousie,  the  leading  collegiate  institution;  his 
name  is  Mackenzie.  He  gave  me  the  opportunity  of  meeting  his 
right-hand  men  on  the  board  of  trustees;  their  names  are  Campbell, 
Mclnnes  and  Mitchell.  The  provincial  premier  is  George  Murray 
and  the  Lieutenant  Governor  is  J.  Drummond  MacGregor. 

Nova  Scotia  has  long  been  the  unchallenged  leader  in  Canada 
in  the  production  of  statesmen  and  scholars.  It  has  furnished  three 
of  the  premiers  of  the  Dominion,  the  present  incumbent  being  a 
Nova  Scotian.  It  has  furnished  a  major  part  of  the  college  presidents 
for  the  rest  of  Canada.  Pictou  County  is  the  center  of  the  Scotch 
population,  and  this  single  county  has  supplied  a  list  of  college  pro- 
fessors and  college  presidents  that  would  do  credit  to  a  province. 
From  this  one  country,  nine  men  are  now  serving  or  recently  have 
served  as  college  presidents,  and  as  prominent  college  professors, 
18  others,  not  to  mention  educators  of  lesser  standing.  I  met  a 
man  whose  position  and  income  is  that  of  a  railroad  ticket  agent  in  a 
city  of  8,000  people.  He  seemed  to  regard  it  as  not  worthy  of  com- 
ment that  all  of  his  four  sons  have  gone  through  college  or  are  going 
through.  Undoubtedly  the  richest  product  of  this  little  province  is 
men,  men  whom  it  has  educated  and  sent  out  to  the  rest  of  Canada  and 
to  the  United  States. 

In  striking  contrast  to  Pictou  County  with  its  Scotch  population, 
devoted  to  higher  education  and  producing  in  a  generation  or  two 
27  college  presidents  and  professors,  is  Lunenburg  County  on  the 
Atlantic  coast,  settled  in  1752,  mainly  by  German  farmers  from  the 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  69 

Palatinate  and  Hanover.  Of  its  30,000  population,  in  1891,  9,000 
could  neither  read  nor  write.  They  are  an  industrious,  thrifty,  and 
fairly  prosperous  people,  but  they  are  not  making  their  sons  into 
premiers  or  college  presidents.  The  influence  of  the  sea  and  of  the 
fishing  banks  has  made  over  a  race  of  peasant  farmers  into  the  pre- 
eminent fishing  population  of  Nova  Scotia.  And  a  people  whose 
interests — created  by  their  environment — seek  occupation  in  fishing 
do  not  stress  the  intellectual  side  of  life.  It  is  a  question  which  I  ask 
and  cannot  answer:  Suppose  the  same  Scotch  colonists  who  settled 
in  Pictou  County  had,  instead,  settled  in  Lunenburg  County,  would 
they  in  that  environment  have  produced  the  long  line  of  illustrious 
men  that  they  have  produced  in  their  present  environment  ?  It  is  the 
old  question  of  racial  stock  versus  environment  in  the  making  of  men. 

Nova  Scotians  are  emphatically  a  religious  people.  Only  500 
people  out  of  the  500,000  are  without  church  affiliation.  The  seating 
capacity  of  the  churches  practically  equals  the  population.  I  was 
told  of  a  recently  enacted  law  in  Halifax  that  limits  the  number  of 
saloons  to  one  for  each  thousand  of  the  population.  In  Nova  Scotia, 
Sunday  is  Sunday  and  business  stops,  trains  stop  and  people  go  to 
church. 

And  now  in  conclusion:  Why  has  Nova  Scotia  won  the  name  of 
"the  province  that  has  been  passed  by?"  Why  is  there  such  a 
contrast  between  the  development  and  present  life  of  New  Scotland 
and  of  New  England,  so  similarly  placed  and  so  similarly  peopled? 
If  the  hard  conditions  of  farming,  the  abundant  water-power,  the 
momentum  of  an  early  start  and  the  intelligence  of  the  people  of 
New  England  satisfy  our  quest  for  the  reason  of  New  England's 
industrial  development,  why  do  we  not  get  a  similar  result  in  a 
province  just  across  a  political  boundary?  To  me  two  reasons  are 
clear.  One  is  a  matter  of  political  geography  and  the  other  a  matter 
of  physical  geography.  The  throbbing,  buoyant,  optimistic,  aggres- 
sive life  of  the  Republic  is  partly  the  fruit  of  our  patriotism  and  of  our 
faith  in  our  country  and  partly  the  result  of  our  exceptional  opportuni- 
ties. Our  democratic  institutions  and  our  wealth  of  opportunity 
have  drawn  to  us  a  steady  stream  of  new  blood  always  regarded  as  a 
menace  when  it  was  coming  and  as  a  blessing  when  a  new  current  had 
set  in.  No  such  stream  of  optimism  has  until  recently  fed  the  life 
of  Canada  in  general  and  not  even  yet,  the  Maritime  Provinces. 


70  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

These  provinces  have  never  shared  adequately  in  the  economic 
development  of  the  Dominion  as  a  whole,  and  this  appears  to  be,  in 
large  part  at  least,  a  result  of  their  physical  geography,  mainly  loca- 
tion. When  the  land  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  sank  and 
admitted  the  sea  a  thousand  miles  up  the  valley,  it  fixed  the  commer- 
cial meeting  place  of  land  and  ocean  at  the  foot  of  the  Lachine  Rapids, 
at  the  island  of  Montreal.  Between  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  attractive  lands  of  Ontario  and  Quebec  lies  a  long  stretch  of 
unattractive  country.  Nova  Scotia  is  isolated,  damagingly  isolated 
from  the  real  centers  of  Canadian  activity,  and  politically  cut  off 
from  its  natural  neighbor,  New  England.  The  great  transcontinental 
railway  lines  did  not  find  it  necessary  or  expedient  to  terminate  on 
the  shore  of  Nova  Scotia.  Until  the  present,  the  ports  of  Montreal 
and  Quebec,  in  summer,  St.  John  and  Portland,  in  winter,  have  been 
used,  and  Nova  Scotia  has  been  passed  by.  It  has  had  no  hinterland, 
and  in  this  lies  one  of  its  greatest  contrasts  to  Massachusetts.  Despite 
its  nearness  to  Europe,  most  of  the  Atlantic  liners  steam  to  the  north 
up  the  St.  Lawrence,  or  southward  to  ports  which  were  more  accessible 
from  the  interior,  and  these  have  received  and  dispatched  the  trans- 
atlantic trade  of  Canada.  I  have  encountered  no  instance  of  a 
region  seemingly  so  favorably  situated  for  ocean  commerce  and  which 
has  proved  up  to  the  present  to  be  so  unfavorably  placed. 

Nova  Scotia,  the  outpost  of  Canada  on  the  Atlantic,  the  colony 
which  was  thought  to  have  the  best  commercial  situation  in  the 
American  world,  illustrates,  when  taken  in  connection  with  the 
St.  Lawrence,  the  fact  that  it  is  not  usually  the  point  where  the  land 
juts  farthest  into  the  sea,  but  the  point  where  the  sea  pierces  farthest 
into  the  land,  that  offers  the  most  advantageous  place  for  the  meeting 
of  land  and  water  routes.  Canada  has  developed  slowly,  and  Nova 
Scotia  has  been  compelled  to  wait  and  seems  to  have  been  content  to 
wait  until  the  time  when  the  growing  industries  and  ocean  trade  of 
the  Dominion  should  make  the  splendid  harbor  of  Halifax  a  necessary 
winter  terminal  of  its  great  continental  railroads  This  is  now  coming 
to  pass.  A  new  spirit  of  optimism  is  taking  root  in  the  province.  The 
vigorous  industrial  life  of  Amherst,  New  Glasgow,  Truro  and  the 
Sydneys  is  an  object  lesson  in  the  possibilities  which  Scotia's  coal  and 
Newfoundland's  iron,  meeting  under  exceptionally  favorable  geo- 
graphical conditions,  can  do  for  manufacturing  and  consequently 


MARITIME  CANADA  AND  NEWFOUNDLAND  71 

for  the  whole  economic  life  of  the  province.  There  is  no  boom  on  in 
New  Scotland.  They  are  not  an  effervescent  people.  Halifax 
is  not  Seattle.  Yet  they  believe,  and  the  visitor  to  their  province 
comes  to  believe,  that  Nova  Scotia  is  rounding  a  corner,  and  that 
geographical  conditions,  which,  under  a  past  regime,  have  retarded 
her  growth,  are  now  likely  gradually  to  reverse  their  influence. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS 
1.     DIVISIONS  OF  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS' 

The  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands,  floored  with  nearly  horizontal  sedi- 
mentary rocks,  and  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  southern  edge  of  the 
Laurentian  Plateau,  represent  in  Canada  the  northeastern  extension 
of  the  great  plain-like  area  of  the  interior  of  the  continent.  Com- 
mencing near  the  city  of  Quebec,  the  lowlands  stretch  southwesterly 
on  both  sides  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  slightly  diverging  boundaries, 
until,  at  Montreal,  the  level  country  is  approximately  120  miles  wide. 
Beyond  Montreal,  the  northern  boundary  pursues  a  westerly  course 
up  the  Ottawa  Valley  to  a  point  about  fifty  miles  beyond  the  city  of 
Ottawa  where  a  ridge  of  broken  country — a  low  spur  of  the  Laurentian 
highlands — projects  southerly,  crossing  the  St.  Lawrence  between 
Brockville  and  Kingston  to  join  the  elevated  Adirondack  region  of 
northern  New  York.  Near  Kingston,  at  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario, 
the  lowlands  again  commence  and  occupy  the  portion  of  the  Ontario 
peninsula  lying  between  Lakes  Huron,  Erie,  and  Ontario,  and  bounded 
on  the  north  by  a  nearly  straight  east  and  west  line  from  Kingston  to 
the  foot  of  Georgian  Bay,  Lake  Huron. 

The  region  thus  outlined,  with  a  length  of  about  600  miles  and  an 
area  of  more  than  35,000  square  miles,  nearly  all  fertile  farming  land, 
is  divisible  into  three  portions,  each  a  sloping,  plain-like  region, 
usually  mantled  with  heavy  deposits  of  glacial  drift,  etc.,  that  largely 
hide  the  underlying,  nearly  horizontal  sediments.  Though  essentially 
a  farming  region,  the  portion  of  the  country  lying  between  Lakes 
Huron  and  Erie  supports  valuable  petroleum,  gas,  and  salt  industries. 

The  most  easterly  of  the  three  divisions  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
Lowlands  comprises  the  portion  lying  east  of  the  spur  of  crystalline 
rocks  crossing  the  St.  Lawrence  below  Kingston.  Its  northern  bound- 
ary is,  in  general,  marked  by  an  abrupt  rise  of  the  Laurentian  hills, 
while  on  the  eastern  side  lies  the  hilly,  semi-mountainous  Appalachian 

1  Adapted  from  G.  A.  Young,  A  Descriptive  Sketch  of  the  Geology  and  Economic 

Minerals  of  Canada,  Department  of  Mines,  Geological  Survey  Branch  No.  1085, 

pp.  60-61. 

72 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  73 

tract.  Within  this  roughly  triangular  area,  the  land  nowhere  rises 
more  than  500  feet  above  the  sea,  and  below  Montreal  the  districts 
immediately  bordering  the  St.  Lawrence  have  a  general  elevation  of 
less  than  100  feet,  and,  save  in  the  case  of  a  few  isolated,  abruptly 
rising  hills,  of  igneous  origin,  the  lowlands  on  either  side  of  the  river 
never  rise  to  300  feet  above  sea  level. 

The  second  division  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands  fronts  on  Lake 
Ontario,  forming  a  plain-like  area  that  at  first  usually  rises  rather 
abruptly  from  the  lake  (itself  246  feet  above  the  sea)  and  then  stretches 
inland  with  gradually  increasing  heights,  sometimes  reaching  850 
feet  above  the  sea.  This  area,  comparatively  narrow  in  the  east, 
is  bounded  on  the  north  by  a  marked  escarpment,  with  a  drop  along 
its  northerly  facing  slope  of  between  50  and  100  feet.  Westward  the 
district  is  limited  by  the  Niagara  escarpment,  which  runs  in  a  north- 
westerly direction  from  the  Niagara  peninsula  through  the  Indian 
peninsula  separating  Lake  Huron  and  Georgian  Bay,  and  is  contin- 
ued westerly  into  Michigan  by  the  northward  facing  cliffs  of  the 
Manitoulin  Islands. 

The  Niagara  escarpment,  the  natural  dividing  line  between  the 
two  western  divisions  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Lowlands,  presents  a 
general  abrupt  rise  of  250  to  300  feet.  In  the  Niagara  peninsula 
this  amount  represents  the  total  rise  of  the  country  to  the  level  of 
the  third  and  westernmost  division  of  the  lowlands,  but  farther 
northwest  the  escarpment,  though  still  a  distinct  feature,  is  only  part 
of  a  narrow  strip  of  rapidly  rising  ground,  whose  summit  reaches  in 
places  an  elevation  of  1,700  feet,  nearly  a  thousand  feet  above  the 
low,  flat-lying  country  stretching  easterly  from  its  foot  toward  Lake 
Ontario.  The  third  division,  lying  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake 
Erie,  and  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Niagara  escarpment,  has,  in 
the  northwest,  as  already  implied,  a  maximum  elevation  of  1,700 
feet  or  more,  from  which  point  the  surface  slopes  toward  the  level 
of  the  lakes  on  either  side,  the  waters  of  Lake  Huron  standing  at 
581  feet,  and  those  of  Lake  Erie  at  572  feet  above  the  sea. 

2.    THE  PROVINCE  OF  QUEBEC 

The  Province  of  Quebec  might  with  accuracy  be  included  among 
the  Maritime  Provinces,  for  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  is  really  a  part 

1  Adapted  from  Watson  Griftin,  Canada  llie  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
PP-  65,  70-72. 


74  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  the  Atlantic  and  salt  water  washes  the  sinuous  coasts  of  the  prov- 
ince for  many  miles.  The  influence  of  the  tide  is  felt  in  the  St.  Law- 
rence River  at  the  port  of  Three  Rivers,  900  miles  from  Belle  Isle,  and 
although  the  great  blue  river  is  estimated  to  pour  two  million  gallons 
of  fresh  water  into  the  Gulf  every  minute,  the  water  is  salt  at  St. 
Thomas,  about  thirty-six  miles  below  Quebec  City,  and  at  Kamouraska, 
about  forty  miles  farther  down,  salt  was  manufactured  from  the  water 
by  evaporation  during  the  French  regime.  In  addition,  the  territory 
of  Ungava  which  has  recently  been  added  to  Quebec  Province  has  a 
very  long  coast  line  on  Hudson  Bay,  Hudson  Strait,  and  Ungava  Bay. 

Before  Ungava  was  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Quebec  the 
area  of  the  province  was  351,873  square  miles.  Now  it  is  703,653 
square  miles  almost  double  its  former  area.  Including  Ungava, 
Quebec  Province  is  larger  than  Belgium,  Holland,  Germany,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  Austria-Hungary,  and  Bulgaria  combined,  which  had  a 
population  of  over  140,000,000  before  the  great  war  began.  Without 
Ungava,  Quebec  is  as  large  as  Germany,  Holland,  Belgium,  and 
Italy  combined. 

The  St.  Lawrence  River.  The  St.  Lawrence  from  the  Gulf  to 
Traverse  is  from  ten  to  thirty-five  miles  wide  and  very  deep.  It  is 
skirted  on  the  north  by  the  Laurentian  Mountains,  which  rise  in 
some  places  near  the  shore  to  heights  of  over  2,500  feet,  and  on  the 
south  by  the  Northern  Appalachians,  whose  peaks  attain  a  height 
of  nearly  four  thousand  feet  within  a  few  miles  of  the  river. 

Farming  in  Quebec.  The  section  of  the  province  bordering  on  the 
Lower  St.  Lawrence,  partly  owing  to  its  mountainous  character  and 
partly  to  the  influence  of  the  Arctic  current,  flowing  through  Belle 
Isle,  has  a  rather  severe  climate  and  is  not  generally  well  suited  to 
agriculture.  The  mainland  northeast  of  Anticosti  Island  is  little 
better  than  Labrador.  Anticosti  itself  is  believed  to  possess  con- 
siderable areas  of  good  land.  West  of  that  the  climate  is  better  and 
there  is  a  good  deal  of  fertile  land  in  the  valleys.  The  islands  in  the 
river  west  of  Anticosti  are  all  fertile. 

The  best  agricultural  region  of  the  province  is  the  fertile  valley 
extending  on  both  sides  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River  from  Montreal  to 
Quebec  City  and  reaching  as  far  east  as  Kamouraska  on  the  south 
shore,  with  an  area  about  the  same  as  that  of  Holland.  The  greater 
part  of  the  present  population  of  the  province  is  concentrated  in  this 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  75 

valley.  Throughout  the  St.  Lawrence  Valley  apples,  pears,  plums 
and  cherries  are  grown,  while  grapes  are  produced  in  the  open  air 
at  LTslet,  on  the  south  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  70  miles  northeast 
of  Quebec  City.  Large  quantities  of  strawberries,  currants,  goose- 
berries, and  other  small  fruits  are  produced.  It  was  once  a  great 
wheat  region,  but  comparatively  little  wheat  is  grown  now.  Great 
quantities  of  oats,  hay  clover,  and  potatoes  are  produced,  and  a 
considerable  acreage  is  devoted  to  barley,  buckwheat,  rye,  Indian 
corn,  peas  and  beans.  A  small  quantity  of  flax  is  grown.  Nearly 
every  farmer  in  Quebec  Province  grows  a  little  tobacco  and  there  are 
a  few  large  plantations.  About  ten  million  pounds  of  tobacco  are 
grown  annually  in  this  province. 

A  large  proportion  of  the  farms  have  groves  of  sugar  maple  trees 
and  considerable  quantities  of  maple  sugar  are  produced,  the  sap 
flowing  freely  in  the  early  spring  when  there  is  frost  at  night  and 
bright  sunshine  during  the  day. 

The  Province  of  Quebec  has  achieved  marked  success  in  dairying 
and  there  is  room  for  great  expansion  of  this  industry.  Good  grazing 
land,  watered  by  springs,  streams,  and  lakes,  abounds  almost  every- 
where from  Lake  St.  Francis  to  the  extremity  of  Gaspe.  It  is  not 
and  never  can  be  ranch  country;  the  snow  lies  too  deep  in  winter, 
but  the  nearness  to  the  markets  of  Europe  as  well  as  to  those  of 
industrial  Canada  largely  offset  the  cost  of  winter  feeding  and  housing. 
Dairy  farming  is  now  attracting  special  attention,  and  in  the  district 
between  the  St.  Lawrence  River  and  the  United  States  boundary, 
commonly  known  as  the  Eastern  Townships,  there  are  already  many 
fine  herds  of  cattle  with  some  of  the  best  blood  in  America.  Quebec 
ranks  second  among  the  provinces  of  the  Dominion  in  the  production 
of  butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk. 

The  farms  of  Quebec  Province  are  generally  long,  narrow  strips  of 
land,  frequently  having  a  frontage  on  some  river  road  with  houses  and 
outbuildings  near  the  river  banks,  so  that  the  farmhouses  stretch  for 
miles  along  the  rivers,  looking  almost  like  continuous  villages  and 
just  as  the  rivers  of  the  province  here  and  there  spread  out  into  lakes, 
so  these  straggling  farm  villages  at  certain  points  expand  and  become 
towns  with  varied  industries. 

The  Forests  of  Quebec.  Estimates  regarding  the  extent  of  the 
forest  resources  of  Quebec  do  not  include  the  newly  added  territory 


76  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  Ungava,  but  it  is  not  considered  that  the  forests  of  that  territory 
are  very  extensive.  The  forestry  experts  of  the  Quebec  government 
estimate  that  the  forests  of  the  old  Province  of  Quebec  contain 
50,000,000,000  feet  board  measure  of  white  and  red  pine,  125,000,000,- 
000  feet  of  spruce  and  balsam  fir,  100,000,000,000  feet  of  pulp  wood 
and  35,000,000,000  feet  of  hard  wood,  birch,  maple,  etc.,  20,000,- 
000,000  feet  of  cedar,  a  total  of  330,000,000,000  feet  board  measure. 
The  cut  of  spruce  exceeds  that  of  all  other  woods.  Next  in  order  come 
white  pine,  hemlock,  birch,  and  balsam  fir. 

3.    THE  ISOLATION  OF  THE  LOWER  ST.  LAWRENCE  VALLEY' 

In  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence  Valley  is  established  a  civilization 
unique  in  its  lack  of  progressiveness  and  picturesque  in  its  proud 
adherence  to  the  ancient  customs  of  ancestral  founders.  The  wooded 
mountains  showing  the  valley,  the  steep  cliffs  which  rise,  at  places 
straight  up  from  the  river  bank,  the  comparative  inaccessibility  of 
lowland  available  for  agriculture,  the  scarcity  of  good  harbors  from 
the  Gulf  to  Quebec — all  are  natural  factors  which  have  combined  to 
isolate  the  inhabitants  from  the  rest  of  the  world  and  even  to  a  surpris- 
ing degree  from  one  another. 

Here,  on  strips  of  land  or  in  little  towns  by  the  shore,  the  French 
Canadian  engages  in  primitive  but  thrifty  husbandry.  Modern 
education  has  penetrated  the  region  but  slightly.  The  people  have 
preserved  the  traditions  brought  overseas  from  France  and  have 
developed  a  provincialism  which  has  recognized  throughout  the  years 
no  law  of  conqueror  and  no  control  save  that  of  the  Catholic  church 
and  which  is  at  present  serenely  withstanding  the  censure  of  more 
belligerent  peoples. 

The  Lower  St.  Lawrence  Valley  may  be  thought  of  as  extending 
from  the  Isle  d'Orleans,  just  below  Quebec,  to  the  relative  restriction 
of  the  river  between  Cap  des  Monts  on  the  north  shore  and  Cap 
Chat  on  the  south  shore.  In  the  three  hundred  miles  of  its  length 
the  estuary  widens  from  two  to  forty  miles,  which  is  a  prominent 
factor  in  giving  each  shore  certain  physical  and  economic  distinctions. 

1  Adapted  by  permission  from  Roderick  Peattie,  "The  Isolation  of  the  Lower 
St.  Lawrence  Valley,"  Geographical  Review,  February,  1918,  pp.  102-18.  Mr. 
Peattie  is  assistant  professor  of  geography,  Ohio  State  University. 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  77 

The  north  shore  is  characterized  by  a  bold  escarpment  1,500  to 
2,000  feet  in  height,  the  crest  of  which  is  the  southern  boundary  of  the 
great  Lauren tian  upland.  Set  back  perhaps  a  mile  from  the  edge  of 
the  escarpment  are  low,  rounded  mountains,  the  Laurentides,  rising 
500  to  1,500  feet  above  the  upland.  The  upland  itself  dips  gently 
northward;  its  undulating,  tree-covered  surface  extends  mile  upon 
mile  with  amazing  lack  of  striking  forms  of  relief. 

There  are  few  settlements  upon  the  upland.  For  the  most  part, 
forest  wilderness  comes  unbroken  to  the  escarpment,  and  in  places 
the  trees  crowd  down  the  steep  slope  to  the  water's  very  edge.  Some 
of  the  community  groups  so  infrequently  scattered  over  this  country 
of  rugged  solitude  lie  at  the  mouths  of  tributary  stream  valleys,  others 
on  terraces  that  lie  at  the  base  of  the  cliff.  Wedge-shaped  rift  valleys 
penetrating  the  highlands  offer  sites  for  farming  communities,  and 
even  the  margin  of  the  highland  boasts  settlements.  Generally 
the  upland  has  too  meager  a  soil  for  agriculture,  but  where  the  Lauren- 
tides  have  stood  as  a  protection  against  more  severe  glacial  erosion 
the  soil  is  deep.  The  coastal  terraces,  particularly  the  lowest,  are  of 
primary  importance  as  settlement  sites.  These  terraces  are  mantled 
with  rich  marine  soils. 

Bounding  the  south  shore  is  another  highland.  From  elevations 
of  1,000  feet  opposite  Quebec,  it  grows  into  mountains  3,000  feet  in 
height  as  it  nears  the  Gaspe  Peninsula.  Like  that  on  the  north,  this 
upland  is  a  rolling,  infertile  woodland  plain,  farmed  only  at  the  edge  for 
the  most  part ;  but  instead  of  terminating  in  a  cliff,  it  descends  gradu- 
ally to  the  lowland.  Although  it  lies  30  miles  inland  at  the  western 
end  of  the  valley  it  approaches  the  river  100  miles  down  stream. 
From  that  point  it  follows  the  shore  more  closely,  in  most  places  grad- 
ing down  to  the  level  of  the  water  by  a  series  of  broad  terraces. 

These  terraces  are  fertile,  though  for  various  reasons  not  always 
well  drained.  The  lowest,  as  is  the  case  on  the  north  shore,  is  of 
recent  emerged  estuarine  silt.  The  soil  of  the  lower  terraces,  and  in 
the  western  end  of  the  valley  of  all  the  terraces,  is  marine  and  very 
productive. 

The  climate  is  of  an  extreme  continental  character  on  a  leeward 
coast  in  a  belt  of  prevailing  westerlies.  Herbertson  has  called  it  the 
Laurentian  type  and  compares  it  with  the  similar  climate  of  the 
Amur  district.     There  are  within  the  region  two  slightly  different 


78  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

types.  The  seaward  portion  has  an  appreciable  marine  influence, 
to  which  is  added  the  effect  of  an  increase  in  latitude  by  the  northeast 
trend  of  the  river.  Generally  speaking  the  winter  is  long  and  cold 
and  the  summer  is  short  and  warm.  The  precipitation  is  not  heavy. 
The  result  is  a  natural  vegetation  of  the  northern  conifer  type,  princi- 
pally of  spruce,  fir,  and  pine.  Hardwoods  are  also  abundant.  The 
snow  lies  on  the  ground  until  May,  but  once  it  is  melted  the  spring 
blooms  suddenly.  The  growing  season  has  a  maximum  of  150  days 
and  is  usually  considerably  less,  but  the  summer  day  is  long  and  the 
rainfall  not  too  heavy,  so  that  grains  will  mature.  Maize  is  not  grown, 
and  the  frost-free  period  is  too  short  for  the  larger  fruits  in  the  greater 
part  of  the  area.  The  heavy  snow,  averaging  120  inches  in  depth, 
supplies  a  roadbed  for  logging  in  winter  and  water  for  the  spring 
"runs."  For  five  months  of  the  year  Quebec  is  a  closed  port,  and 
the  river  is  dangerous  for  at  least  one  month  more. 

Such  are  the  physical  conditions  of  the  valley.  A  few  of  the 
economic  responses  which  result  from  these  will  now  be  described. 
The  region  has  terraces  and  lowlands  in  which  life  never  has  been 
meager.  Wood  products  and,  recently,  farm  products  have  furnished 
the  foundation  for  a  healthy  commerce.  But  the  primitive  economy 
of  the  hinterlands  on  each  flank,  the  imperfect  communication,  and 
the  lack  of  doorways  by  which  one  may  enter  the  territory  have 
been  formidable  barriers  to  cultural  exchange. 

The  farm  products  of  the  north  shore  are  grains,  hay,  vegetables, 
and  tobacco  for  home  consumption.  The  one  "money  crop"  is 
cheese — a  recent  development.  This  statement  does  not  apply  to 
Cote  de  Beaupre,  where  milk,  butter,  and  vegetables  are  furnished 
to  the  Quebec  market.  No  village  or  hamlet  is  without  the  log- 
products  industry.  There  are  extensive  lumber,  pulp-wood,  and 
pulp  mills  on  the  larger  streams,  and  no  settlement  is  too  small  to 
support  some  industry  dependent  upon  the  forest  and  the  water- 
power.  It  may  but  be  a  small  water-run  mill  for  crude  lumber  or  a 
commerce  in  cord  wood. 

The  water-power  is  furnished  by  every  stream  in  greater  or  less 
degree  as  it  tumbles  down  from  the  upland.  The  Cote  de  Beaupre 
alone  is  served  by  a  railroad.  Beyond,  the  uplands  come  to  the  river's 
edge  and  present  a  cliff  1,500  feet  high  for  30  miles.  At  the  base  of 
this  cliff  a  railroad  bed  has  been  blasted  as  far  as  Malbaie  and  will 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  79 

be  continued  to  the  Saguenay.  The  other  communities  are  now 
reached  for  the  most  part  by  boat.  As  far  as  the  Saguenay  the  boat 
service  from  Quebec  is  regular  through  the  summer  months. 

There  is  no  farming  and  but  one  large  stream  between  St.  Simeon 
and  Les  Bergeronnes;  hence  there  are  no  settlements  except  Tadou- 
sac,  which  is  a  resort  and  the  point  of  transfer  for  the  Saguenay 
River.  From  Les  Bergeronnes  to  Mille  Vaches  there  are  streams 
which  bring  down  timber  and  furnish  power  for  its  reduction.  The 
climate  and  the  peaty  variety  of  much  of  the  soil  make  farming  a 
precarious  pursuit.  Beyond  Mille  Vaches  there  are  no  roads  and 
scarcely  a  farm.  In  the  remaining  100  miles  there  are  half  a  dozen 
settlements  deserving  the  name  of  town,  and  these  are  supported 
largely  by  fishing. 

The  south  shore  has  much  rich  lowland,  and,  moreover,  it  is 
continuous,  so  that  there  is  good  rail  communication.  It  is  primarily 
a  farming  district,  though  in  the  aggregate  the  industries  are  not 
unimportant.  The  climate  is  somewhat  milder  than  on  the  north 
shore,  and,  owing  to  the  favorable  topography  and  the  good  land 
communication,  the  farmer  may  consider  himself  possessed  of  advan- 
tages over  his  fellows  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river.  The  Inter- 
colonial Railway  parallels  the  coast  from  Quebec  to  Mont  Joli,  and  a 
small  line  continues  to  Matane.  Butter,  cheese,  and  live  stock  are 
sold  according  as  the  distance  from  Quebec  becomes  greater.  Vege- 
tables, particularly  potatoes,  and  ellgrass  (Zostera  marina),  for 
upholstering  automobile  seats,  are  other  "money  getters."  The 
region  has  a  fine  active  commerce  through  Quebec,  but  cultural 
contact  in  other  directions  is  practically  nil. 

The  industry  upon  the  south  shore  is  not  extensive  enough  to  do 
more  than  mitigate  the  isolation.  The  farming  centers  are  small 
towns  from  ten  to  twenty  miles  apart.  None  of  these  are  large 
even  when  they  contain  factories.  The  industry  is  usually  some 
form  of  woodworking  such  as  the  production  of  lumber,  pulp  wood, 
furniture,  or  wagons.  The  large  mills  are  located  at  Ste.  Anne  de  la 
Poucatiere,  St.  Pacome,  Riviere  du  Loup,  Bic,  Tobin,  Rimouski, 
Priceville,  and  Matane.  Generally  speaking,  the  greater  the  distance 
from  Quebec,  the  less  finished  is  the  article  produced. 

Strangely  enough,  though  the  Lower  St.  Lawrence  is  one  of  the 
great  commercial  estuaries  of  the  world,  the  region  has,  as  a  whole, 


80  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

poor  or  imperfect  water  communication.  The  reasons  are  these: 
First,  there  is  the  significant  climatic  fact,  already  mentioned,  that 
Quebec  is  a  closed  port  five  months  in  the  year  and  a  dangerous  one 
for  at  least  another  month.  Second,  the  region  lacks  good  harbors — 
especially  upon  the  south  shore.  The  coast  is  much  indented,  but 
the  present  physiographic  condition  of  the  estuary  is  one  of  emergence 
of  a  confined  delta,  so  that  the  approach  to  the  shore  is  always  shallow. 
Father  Point,  near  Rimouski,  and  Riviere  du  Loup  form  partial 
exceptions  to  this  condition,  but  much  of  the  huge  output  of  lumber 
from  Matane  is  taken  out  to  ships  by  means  of  lighters,  and  Rimouski 
sends  its  lumber  out  over  a  harbor  that  at  low  tide  is  dry  for  two 
miles  from  the  shore.  The  north  shore  with  the  exception  of  Tadou- 
sac  has  no  natural  harbors  for  large  craft.  The  boats  land  at  piers 
which  are  not  always  near  the  town  and  are  frequently  useless  at 
low  tide.  Baie  St.  Paul  and  Murray  Bay  are  huge  indentations 
guarded  by  rugged  capes,  but  the  recent  uplift  and  the  constant 
rilling  by  streams  has  created  tidal  flats  of  from  one  to  three  miles 
over  which  only  the  smaller  type  of  schooner  can  float  at  high  tide. 
The  distance  from  the  farming  centers  to  the  docks,  and  the  irregu- 
larity and  inconvenience  of  the  boat  service,  are  discouraging  features 
of  communication.  Beyond  the  Cote  de  Beaupre  the  bulk  of  the 
freight  can  be  moved  only  in  summer,  for  in  winter  the  only  com- 
munication is  by  small  ferries  that  run  across  to  the  south  shore. 
Because  of  these  difficulties  the  north  shore  still  preserves  a  large 
measure  of  independence. 

The  language  of  French  Canada  is  its  most  striking  feature.  It 
is  a  speech  which  has  more  semblance  to  the  speech  of  Normandy  and 
Picardy  in  the  sixteenth  century  than  to  the  language  of  Paris  today. 
For  example  -oir  has  the  pronunciation  of  an  open  e,  which  in  France 
is  archaic.  Their  old  legends  carry  words  in  ancient  forms,  as,  for 
example,  the  preservation  of  an  5  in  notre  instead  of  the  circumflex. 
These  are  but  casual  allusions;  to  do  the  matter  justice  would  require 
an  article  in  itself.  Many  of  the  words  in  use  by  the  habitant  of 
today  have  a  different  meaning  from  the  same  words  as  used  in 
France.  These  are  examples  of  differentiation  rather  than  crystalliza- 
tion. Not  a  few  words  are  due  to  the  physical  or  cultural  environ- 
ment, as  alright,  mail,  and  the  verbs  maile,  canoe,  beate  (for  beaten). 
Semple  tells  us  that  the  habitant  is  so  accustomed  to  the  canoe  and 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  8  t 

its  phraseology  that  he  "disembarks"  from  his  horse  and  "moors" 
it  to  a  tree.     One  is  hailed  with  benevenu  as  he  enters  a  cabin. 

Another  element  of  the  French  Canadian  which  illustrates  crystal- 
lization and  in  a  most  significant  manner  is  his  mental  attitude.  He 
exhibits  a  simple  faith  which  exceeds  that  of  all  his  contemporaries 
in  other  portions  of  the  American  continent  and  to  many  is  absolutely 
unknown.  The  beginning  and  the  end  of  the  habitant's  thought  lies 
in  the  church.  The  grammar  school,  the  college,  and  the  newspaper 
turn  to  the  church  to  learn  the  limits  beyond  which  their  intellectual 
advance  must  not  proceed.  From  youth  to  old  age  the  church's 
influence  is  constantly  felt.  The  Mass  is  the  one  event  powerful 
enough  to  bring  the  entire  population  together,  and  there  is  scarcely 
a  storm  which  can  keep  the  farmer,  however  remote  his  home,  from 
attending  it.  The  habitant  is  medieval  in  his  superstitions  and 
absolute  in  his  faith.  Let  the  pile  of  crutches  at  the  shrine  of  Ste. 
Anne  de  Beaupre  bear  witness.  I  have  spoken  elsewhere  of  the 
effect  of  this  isolation  upon  morals.  The  church,  aided  by  the 
encompassing  hills,  has  brought  to  these  people  a  peace  of  conscience 
and  a  moral  sense  which  are  sublime.  Nowhere  else  have  I  seen 
such  temperance  and  orderliness  of  life. 

There  still  exists  here  a  modified  feudalism,  a  survival  of  the 
seigniorial  system.  In  Charlevoix  County  (Les  Eboulements  and 
Malbiae),  upon  the  north  shore,  and  in  a  number  of  counties  upon  the 
south  the  land  is  held  by  a  seigneur  who  may  extract  a  fee  from  the 
rentier.  He  has  full  title  vested  in  him  by  an  ancient  and  royal  grant, 
but  today  the  rent  that  he  may  charge  is  regulated  by  law.  The 
limit  varies  and  may  be  as  low  as  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent  of  the 
assessed  value  of  the  farm.  M.  Audet  of  Les  Eboulements  explained 
to  me  that  the  rent  on  his  modest  pension  and  the  adjoining  black- 
smith shop  was  six  dollars  and  a  chicken  annually,  though  recently 
the  chicken  had  been  "abolished."  Today  his  seigneur  rides  over 
the  estate  upon  a  fine  horse,  and  the  peasantry  stand  beside  the  road 
to  doff  their  hats.  Beyond  tradition  and  the  modest  fee  this  man 
has  no  rights  of  civil  jurisdiction.  The  habitant  may  buy  the  land 
and  frequently  does,  though  because  of  centuries  of  occupation  by 
the  same  family  it  is  already  virtually  his.  This  buying  up  of  land, 
together  with  hostile  legislation,  tends  to  do  away  with  the  un- 
American  archaism  of  feudal  observances. 


82  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

There  are  a  host  of  other  evidences  of  this  ancient  and  little- 
modified  civilization.  In  the  older  houses  the  architecture  is 
distinctly  Norman,  and  when  houses  are  rebuilt  it  is  often  along  tra- 
ditional lines.  Barns  were  being  re-thatched  in  the  summer  of  1916 
in  the  GoufTre  Valley.  The  corbeled  second  story  so  popular  in 
Normandy  is  a  common  sight.  Windmills  of  ancient  wooden  types 
are  used  throughout  the  south  shore  and  upon  islands  exposed  to 
the  strong  southwesterly  winds  blowing  down  the  estuary.  These 
clumsy  mills  are  used  mainly  for  threshing  the  grain  but  also  for 
grinding  it.  At  Trois  Pistoles  I  found  a  modern  barn  to  which  was 
attached  this  old-fashioned  contrivance.  Within  a  mile  of  this 
barn  men  were  building  a  shed  over  a  newly  constructed  Old  World 
oven  such  as  is  to  be  found  on  every  estate  in  the  region — this,  too, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  there  was  in  the  house  a  modern  range  contain- 
ing an  oven.  This  reluctance  to  give  up  old  customs,  or  to  introduce 
innovations  in  a  community  where  all  have  customs  so  much  in 
common,  is  a  characteristic  and  highly  important  indication.  On 
Isle  aux  Coudres,  which  is  monotonously  fiat  once  you  have  ascended 
the  twenty-foot  terrace,  the  carts  are  two-wheeled.  This  is  a  relic 
of  the  days  when  a  Norman  wheel  tax  made  two  wheels  more  eco- 
nomical than  four.  It  is  asserted  by  the  loyal  habitant  that  two 
wheels  are  better  for  certain  sorts  of  rough  road;  but  as  a  matter  of 
fact  the  roads  are  not  rough,  and  the  conditions  are  the  same  as  on  the 
mainland  of  the  south  shore  where  the  farmer  uses  four-wheeled 
carts  to  advantage. 

4.    FRENCH  CANADA' 

It  has  been  said  that  the  privileges  which  the  Catholic  church 
enjoyed  in  the  France  of  the  old  regime  were  conferred  upon  her 
as  a  reward  for  services  against  the  barbarians.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  the  Catholic  church  in  Quebec,  only  that  the  barbarians  in 
this  case  are  the  English.  From  the  time  of  the  conquest  to  the  time 
of  Papineau's  rebellion  competent  observers  believed  that  the  French- 
Canadians  would  lose  their  nationality.  Tocqueville,  when  he 
visited  America  in  the  early  thirties,  regarded  them  as  "the  wreck 

1  Adapted  from  E.  M.  Sait,  "Theocratic  Quebec,"  Annals  of  the  American 
Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  XLV  (January,  1913),  69-72.  Mr.  Sait  is 
assistant  professor  of  politics,  Columbia  University. 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  83 

of  an  old  people  lost  in  the  flood  of  a  new  nation."  We  are  told  that 
Garneau,  as  he  "heard  the  dull  booming  of  the  rising  tide  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race,"  wondered  if  his  history  of  Canada  were  not  after 
all  a  funeral  oration.  That  the  prophets  have  been  confounded,  that 
the  French- Canadians  have  remained  French  and  clung  to  the 
language  which  they  brought  from  their  Norman  and  Breton  homes, 
is  largely  the  result  of  clerical  leadership. 

After  the  conquest  the  church  became  the  natural  leader  of  the 
people.  Now  that  the  military  and  civil  officials,  the  merchants  and 
capitalists,  had  returned  to  France,  the  peasants  had  nowhere  else 
to  look  for  guidance.  Poor,  illiterate,  altogether  untrained  in  the 
conduct  of  public  affairs,  they  confided  their  future  to  men  who  were 
accustomed  to  wield  authority  and  to  exact  obedience  and  who  had 
every  reason  to  oppose  Anglicizing  influences.  The  Catholic  clergy 
were  anxious  to  keep  the  peasants  free  from  contact  with  the  Protes- 
tant English.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the  peculiarly  intimate  alliance 
between  clergy  and  people  came  about,  destined  to  leave  a  deep 
impress  upon  the  institutions  and  literature  of  the  country.  Patriot- 
ism and  religion  were  joined  together. 

Before  inquiring  what  the  church  has  done  to  justify  her  assump- 
tion of  leadership,  something  must  be  said  of  the  numerical  increase 
and  the  distribution  of  the  French-Canadians.  Without  some 
knowledge  of  their  phenomenal  development  it  is  impossible  to 
appreciate  the  practical  value  of  clerical  leadership  or  to  understand 
the  gratitude  of  the  people  and  the  tangible  form  which  that  gratitude 
has  taken.  In  1765  there  were,  within  the  present  boundaries  of 
Canada,  less  than  80,000  Frenchmen,  descendents  of  the  six  thousand 
settlers  who  came  from  the  mother  country  during  the  century  and 
a  half  of  the  old  regime.  They  were  a  conquered  people,  deprived 
of  their  leaders  and  without  material  resources.  Since  that  time 
they  have  received  no  accession  of  strength  from  immigration;  in 
the  whole  of  Canada  there  were  less  than  eight  thousand  "Frangais 
de  France"  at  the  opening  of  this  century.  Nevertheless,  the  hand- 
ful of  peasants  have  increased  to  more  than  three  millions.1  Domi- 
nant in  the  Province  of  Quebec,  where  they  constitute  80  per  cent 

'The  figures  given  here  are  based  upon  the  Canadian  census  of  1901,  as  the 
tables  showing  the  distribution  of  races  under  the  last  census  are  not  yet  available. 
[In  191 1,  people  of  French  origin  numbered  2,054,890,  or  28.51  per  cent  of  the 
total  population  of  Canada.) 


84  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  the  population  (1,322,155  in  1901),  they  have  thrust  themselves 
westward  into  Ontario,  where  they  control  several  border  counties; 
eastward  to  join  the  resurgent  Acadians  who  now  form  a  quarter  of  the 
population  of  New  Brunswick  and  more  than  half  the  population  of 
the  six  northern  counties  of  that  province;  and  southward  into 
New  England  where,  drawn  by  economic  forces  which  have  now 
ceased  to  be  operative,  they  settled  in  the  factory  towns,  and  now 
form  something  like  a  fifth  of  the  population  of  Vermont,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Rhode  Island.  Careful  estimates  have  shown  that  there 
are  a  million  and  a  half  French-Canadians  in  the  United  States. 
But,  scattered  among  a  rapidly-increasing  population  of  different 
origin  and  no  longer  fortified  by  new  blood  from  Quebec,  there  is  little 
chance  of  their  persistence  as  a  separate  nationality  even  in  those 
parts  of  New  England  where  they  are  most  numerous. 

It  is  in  the  cradle  of  the  race,  upon  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
that  the  hope  of  the  future  lies.  Quebec  is  not  an  English-speaking 
province  and  presumably  never  will  be.  Nowhere  else,  in  Canada 
or  the  United  States,  is  there  a  people  who  can  so  fairly  claim  to  be 
autochthonous.  The  French-Canadians,  whose  blood  runs  sub- 
stantially pure  and  whose  language  is  more  nearly  that  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  than  is  the  language  of  modern  France,  have  built  up 
in  the  last  three  centuries  one  of  the  vital  resources  of  a  people,  a  his- 
tory of  which  they  are  proud.  They  cherish  the  days  of  Frontenac 
and  La  Galissionniere,  of  Breboeuf  and  Daulac  des  Ormeaux,  in  a 
peculiarly  intimate  way.  Those  who  know  the  songs  they  sing  and  the 
literature  they  have  produced  will  understand  how  deep  their  love 
of  the  soil  goes.  All  that  has  happened  in  Quebec  since  its  cession  to 
the  English  seems  to  indicate  that  assimilation  will  never  take  place. 
Sheltered  behind  a  national  organization  which  has  called  to  its 
service  religion,  education,  language,  literature  and  national  societies, 
and  which  is  everywhere  informed  by  a  deep  consciousness  of  race, 
the  French-Canadians  have  preserved  their  distinctive  characteristics 
and  have  contested  successfully  with  their  conquerors  for  possession 
of  the  soil.  In  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  English 
element  declined  from  25  to  20  per  cent  of  the  population.  In  five 
counties  an  English  population  does  not  exist;  in  a  score  of  others  it 
falls  below  5  per  cent,  usually  well  below.  In  the  country  districts 
the  tendency  has  been  for  the  English  majorities,  where  such  existed, 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  85 

to  become  minorities  and  sink  gradually  into  insignificance.  "The 
danger  of  assimilation  has  completely  disappeared,"  says  M.  Thomas 
Cote;  "we  are  the  masters  of  our  destinies."  The  process  by  which 
the  English  have  been  supplanted  upon  the  soil  is  best  exemplified 
by  the  history  of  the  Eastern  Townships,  the  eleven  counties  which 
lie  between  Montreal  and  the  American  frontier  and  which  were 
originally  settled  by  immigrants  from  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  By  185 1  the  French  had  become  a  third  of  the  population  of 
the  Townships;  by  1861  nearly  a  half;  by  1901  two-thirds.  In  many 
an  old  English  center  all  that  remains  to  show  the  past  is  a  ruined 
Protestant  church  and  an  overgrown  graveyard.  If  the  present 
tendencies  continue,  the  soil  of  the  Townships  will  pass  entirely 
to  the  invader. 

What  has  brought  about  this  movement?  Aside  from  the  supe- 
rior fecundity  of  the  French-Canadians  (there  is  an  authentic  case  of 
thirty-six  children  in  a  family),  it  cannot  be  ascribed  to  their  superior 
energy.  Those  who  know  the  obstinate  conservatism  and  routine 
methods  of  the  habitant  would  scout  the  idea.  The  truth  is  that 
the  displacement  was  voluntary  at  first,  the  English-speaking  farmer 
going  elsewhere  to  better  his  condition,  and  was  afterward  enforced; 
and  it  was  enforced,  not  by  any  survival  of  the  fittest,  but  by  the 
organization  and  activity  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church.  In  fact, 
the  church  is  the  main  factor  in  rooting  the  habitant  to  the  soil  and 
keeping  him  there.  Her  clearly  developed  plan,  as  the  cure  tells 
his  flock  in  the  country  parishes,  is  to  make  the  English  and  Protes- 
tant parts  of  the  province  Catholic  and  French.  Colonization 
societies,  in  which  the  clerical  element  predominates,  give  assistance 
to  poor  colonists,  contribute  to  the  cost  of  churches  and  schools, 
and  open  up  new  roads.  They  act  as  bureaus  of  information.  They 
know  of  every  farm  which  has  been  offered  for  sale  and  have  one  of 
the  faithful  ready  to  occupy  it.  Behind  the  church  stands  the 
government,  subsidizing  the  societies  and  contributing  to  the  cause 
in  other  ways.  The  Papal  Zouaves  were  rewarded  with  a  block  of 
township  land. 

In  each  locality  the  same  thing  happens.  One  by  one  the  English 
families  leave.  One  by  one,  directed  by  the  church,  the  French 
families  arrive.  Finally  a  time  comes  when  the  English,  losing  their 
predominance,  feel  the  pressure  of  the  invasion.     Left  more  and 


86  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

more  in  the  minority,  they  find  it  hard,  then  actually  impossible,  to 
maintain  the  one  Protestant  church  which  ministers  to  the  various 
denominations.  The  children,  playing  with  French  children,  are  in 
danger  of  becoming  French.  Thus  the  retreat,  which  was  gradual 
and  voluntary  at  first,  finally  develops  into  a  frightened  rout.  Those 
who  remain  behind  become,  like  the  Highlanders  of  the  county  of 
Charlevoix,  French  in  everything  but  name.  From  all  parts  of  the 
province  the  English  have  been  converging  on  the  island  of  Montreal. 
In  the  twenty  years  preceding  the  census  of  iqoi,  although  their 
increase  for  the  province  was  only  41,500,  they  added  38,700  to  the 
population  of  the  city  alone.  To  the  population  of  the  whole  island, 
which  is  becoming  more  and  more  a  mere  suburb  of  the  city,  they 
added  over  60,000 — at  the  expense,  of  course,  of  other  English  dis- 
tricts. As  long  as  conditions  are  unaltered  this  movement  will 
continue.  Only  in  Montreal  have  the  English  a  position  of  apparent 
security  and  permanence.  It  is  a  curious  situation.  Perhaps  in 
defending  Montreal  they  feel  unconsciously  that  they  are  defending 
the  last  ditch. 

5.    THE  PROVINCE  OF  ONTARIO' 

The  province  of  Ontario  is  the  section  of  the  Dominion  lying 
between  the  great  international  lakes  and  Hudson  Bay.  It  extends 
from  the  western  boundary  of  Quebec  to  the  eastern  boundary  of 
Manitoba,  and  has  an  area  of  365,888  square  miles  of  land  and  41,382 
square  miles  of  water,  a  total  of  407,262  square  miles.  A  territory 
as  large  as  the  American  states  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  West  Virginia,  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Michigan 
might  be  cut  out  of  its  land  area  and  there  would  be  still  some  thou- 
sands of  miles  to  spare.  It  is  nearly  as  large  as  Germany  and  France 
combined. 

The  shape  of  Ontario  is  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  Italy,  with  the 
foot  of  the  boot  in  the  Great  Lakes,  just  as  the  Italian  boot  extends 
into  the  Mediterranean,  but  instead  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  Ontario  has 
the  Ottawa  River  on  its  eastern  boundary. 

The  southern  part  of  the  province  is  in  nearly  the  same  latitude 
as  Italy,  Pelee  Island  in  Lake  Erie  being  almost  as  far  south  as  Rome, 

*  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
pp.  95-99. 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  87 

while  Hamilton  is  in  about  the  same  latitude  as  the  French  port  of 
Marseilles.  Moose  Factory,  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  post  on 
James  Bay,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Moose  and  Abitibi  rivers,  is  in 
latitude  N.  510  16',  a  little  farther  south  than  London,  England,  the 
world's  metropolis  being  in  latitude  510  29'. 

Through  the  province  from  Lake  Abitibi  to  Lake  St.  Joseph  runs 
the  elevated  belt  known  as  the  height  of  land,  from  1,000  to  1,500  feet 
above  sea-level,  an  extension  of  the  highland  belt  of  Quebec  Province. 
On  the  southern  slope  of  the  height  of  land  are  the  sources  of  the 
rivers  which  empty  into  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence  River, 
while  those  flowing  into  Hudson  Bay  rise  on  its  northern  slope. 

The  population  of  Ontario  was  2,523,274  according  to  the  census  of 
1911  and  about  94  per  cent  of  the  people  are  concentrated  within  the 
peninsula  lying  to  the  south  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  northeast 
corner  of  Georgian  Bay,  through  Lake  Nipissing  to  the  Ottawa  River. 
This  peninsula  has  an  area  of  51,150  square  miles  without  including 
the  surrounding  waters,  which  is  about  the  same  size  as  England, 
with  an  area  of  50,200  square  miles.  This  district  is  sometimes  called 
Old  Ontario,  sometimes  Southern  Ontario,  while  the  remainder  of 
the  province  is  known  as  New  Ontario  or  Northern  Ontario. 

Nearly  the  whole  of  Old  Ontario  is  fertile,  although  in  some  of 
the  southeastern  counties  as  well  as  in  the  counties  of  Muskoka, 
Parry  Sound,  and  Nipissing  there  are  considerable  areas  more  suitable 
for  forest  reservations  than  for  farm  lands. 

Apples  and  certain  varieties  of  grapes  can  be  grown  successfully 
in  any  part  of  Old  Ontario,  but  the  fruit  garden  of  the  province  is  the 
southwestern  peninsula,  lying  between  Lake  Erie  and  Georgian  Bay, 
and  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Detroit  River,  Lake  St.  Clair,  River 
St.  Clair,  and  Lake  Huron.  This  district  rivals  the  Annapolis  Valley 
of  Nova  Scotia  in  the  production  of  apples,  while  peaches,  pears, 
plums,  and  the  finest  varieties  of  grapes  grow  to  perfection  in  the 
southern  counties.  Peaches  and  grapes  are  most  extensively  grown 
in  the  district  between  Hamilton  and  Niagara  where  there  are  many 
thousands  of  acres  of  peach  orchards.  The  fruit-growing  areas  are 
continually  extending  in  the  southern  counties  of  Ontario,  lands 
formerly  devoted  to  grain  growing  and  general  farming  being  planted 
with  orchards.  Ontario  farmers  at  one  time  devoted  their  lands 
almost  entirely   to  grain  growing  and   large  quantities  of  wheat, 


88  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

oats,  and  barley  are  still  produced,  but  grain  growing  has  to  a  large 
extent  given  place  to  fruit  growing  and  dairy  farming.  Ontario 
leads  the  world  in  the  production  of  cheese.  During  the  fourteen 
years  ending  with  1914  the  average  annual  production  of  cheese  was 
136,047,890  pounds. 

The  country  stretching  from  Lake  Nipissing  to  the  Lake  of  the 
Woods  and  extending  from  the  northern  shores  of  Georgian  Bay,  Lake 
Huron  and  Lake  Superior  to  the  height  of  land  is  known  as  the  Algoma 
district,  and  has  often  been  described  by  superficial  observers  as  a 
worthless  rocky  region,  which  must  always  prove  an  insurmountable 
barrier  between  central  Canada  and  the  Northwest.  That  it  looks 
rocky  and  worthless,  whether  viewed  from  a  steamship  or  from  a 
railway  car,  cannot  be  denied,  but  throughout  this  region  are  numer- 
ous little  fertile  valleys  watered  by  swift  flowing  rivers  and  pretty 
lakes.  It  must  be  admitted  that,  these  valleys  being  small,  there 
is  not  much  good  land  in  any  one  spot,  but  altogether  there  are  many 
areas  available  for  cultivation  between  Nipissing  and  Port  Arthur, 
but  the  greater  part  of  this  area  will  never  be  anything  more  than  a 
lumbering  and  mining  region.  The  fact  that  most  of  the  rivers  of  the 
province  have  their  sources  on  the  slopes  of  the  height  of  land  make  it 
desirable  that  it  should  be  maintained  as  a  forest  reservation,  and  if 
the  forests  are  properly  protected  they  may  be  made  to  yield  a  large 
revenue  to  the  province.  In  the  vicinity  of  Port  Arthur  and  along 
the  Rainy  River  and  about  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  there  are  large 
tracts  of  fertile  land. 

But  the  wealth  of  the  Algoma  district  is  in  the  rocks  rather  than  in 
the  soil,  for  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  it  is  one  of  the  richest  mineral 
districts  of  the  world.  Great  discoveries  of  nickel,  copper,  silver 
and  gold  have  already  been  made,  and  only  a  small  part  of  the  district 
has  been  thoroughly  prospected. 

The  country  north  of  the  height  of  land  is  almost  a  complete 
wilderness.  The  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  Railway  and  the  Canadian 
Northern  Railway  have  recently  been  constructed  through  it,  but 
the  settlement  of  the  country  has  hardly  begun.  The  Ontario 
Government  has  built  a  railway  from  North  Bay,  at  the  head  of 
Lake  Nipissing,  to  Cochrane,  on  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific,  and  settle- 
ment is  extending  along  this  railway. 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  8g 

6     THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  WATERWAY 

The  St.  Lawrence  system,  including  the  gulf,  lakes,  river  stretches, 
and  canals,  provides  a  continuous  navigable  inland  waterway  extend- 
ing from  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle  to  Duluth,  a  distance  of  2,339  statute 
miles  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  The  distance  to  Port  Arthur  on 
Thunder  Bay,  at  the  head  of  navigation  on  the  Canadian  side  of  the 
lake,  is  2,217  statute  miles,  while  the  distance  to  Chicago  is  2,243 
statute  miles.  In  this  great  waterway  there  are  74  miles  of  canals 
with  49  locks.  From  Montreal  to  Fort  William,  at  the  head  of 
Canadian  lake  navigation,  the  distance  is  1,214  statute  miles,  the 
distance  to  Chicago,  1,240  statute  miles,  and  the  distance  to  Duluth, 
1,336  statute  miles. 

The  Sault  Ste.  Marie  rapids,  on  the  St.  Mary's  River,  between 
Lakes  Superior  and  Huron,  are  avoided  by  a  canal  7,067  feet  in  length, 
between  the  extreme  ends  of  the  entrance  piers.  There  is  one  lock 
900  feet  by  60  feet,'  the  depth  of  water  at  lowest  known  level  being 
18  feet  but  ordinarily  about  20  feet.  There  is  a  similar  canal  on  the 
United  States  side  of  the  boundary,  built  by  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, and  these  waterways  are  popularly  known  as  the  "Soo" 
canals.  Some  of  the  freight  boats  passing  through  these  canals  are 
602  feet  long  and  60  feet  beam,  with  a  registered  tonnage  of  6,000  tons 
net.  A  large  percentage  of  the  freight  passing  through  is  carried 
by  boats  of  over  4,000  tons  net  register.  As  the  Canadian  and 
American  Sault  canals  are  side  by  side,  and  free  to  vessels  of  both 
nations,  Canadian  vessels  sometimes  use  the  American  canal  and 
American  vessels  the  Canadian  canal,  selecting  whichever  is  the  more 
convenient  for  passage  at  the  moment  of  arrival.  In  1913,  15, 599 
vessels,  having  registered  tonnages  of  32,062,619  tons  and  freight 
tonnages  of  37,022,201  tons,  passed  through  the  American  canal, 
and  8,285  vessels,  having  registered  tonnages  of  25,974,441  tons  and 
freight  tonnages  amounting  to  42,699,324  tons,  passed  through  the 
Canadian  canal.  During  the  same  year  5,085  vessels,  with  tonnages 
amounting  to  20,033,884  tons,  passed  through  the  Suez  canal. 

From  the  St.  Mary's  River  there  is  deep-water  navigation  through 
Lake  Huron,  the  St.  Clair  River,  Lake  St.  Clair,  the  Detroit  River, 

1  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century 
pp.  67,  85-89. 


90  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  Lake  Erie.1  The  Niagara  Falls  are  avoided  by  means  of  the 
Welland  Canal  from  Port  Colborne  on  Lake  Erie  to  Port  Dalhousie 
on  Lake  Ontario,  26f  miles  in  length,  with  twenty-six  locks.  From 
Port  Dalhousie  to  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario  there  is  deep-water  navi- 
gation, but  on  the  St.  Lawrence  between  Lake  Ontario  and  Montreal 
six  canals,  with  an  aggregate  length  of  46-fV  miles,  and  twenty-two 
locks  are  necessary  to  avoid  rapids.  These  canals  are  the  Galops, 
7 j  miles  long  with  three  locks;  the  Rapide  Plat,  3!  miles  long  with 
two  locks;  the  Farran's  Point,  i§  miles  long  with  one  lock;  the 
Cornwall,  n  miles  long  with  one  lock;  the  Soulanges,  14  miles  long 
with  five  locks,  and  the  Lachine  canal,  8|  miles  long  with  five  locks, 
connecting  Lake  St.  Louis  with  the  harbor  of  Montreal.  The 
minimum  dimensions  of  the  canal  locks  between  Lake  Erie  and 
Montreal  are:  length,  270  feet,  width,  45  feet,  depth  of  water  on 
sills,  14  feet.  Vessels  255  feet  long  can  be  accommodated.  It  will 
be  noted  that  the  dimensions  of  the  canals  between  Lake  Erie  and 
Montreal  are  less  than  those  of  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  Canal.  The 
large  lake  vessels  coming  down  from  the  upper  lakes  transfer  their 
cargoes  to  the  smaller  vessels  at  Port  Colborne.  However,  a  larger 
canal  is  now  being  constructed  between  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Ontario. 
According  to  the  statement  of  the  engineer  in  charge,  this  enlarged 
canal  will  follow  the  course  of  the  present  canal  from  Port  Colborne 
on  Lake  Erie  to  Allanburg,  half-way  across  the  peninsula,  from  which 
point  a  new  cutting  will  be  made  to  a  point  on  Lake  Ontario  to  be 
known  as  Port  Weller,  three  miles  from  the  Ontario  entrance  to  the 
present  canal.  The  total  length  of  the  canal  from  lake  to  lake  will  be 
25  miles,  and  the  difference  in  level  between  the  two  lakes,  325!  feet, 
is  to  be  overcome  by  seven  lift  locks,  each  having  a  lift  of  46^  feet. 
The  dimensions  of  the  locks  arp  to  be  800  feet  in  length  by  80  feet  in 
width  in  the  clear,  with  30  feet  of  water  over  the  mitre  sills  at  extreme 
low  water  in  the  lakes.  The  width  of  the  canal  at  the  bottom  will  be 
200  feet.    For  the  present  the  canal  reaches  will  be  excavated  to  a 

1  [Two  notable  improvements  were  necessary  before  a  channel  deep  enough  for 
the  larger  lake  steamers  was  obtained.  One  was  a  jetty  to  secure  a  deep  channel 
through  the  shallow  water  at  the  delta  which  the  St.  Clair  River  has  built  at  the 
point  where  it  empties  into  Lake  St.  Clair.  The  other  was  a  deep-water  channel 
cut  in  the  limestone  which  floors  the  Detroit  River  near  its  mouth.  This  shallow 
place  in  the  Detroit  River  is  known  as  the  Lime  Kiln  Crossing  and  during  a  storm 
was  dangerous  to  shipping. — C.  C  C] 


THE  ST.  LAWRENCE  LOWLANDS  91 

depth  of  25  feet  only,  but^all  structures  will  be  sunk  to  the  30-foot 
depth,  so  that  the  canal  can  be  deepened  at  any  future  date  by  the 
simple  process  of  dredging  at  the  reaches.  This  canal  will  have  greater 
dimension  than  any  other  Canadian  canal.  When  it  is  completed  the 
largest  lake  vessels  will  be  able  to  go  from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior 
to  Kingston,  near  the  foot  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  they  will  have  to 
transfer  their  cargoes  to  smaller  vessels  running  through  the  St. 
Lawrence  canals  to  Montreal  until  the  St.  Lawrence  canals  are  enlarged, 
as  they  probably  will  be  eventually. 

While  the  St.  Lawrence  is  30  or  more  feet  in  depth  between 
Montreal  and  Quebec  there  are  a  number  of  shoal  places,  and  to 
enable  modern  ocean  vessels  to  reach  Montreal  it  has  been  necessary 
to  dredge  channels  through  these  shoals.  The  longest  shoal  is 
where  the  river  expands  to  form  Lake  St.  Peter  which  is  nine  miles 
wide,  twenty  miles  long,  and  has  a  general  depth  of  from  eleven  to 
eighteen  feet,  with  a  few  deep  pools. 

It  is  seventy  years  since  the  dredging  of  a  channel  through  the 
shoals  was  first  begun,  and  it  did  not  require  to  be  very  deep  to 
accommodate  ocean-going  vessels  of  that  day,  but  as  the  size  of 
ocean  vessels  has  increased  the  channel  has  been  deepened  and 
widened.  Now  ships  drawing  thirty  feet  of  water  can  go  up  to  Mon- 
treal at  extreme  low  water.  The  intention  is  to  eventually  have  a 
channel  nowhere  less  than  35  feet  deep.  The  whole  St.  Lawrence 
Channel  is  splendidly  equipped  with  buoys  and  lights,  so  that  navi- 
gation is  very  safe. 

The  character  of  the  river  bottom  is  such  that  when  the  channel 
is  once  made  it  is  permanent  and  there  is  no  difficulty  in  keeping  it 
always  clean  and  clear. 

The  season  of  navigation  on  the  St.  Lawrence  varies  somewhat 
in  different  years.  At  Montreal,  for  the  thirty-six  years  from  1879 
to  1 9 14  inclusive  the  earliest  opening  of  navigation  for  river  craft  was 
March  31,  and  the  latest  May  5,  while  the  earliest  closing  of  naviga- 
tion was  December  2,  and  the  latest  the  end  of  the  first  week  in 
January.  The  earliest  date  for  the  arrival  at  Montreal  of  the  first 
vessel  from  sea  during  the  same  period  of  thirty-six  years  was 
April  11  and  the  latest  May  6,  while  the  earliest  date  for  the 
last  departure  of  vessels  for  the  sea  was  November  20  and  the 
latest  December  4. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  LAURENTIAN  UPLAND 

1.     SOME  RESPONSES  TO  PHYSICAL  ENVIRONMENT  IN  THE 
LAURENTIAN  PLATEAU' 

One  of  the  most  interesting  problems  for  study  presented  by  the 
Lauren  tian  peneplain  is  the  influence  which  the  type  of  topography 
here  developed  has  had  upon  the  occupation  and  exploration  of  the 
region.  Stretching  as  it  does  from  the  frozen  arctic  to  the  temperate 
regions  of  central  Ontario,  and  from  the  ocean  border  on  the  east  to 
the  mid-continental  region  of  the  great  plains  on  the  west,  in  its 
different  parts  it  presents  many  aspects  indicating  the  operation  of 
climatic  influences  which  affect  its  flora,  its  fauna,  and  its  human 
occupation. 

The  uplands  of  the  Labrador  and  the  far  northwest  region  (north- 
ern Keewatin  and  northeast  Mackenzie)  are  devoid  of  trees,  the 
vegetation  being  confined  to  the  lower  orders  of  plants.  Next 
southward  we  find  the  belt  of  conifers  stretching  across  all  the  region 
from  Hamilton  Inlet  to  Great  Slave  Lake,  the  trees  increasing  in 
size  and  variety  with  decrease  of  latitude.  In  the  central  parts 
deciduous  trees  abound.  Although  in  general  throughout  the  region 
we  find  uniformity  of  features,  in  structure  and  development  there  is  a 
great  diversity  of  detail.  The  enormous  number  of  lakes  and  streams, 
the  widespread  distribution  of  the  forests,  the  general  uniformity  of  the 
topography,  and  the  climatic  characteristics  of  the  region,  have  all 
contributed  to  make  it  the  home  of  those  animals  whose  flesh  is 
valuable  for  food,  and  of  those  whose  pelts  are  valuable  for  clothing 
or  as  articles  of  commerce.  The  remarkably  even  character  of  the 
topography  of  the  region,  the  character  of  the  flora,  and  the  protection 
offered  by  climatic  conditions  even  now  make  possible  the  existence 

'  Adapted  from  A.  W.  G.  Wilson,  "Physiography  of  the  Archean  Areas  of 
Canada,"  Report  of  the  Eighth  International  Geographic  Congress  (Washington,  1905), 
pp.  116-34.  Mr.  Wilson  is  chief  of  Metalliferous  Mines,  Mines  Branch,  Depart- 
ment of  Mines. 

91 


THE  LAURENTIAN  UPLAND  03 

of  those  vast  herds  of  caribou  (comparable  to  the  herds  of  buffalo 
which  roamed  the  great  plains  of  the  West  until  after  the  advent  of 
the  destructive  white  man)  which  at  the  present  roam  over  the 
barren  grounds. 

The  Indian  inhabitants  of  the  region,  living  chiefly  on  the  products 
of  the  chase,  have  here  from  time  immemorial  found  their  hunting- 
grounds.  The  numerous  lakes  and  streams  then,  as  now,  were  the 
only  lines  of  communication  in  all  that  vast  area.  Their  distribution 
through  all  parts  of  it  and  the  comparative  ease  with  which  traverses 
from  one  body  of  water  to  the  next  can  be  made  enabled  these  people 
to  wander  unimpeded  over  the  whole  region.  The  customs  of  these 
people  in  the  several  parts  of  the  area  differ  but  little;  in  language 
there  are  greater  differences,  but  over  very  large  areas  the  speech 
is  the  same.  Probably  nowhere  else  over  so  large  an  area  have  scat- 
tered communities  retained  so  well  their  communal  characteristics. 
In  language,  customs,  and  culture  they  differ  greatly  from  the  various 
tribes  found  in  the  mountainous  districts  of  British  Columbia.  In 
some  of  the  unexplored  parts  of  the  region  there  are  Indians  who  have 
not  yet  seen  a  white  man,  unless  perhaps  some  half-breed  trader. 

On  the  other  hand,  to  the  average  white  man,  with  his  different 
modes  of  living,  the  region,  with  its  exceedingly  limited  agricultural 
possibilities,  has  always  been  inhospitable.  He  has  displaced  the 
native  Indian  inhabitants  in  the  fertile  plain  regions  which  border  the 
peneplain  to  the  south  and  west.  The  last  remnants  of  some  of  these 
displaced  tribes  still  survive  upon  these  uplands,  and  still  eke  out  a 
more  or  less  precarious  existence  on  the  products  of  the  chase.  To 
the  white  man,  however,  the  region  offers  other  inducements  which 
lead  to  the  temporary  occupation  of  local  areas.  The  degradation 
which  produced  the  peneplain  has  not  only  made  possible  the  wide- 
spread forest,  but  has  exposed  mineral  deposits  that  otherwise  would 
not  have  been  accessible.  The  region  is  thus  of  great  importance 
as  the  source  of  almost  a  world's  supply  of  timber  and  of  the  products 
of  the  mine,  more  particularly  of  the  ores  of  iron  and  copper. 

The  character  of  the  country  makes  the  continued  existence  of 
the  fur-bearing  and  game  animals  possible.  The  widespread  distribu- 
tion of  these  animals,  the  chief  support  of  the  inhabitants,  has  led 
to  the  scattering  of  the  people  over  the  whole  area  and  to  the  develop- 
ment of  more  or  less  nomadic  habits  and  customs. 


94  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  journeys  of  the  early  explorers  across  the  region  were  possible 
because  of  its  peculiar  topographic  features.  These  journeys  were 
undertaken  by  the  early  missionaries  almost  always,  and  by  the  fur 
traders  frequently,  to  visit  the  wandering  Indians  scattered  through- 
out the  region.  The  fur  traders  often  undertook  journeys  solely 
for  the  purpose  of  hunting.  The  stories  of  the  travels  of  these  early 
missionaries  told  by  Parkman  and  others,  and  the  histories  of  the 
great  fur  companies,  incidents  of  which  form  the  historic  foundation 
of  many  tales,  afford  some  of  the  most  fascinating  chapters  in  the 
history  of  Canada,  and  in  the  study  of  the  physiographic  influences 
of  this  region.  The  early  explorations  of  the  eastern,  central,  and 
southern  part  of  the  western  arm  of  the  area  were  made  largely  by 
the  missionaries  and  the  employees  of  the  great  trading  companies. 
The  exploration  of  the  Far  Northwest,  on  the  other  hand,  with  the 
exception  of  the  three  years'  adventurous  wanderings  of  Hearne, 
an  employee  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  were  only  incidental  to 
continued  search  for  a  possible  northwest  passage. 

The  climatic  conditions  of  the  Far  Northwest  and  the  absence  of 
soil  in  any  considerable  amount  from  the  Labrador  areas  and  the 
country  just  north  and  west  of  Lake  Superior  means  that  these  regions 
will  always  be  shunned  by  the  majority  of  white  men  in  search  of 
permanent  abode.  There  are,  however,  considerable  areas  where 
there  is  a  good  soil  cover,  generally  of  fine  glacial  or  lacustrine  clays 
and  sands,  which  are  habitable  and  lie  within  the  wheat  belt.  The 
largest  of  these  lies  between  James  Bay  and  the  Lake  Superior  divide. 
Smaller  areas,  now  partly  occupied,  occur  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake 
Temiscaming  and  St.  John.  The  region  is,  however,  one  of  great 
promise  in  another  respect.  Under  progressive  governmental  control, 
and  under  the  competent  supervision  of  trained  forest  engineers,  it 
could  be  made  an  immense  permanent  forest  reserve,  a  source  of 
timber  for  many  centuries  to  come.  At  present  the  timber  resources 
are  being  rapidly  exhausted,  and  practically  no  provision  is  being 
made  for  the  restoration  of  the  forests. 

2.  THE  CLAY  BELT  OF  NORTHERN  ONTARIO  AND  QUEBEC 

One  of  the  important  discoveries  of  recent  years  in  Canada 
has  been  the  recognition  of  an  agricultural  district  more  than  30,000 

■Adapted  from  John  A.  Dresser,  "The  Clay  Belt  of  Northern  Ontario  and 
Quebec,"  Journal  of  Geography,  XI  (April,  1913),  250-55. 


THE  LAURENTIAN  UPLAND  95 

square  miles  in  extent,  within  the  Laurentian  plateau  or  peneplain. 
This  new  district  is  called  the  Clay  Belt  of  Northern  Ontario  and 
Quebec. 

Discovery.  As  early  as  1870,  geological  and  other  explorers  called 
attention  to  land  fit  for  agriculture  along  the  Abitibi  River  and  other 
routes  of  travel  to  James  Bay.  But  it  was  thirty  years  later  before 
it  was  realized  that  the  land  between  the  traveled  routes  is  of  the  same 
general  character,  and  that  the  narrow  strips  of  tillable  land  to  be 
seen  from  the  waterways  are  parts  of  a  large,  compact  area  of  agricul- 
tural land,  broken  only  by  lakes,  swamps,  and  a  few  rock  hills.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  except  in  winter,  when  the  ground  is  covered 
with  snow,  the  only  means  of  travel  in  this  region  is  by  canoe.  And 
although  the  lakes  and  rivers  are  so  numerous  as  to  furnish  a  remark- 
able number  of  canoe  routes,  yet  before  the  advent  of  the  railway  most 
of  the  traveling  was  done  along  a  few  principal  routes.  Consequently, 
much  of  this  vast  tract  is  even  yet  but  little  known. 

However,  about  1899,  the  reports  of  the  Ontario  Bureau  of  Mines 
pointed  out  the  probable  large  extent  and  important  value  of  the 
clay  lands  in  this  northern  country.  Accordingly,  in  1900  as  many 
as  ten  exploration  parties  were  placed  in  the  field,  with  the  object 
of  tracing  out  the  extent  of  the  agricultural  lands  of  the  district. 
From  their  surveys  and  those  of  the  Department  of  Crown  Lands  the 
approximate  boundaries  of  the  Clay  Belt  in  Ontario  were  made  known. 
Later  investigations  have  added  to  the  information  then  gained  and 
have  shown  partially,  at  least,  the  extent  of  the  fertile  area  in  adjacent 
parts  of  the  Province  of  Quebec. 

Origin.  The  Clay  Belt  is  the  bed  of  an  extinct  lake, perhaps  once  as 
large  as  Lake  Superior,  which  covered  this  area  in  a  late  stage  of  the 
last  great  Ice  Age.  An  ice  sheet  which  extended  southward  and 
westward  from  the  highlands  of  Labrador,  covering  the  region  of  the 
Great  Lakes,  retreated  northward  by  the  melting  of  its  southern  edge. 
When  the  edge  of  the  ice  sheet  passed  north  of  the  height  of  land 
between  the  Great  Lakes  and  Hudson  Bay,  the  water  formed  by  the 
melting  of  the  ice  became  confined  between  the  edge  of  the  ice  sheet 
and  the  height  of  land.  Thus  a  lake,  or  series  of  lakes,  was  formed 
which  was  finally  drained  when  the  ice  sheet  which  held  it  in  on  the 
north  was  melted  away.  For  this  ancient  lake,  Professor  Coleman 
has  aptly  chosen  the  name  "Ojibway,"  from  the  principal  tribe  of  the 


96  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Indians  who  are  the  earliest  known  inhabitants  of  the  land  it  once 
covered. 

The  water  of  the  lake,  assorting  the  clay  and  silt  from  the  debris 
of  rock  and  earth  left  by  the  ice,  deposited  them  in  beds,  thus  leveling 
the  surface  and  covering  it  by  a  soil  that  is  free  from  stones. 

General  Character.  The  surface  of  this  glacial  lake  bed  is  an 
undulating  plain.  The  even  sky  line  is  broken  only  by  an  occasional 
rocky  ridge  or  an  abrupt  hill  formed  by  some  old  volcanic  intrusion, 
but  these  are  rarely,  if  ever,  more  than  300  feet  above  the  surrounding 
country  and  are  generally  less  than  half  that  height. 

There  are  many  small  lakes,  though  they  are  less  numerous  than 
in  the  rocky  country  south  of  the  Clay  Belt.  The  streams  are 
numerous  and  flow  more  rapidly  than  the  flat  appearance  of  the 
country  would  lead  one  to  expect.  There  are  occasional  rapids,  and 
small  falls  which  might  provide  water-power  of  local  importance. 

The  prevailing  timber  is  black  spruce,  which  covers  much  of  the 
lower  land.  Poplar  and  white  birch  generally  cover  the  ridges,  and 
where  the  soil  becomes  sandy,  the  chief  timber  is  jack  pine.  The 
forest  is  broken  in  places  by  burned  areas,  and  by  swamps,  in  which 
drainage  is  not  yet  sufficient  to  allow  trees  to  grow.  Much  of  the 
swamp  land,  however,  will  be  reclaimable  when  the  surrounding 
forest  has  been  removed. 

The  soil  is  mainly  stratified  clay  loam  often  overlain  by  a  few 
inches  of  black  earth,  largely  of  organic  origin.  The  clay  is  frequently 
in  beds  of  two  or  three  inches  in  thickness,  separated  by  layers 
of  fine  sand  or  silt  less  than  one-fourth  of  an  inch  deep.  Locally 
there  are  areas  of  boulder  clay,  but  the  soil  is  generally  free  from 
stones. 

Various  kinds  of  grain  and  root  crops  have  been  raised  at  different 
Hudson's  Bay  trading  posts  in  the  district  for  many  years.  Very 
promising  farms  have  been  opened  along  the  Timiskaming  &  Northern 
Ontario  Railway.  Mixed  farming  has  been  very  successfully  carried 
on  around  the  northern  end  of  Lake  Timiskaming  for  the  past  15  Or 
20  years,  and  on  a  larger  scale  with  wheat  raising  and  dairying  in  the 
Lake  St.  John  district  for  a  still  longer  time.  In  this  district  there  is 
a  population  of  about  60,000  people,  occupied  in  farming  and  lumber- 
ing. Accordingly  the  general  suitability  of  the  Clay  Belt  for  farming 
purposes  may  be  considered  as  well  established. 


THE  LAURENTIAN  UPLAND  97 

Railway  Development.  Four  railways  give  access  to  this  region. 
The  National  Transcontinental  Railway  traverses  it  from  east  to 
west  and  the  Canadian  Northern  parallels  the  Transcontinental 
through  the  western  half  at  a  general  distance  of  50  miles  to  the 
south.    Both  of  these  roads  are  parts  of  transcontinental  systems. 

The  Timiskaming  and  Northern  Ontario  enters  the  Clay  Belt 
from  the  south,  near  the  boundary  between  Ontario  and  Quebec  and 
joins  the  Transcontinental  Railway  at  Cochrane,  connecting  it  with 
Toronto  and  "old"  Ontario  and  Quebec. 

The  fourth  railway,  the  Algoma  Central  &  Hudson  Bay,  extends 
from  Sault  Ste.  Marie  to  the  Transcontinental  at  the  town  of  Hearst, 
with  several  branches  to  mining  camps,  and  one  to  Michipicoten 
Harbor  on  Lake  Superior.  The  Algoma  Central  &  Hudson  Bay 
crosses  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  at  Franz.  The  latter  line 
runs  nearly  parallel  to  the  southern  limit  of  the  Clay  Belt  and  at 
short  distance  from  it  for  200  miles  but  does  not  enter  this  fertile  area. 

3.    THE  WINNIPEG,  A  TYPICAL  RIVER  OF  THE 
LAURENTIAN  UPLAND' 

Winnipeg  River  is  one  of  the  most  notable  power  rivers  on  the 
continent;  it  flows  in  a  westerly  direction,  connecting  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods  with  Lake  Winnipeg.  The  basin  drained  comprises  ar. 
immense  area  of  some  53,500  square  miles.  As  is  typical  of  Lauren- 
tian  country,  the  area  is  dotted  with  innumerable  muskegs  and  lakes 
the  latter  varying  in  size  from  small  ponds  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods., 
with  an  area  of  1,500  square  miles.  Since  practically  the  entire  basin 
is  of  Laurentian  formation,  containing  areas  of  overlying  soil  of  glacial 
origin,  certain  general  characteristics  apply  to  the  drainage  basin 
as  a  whole.  The  country  is  rough  and  hilly,  with  large  areas  of 
rock  outcrop.  This  latter  feature  applies  in  the  main  throughout  the 
Winnipeg  River,  and  lends  itself  to  a  characteristic  formation  through- 
out the  river  channel,  which  is  of  exceptional  value  in  the  interests  of 
power  development.  The  larger  proportion  of  the  river  bed  in  the 
province  of  Manitoba  consists  of  a  series  of  deep,  cup-like  basins,  form- 
ing small,  lake-like  expanses,  with  little  or  no  current.     The  river 

1  Adapted  from  Leo  G.  Denis,  Water-Powers  of  Manitoba,  Saskatcheivan,  and 
Alberta,  Commission  of  Conservation  of  Canada,  1916,  pp.  11-12  Mr.  Denis  is 
Hydro-Electric  Engineer  for  the  Commission  of  Conservation. 


98  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

flow  finds  its  way  from  these  basins  by  falls  and  rapids  over  the  rock 
formation,  which  is  always  in  evidence  at  the  outlets,  and  which 
forms  both  the  means  of  egress  from  and  the  controlling  feature  of  the 
basin  water  level.  These  falls  form  the  natural  power  sites  along  the 
river. 

A  valuable  timber  growth,  including  spruce,  tamarack,  birch,  and 
pine,  occurs  throughout  the  whole  district.  Lumbering  is  carried 
on  extensively,  and,  in  addition,  pulp  and  paper  industries  have  been 
established  at  Fort  Frances  and  Dryden.  Notwithstanding  the 
great  extent  of  rock  outcrop,  considerable  areas  are  available  for 
farming,  particularly  in  the  Whitemouth  and  Rainy  River  districts. 
While  there  are  several  prosperous  towns  in  the  basin,  such  as  Fort 
Frances,  Rainy  River,  and  Kenora,  the  greater  portion  of  the  country 
is  still  unsettled. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES 
1.    THE  WESTERN  PLAINS  OF  CANADA1 

The  part  of  Canada  extending  from  the  western  boundary  of 
Ontario  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  from  the  United  States  boundary 
to  the  Arctic  Ocean  has  been  known  by  different  names  in  the  course 
of  its  history.  For  a  long  time  it  was  generally  known  as  the  Hudson 
Bay  Territory,  but  was  sometimes  called  Prince  Rupert's  Land  and 
often  referred  to  as  the  Great  Lone  Land.  After  it  became  part  of 
Canada  it  was  known  for  a  number  of  years  as  the  Canadian  North- 
west. In  recent  years  it  has  been  more  frequently  called  Western 
Canada,  although  this  name  should  properly  include  British  Columbia. 
Perhaps  the  most  appropriate  name  is  the  Western  Plain  of  Canada 
which  distinguishes  it  from  the  mountainous  province  of  British 
Columbia.  Politically  the  Western  Plain  has  been  subdivided  into 
three  Prairie  Provinces,  Manitoba,  Saskatchewan,  Alberta,  and  the 
Northwest  Territories.  Each  of  the  Prairie  Provinces  extends  from 
the  United  States  boundary  to  the  sixtieth  parallel  of  latitude,  while 
the  Northwest  Territories  include  the  whole  of  the  Western  Plain 
north  of  the  sixtieth  parallel  of  latitude. 

The  Western  Plain  has  three  great  river  systems  with  lake  reser- 
voirs, the  Nelson  and  Churchill  rivers  draining  into  Hudson  Bay 
and  the  Mackenzie  draining  into  the  Arctic  Ocean.  The  most  impor- 
tant river  of  the  prairie  country  is  the  Saskatchewan,  which  has  two 
branches  rising  near  together  in  the  foothills  of  the  mountains,  but 
flowing  in  tortuous  courses  one  south  the  other  north  and  finally 
joining  in  a  common  channel  which  carries  their  waters  to  Lake  Winni- 
peg. In  the  lower  part  of  its  course  the  Saskatchewan  has  a  number 
of  small  lake  reservoirs  including  among  others  Cumberland,  Namew, 
Saskeram,  and  Cedar  lakes,  which  receive  the  overflow  from  a  number 
of  other  small  lakes  and   rivers  of  the  north.     The  most  serious 

1  Adapted  from  Watson  Griffin,  Canada  the  Country  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
pp.  118-29. 

99 


IOO  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

obstruction  to  navigation  on  the  Saskatchewan  is  a  waterfall  or 
rapids  beginning  a  short  distance  above  its  entrance  to  Lake  Winni- 
peg. The  Red  River  rising  in  the  United  States  flows  northward  to 
Lake  Winnipeg,  receiving  at  the  city  of  Winnipeg  the  winding  Assini- 
boine,  coming  450  miles  from  the  west. 

Steamers  run  from  Winnipeg  along  the  Red  River,  and  through 
Lake  Winnipeg  to  the  rapids  of  the  Saskatchewan,  a  distance  of  286 
miles.  The  construction  of  two  or  three  short  canals,  the  removal  of 
a  few  boulders,  and  a  little  dredging  would  make  it  possible  for 
steamers  to  run  from  Winnipeg  to  Prince  Albert,  Battleford,  anil 
Edmonton  on  the  North  Saskatchewan,  Saskatoon  on  the  South 
Saskatchewan,  and  Brandon  on  the  Assir.iboine.  However  the 
prairie  rivers,  although  long,  are  neither  wide  nor  deep  and  will 
never  accommodate  large  vessels.  The  Nelson  is  a  large  river,  but  at 
present  is  only  navigable  for  about  sixty  miles  from  its  mouth  owing  to 
rapids. 

Three  Natural  Subdivisions.  The  vast  Western  Plain,  which  is 
drained  by  these  great  systems  of  rivers  and  lakes,  has  three  great 
natural  subdivisions,  the  Prairies,  the  Forest  Region,  and  the  "Barren 
Lands."  The  Prairie  Region  lies  between  the  United  States  boundary 
and  the  fifty-fourth  parallel  of  latitude,  sloping  gradually  eastward 
from  an  elevation  of  over  3,500  feet  in  the  foothills  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  to  an  elevation  of  about  800  feet  in  the  valley  of  the 
Red  River.  There  is  also  a  steady  slope  northward,  but  the  eastward 
slope  is  a  little  more  pronounced  and  directs  the  course  of  the  rivers 
toward  Hudson  Bay.  Throughout  the  Prairie  Region  there  are 
trees  in  many  spots  along  the  banks  of  rivers  and  on  the  low  hills  that 
rise  from  the  plains  in  some  places,  but  the  prairie  country  as  a  whole 
is  almost  treeless  except  in  the  northern  part,  where  there  is  a  park- 
like country  having  many  groves  of  trees  with  wide,  open  spaces 
between  them.  This  park  country  may  be  regarded  as  the  borderland 
between  the  Prairie  and  the  Forest  Region.  The  Forest  Region 
includes  the  districts  lying  within  the  basins  of  the  Churchill  and 
Mackenzie  river  and  lake  systems  and  the  country  extending  east 
and  northeast  of  Lake  Winnipeg  to  Hudson  Bay.  Just  as  in  the 
Prairie  Region  there  are  small  tree-covered  areas,  so  in  the  Forest 
Region  there  are  small  prairies.  The  district  known  as  the  "Barren 
Lands"  lies  east  of  the  watershed  of  rivers  flowing  into  the  Mackenzie 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  Idi 

system  of  lakes  and  rivers  and  extends  from  about  the  sixtieth  parallel 
of  latitude  to  the  Arctic  Ocean.  It  is  drained  by  a  number  of  rivers 
flowing  into  Hudson  Bay  and  by  the  Coppermine  and  Backs  rivers 
emptying  into  the  Arctic  Ocean. 

The  Hudson  Bay  Railway.  The  prairie  country  is  fast  becoming 
a  network  of  railways  but  as  yet  the  forest  belt  is  almost  without 
railways.  A  government  railway  is  being  built  from  the  Pas  on 
the  Saskatchewan  River  to  Port  Nelson,  a  distance  of  418  miles,  in 
response  to  a  long-cherished  desire  of  the  western  settlers  for  a  short 
route  to  Europe.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  Port  Nelson  is  nearer 
British  ports  than  New  York  is,  the  distance  from  Port  Nelson  to 
Liverpool  being  2,966  miles,  as  compared  with  3,043  miles  from  New 
York  to  Liverpool.  It  is  evident  that  if  Hudson  Bay  and  Hudson 
Strait  were  navigable  throughout  the  year  the  whole  export  and 
import  business  of  the  Western  Plain  of  Canada  would  take  that 
route.  Unfortunately  the  ice  conditions  in  Hudson  Strait  are  very 
unfavourable  to  navigation  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year. 
Commander  A.  P.  Low  of  the  steamship  "Neptune,"  commissioned 
by  the  Canadian  government  to  study  navigation  conditions  in 
Hudson  Bay  and  Hudson  Strait,  said  in  his  report: 

"Hudson  Bay  and  Hudson  Strait  do  not  freeze  solid,  but  are  so 
covered  with  masses  of  floating  ice  as  to  be  practically  unnavigable 
for  at  least  seven  months  in  the  year.  The  ice  does  not  begin  to  melt 
until  well  into  the  month  of  June,  and  is  not  sufficiently  melted 
for  safe  nagivation  with  ordinary  steamers  until  the  middle  of  July. 
No  ice  is  formed  in  the  strait  and  bay  sufficiently  heavy  to  obstruct 
ordinary  navigation  until  the  latter  part  of  November,  but  toward  the 
close  of  this  period  there  is  danger  from  the  early  passage  of  the 
northern  pack  across  the  mouth  of  the  strait  and  also  to  a  much  lesser 
degree  from  the  ice  from  Fox  Channel  partly  closing  the  western 
entrance  to  the  strait.  The  period  of  safe  navigation  for  ordinary 
iron  steamships  through  Hudson  Strait  and  across  Hudson  Bay  to 
Port  Churchill  may  be  taken  to  extend  from  the  twentieth  of  July  to 
the  first  of  November.  This  period  might  be  increased  without  much 
risk  by  a  week  in  the  beginning  of  the  season  and  by  perhaps  two  weeks 
at  the  close." 

The  Climate  of  the  Prairie  Provinces.  Throughout  the  three  Prairie 
Provinces  the  sky  is  usually  bright  and  the  atmosphere  dry,  clear, 


102  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  pure.  The  dryness  of  the  atmosphere  makes  both  heat  and 
cold  more  endurable.  The  cold  is  often  extreme  in  winter,  but  the 
degree  of  cold  is  not  realized  until  one  examines  the  thermometer. 
The  temperatures  do  not  vary  as  much  in  different  sections  of  these 
provinces  as  might  be  expected  in  such  a  wide  extent  of  territory  cover- 
ing so  many  degrees  of  latitude.  While  the  elevation  increases  as 
one  moves  westward  from  the  Red  River  toward  the  mountains, 
the  western  country  is  farther  from  the  influence  of  cold  winds  blow- 
ing from  the  ice  in  the  north  of  Hudson  Bay  and  Hudson  Strait  in 
the  winter  and  spring,  and  this  offsets  the  higher  elevation.  In 
Alberta  the  influence  of  the  warm  Chinook  breezes  coming  through 
passes  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  is  often  felt.  These  warm  winter 
winds  melt  the  snow  in  a  marvelously  short  time,  so  that  it  seldom 
lies  long  on  the  ground  and  cattle  are  able  to  feed  on  the  prairie  all 
winter.  Comparing  Manitoba  and  Alberta,  it  may  be  said  that  the 
winters  are  a  little  colder  and  steadier  in  Manitoba  and  the  summers 
a  little  warmer,  but  the  difference  is  not  great.  Saskatchewan  has 
very  much  the  same  climate  as  Manitoba  and  in  both  of  these  prov- 
inces the  winters  are  less  changeable  than  in  Alberta. 

The  Coming  of  the  Spring.  The  spring  flowers  and  the  buds  of 
deciduous  trees  appear  as  early  north  of  Great  Slave  Lake  as  at  Winni- 
peg or  St.  Paul  and  earlier  along  the  Peace  and  Liard  rivers  and  some 
of  the  minor  affluents  of  the  great  Mackenzie  River.  It  is  said  that 
the  spring  begins  in  the  Peace  River  district  and  advances  southeast  at 
the  rate  of  250  miles  per  day,  and  that  winter  begins  in  Manitoba 
and  goes  northwestward  at  the  same  rate.  Many  reasons  have  been 
assigned  for  the  warm  summers  in  the  far  northwest.  The  elevation 
of  the  country  is  thousands  of  feet  lower  than  at  the  United  States 
boundary.  The  British  Columbia  mountains  are  much  lower  at  the 
north,  and  there  are  many  passes  in  them  through  which  come  warm 
winds  from  the  Pacific,  and  in  the  summer  there  is  almost  no 
night  there. 

Farming  in  Northeastern  Manitoba.  It  will  be  noted  that  the 
far  northwest,  owing  to  local  influences,  is  warmer  than  the  far  north- 
east in  the  same  latitude,  but  the  long  summer  days  and  the  brilliant 
winter  nights  are  common  to  both  sections.  The  part  of  Manitoba 
northeast  of  Lake  Winnipeg  is  almost  without  inhabitants  excepting 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  103 

hunters  and  fur  traders.  There  are  no  farmers  and  consequently 
the  agricultural  capabilities  of  the  country  cannot  be  judged  by  actual 
results  excepting  what  may  be  seen  in  the  gardens  of  Hudson  Bay 
posts  where  peas,  beans,  barley,  oats,  potatoes,  turnips,  radishes, 
carrots,  and  cabbages  are  successfully  grown.  Black  currants,  red 
currants,  and  gooseberries  grow  wild  in  great  profusion.  Wild  cherries 
are  often  seen.  Explorers  with  scientific  knowledge  of  soils  who  have 
examined  the  country  as  carefully  as  possible  during  hurried  trips 
across  its  vast  expanse  have  reported  that  there  are  great  areas  of 
good  agricultural  lands,  and  that  the  country  being  well  watered  and 
having  luxuriant  grasses  is  well  adapted  to  mixed  farming,  especially 
dairying,  but  that  much  of  the  land  will  require  drainage  before  it 
can  be  utilized.  It  is  not  probable  that  much  wheat  will  ever  be 
grown  northeast  of  Lake  Winnipeg,  but  if  butter,  cheese,  eggs,  meats, 
and  vegetables  are  produced  there  in  large  quantities  it  will  be  just 
as  advantageous  to  Canada  as  if  wheat  were  largely  grown. 

The  Great  Hard  Wheat  Belt.  There  is  land  enough  in  the  great 
hard  wheat  belt  of  the  prairie  country  west  of  the  Red  River  and 
Lake  Winnipeg  to  produce  a  large  proportion  of  the  world's  present 
demand.  Nearly  the  whole  area  of  these  vast  prairies  is  suitable  for 
wheat  growing.  Scientific  agriculturists  say  that  this  is  the  largest 
continuous  expanse  of  rich  soil  on  the  American  continent.  In  addi- 
tion to  a  rich  top  soil  there  is  a  deep  subsoil  containing  great  stores 
of  nitrogen,  phosphoric  acid,  and  potash,  so  that  without  the  use  of 
fertilizers  many  crops  can  be  taken  off  the  land  in  succession,  although 
they  point  out  that  even  such  fertility  would  be  exhausted  in  course 
of  time  if  the  farmers  continued  to  grow  nothing  but  wheat  as  many 
of  them  are  doing.  However,  mixed  farming  with  rotation  of  crops 
is  becoming  more  general.  It  has  been  pointed  out  that  many  of  the 
settlers  have  not  sufficient  capital  in  the  first  place  to  buy  live  stock 
or  erect  buildings  suitable  for  the  winter  housing  of  a  large  number  of 
animals.  Wheat  farming  is  easy,  and  long  before  the  soil  is  exhausted 
by  continued  recropping  most  of  them  have  acquired  sufficient  capital 
to  buy  live  stock  and  erect  buildings.  In  the  Province  of  Manitoba 
during  a  period  of  fourteen  years  about  thirty-six  million  dollars  have 
been  expended  on  farm  buildings,  and  a  great  part  of  this  expenditure 
represents  profits  in  wheat  growing. 


104  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

2.    TOPOGRAPHY  OF  THE  INTERIOR  PLAIN  OF  CANADA' 

The  Interior  Continental  Plain  embraces  a  large  tract  of  compara- 
tively level,  rolling  country  lying  between  the  Laurentian  Plateau 
region  on  the  east,  and  the  Cordilleran  Mountain  system  on  the  west. 
Along  the  forty-ninth  parallel,  here  constituting  the  southern  bound- 
ary of  Canada,  the  plain  has  a  width  of  about  800  miles,  but  it  is 
reduced  to  less  than  400  miles  on  the  fifty-sixth  parallel,  and  may  be 
said  to  terminate  on  the  shores  of  Great  Bear  Lake,  on  the  sixty- 
fifth  parallel. 

The  southern  portion  of  this  region  includes  the  wide  prairie 
country  of  Western  Canada,  extending  in  Alberta  nearly  400  miles 
north  of  the  international  boundary,  and  including  an  area  of  above 
150,000  square  miles  of  open  grass  land,  bordered  on  the  north  by  a 
strip  of  mixed  prairie  and  woodland.  To  the  north  the  country, 
except  locally,  is  at  first  wooded,  but  farther  north  is  occupied  by 
gradually  thinning  forests. 

The  whole  of  the  interior  plain,  save  a  very  narrow  strip  of  about 
12,000  square  miles  in  southern  Alberta  and  Saskatchewan,  drains 
northward  to  the  Arctic  Ocean  or  eastward  to  Hudson  Bay,  and  the 
general  slope  of  the  land  is,  therefore,  eastward  or  northeastward 
from  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  edge  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau. 
A  line  drawn  from  the  base  of  the  mountains  near  the  forty-ninth 
parallel  to  Lake  Winnipeg  shows  an  average  descent  of  over  five 
feet  to  the  mile,  fully  accounting  for  the  rapid  courses  of  the  rivers 
of  the  region  and,  in  many  instances,  their  deeply  trenched  valleys. 

There  are  in  the  area  south  of  the  fifty-fourth  parallel  two  lines  of 
escarpment  or  more  abrupt  slopes,  which  divide  this  portion  of  the 
plains  into  three  parts.  The  first,  or  lower  prairie  level,  is  that  of 
the  Red  River  valley  and  the  Winnipeg  system  of  lakes.  Its  average 
elevation  is  about  800  feet  above  the  sea,  and  to  the  south  of  Lake 
Winnipeg  it  comprises  some  7,000  square  miles  of  prairie  land,  appear- 
ing to  the  eye  absolutely  flat,  although  rising  uniformly  to  the  east  and 
west.  The  plain  is  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Manitoba  escarp- 
ment, a  remarkable  series  of  highlands,  extending  over  300  miles 
northwest  from  the  International  Boundary.     The  summits  of  this 

1  Adapted  from  G.  A.  Young,  A  Descriptive  Sketch  of  the  Geology  and  Economic 
minerals  of  Canada,  Department  of  Mines,  Geological  Survey  Branch  No.  1085, 
pp.  107-8. 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  105 

escarpment,  broken  through  by  wide  valleys  cut  by  the  eastward 
flowing  rivers,  rise  from  500  to  1,000  feet,  or  more,  above  the  low 
plain  to  the  east,  once  the  bed  of  the  glacial  Lake  Agassiz. 

From  the  Manitoba  escarpment,  the  second  prairie  level  stretches 
westward  for  250  miles  to  a  second  escarpment,  the  Missouri  coteau 
that  extends  to  the  northwest,  nearly  parallel  to  the  first  escarpment. 
The  second  prairie  level  has  an  average  elevation  of  about  1,600  feet, 
and  its  surface  is  diversified  by  gentle  undulations  and  low  hills  rising 
a  few  hundred  feet  above  the  general  level,  while  the  river  valleys 
are  often  deeply  cut  and  wide. 

The  Missouri  coteau,  with  a  fairly  abrupt  rise  of  200  feet  to  500 
feet,  forms  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  third  prairie  level,  which 
stretches  to  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  third  level  has  a 
general  elevation  of  2,000  feet  to  2,500  feet  along  its  eastern  margin, 
but  rises  to  over  4,000  feet  along  the  borders  of  the  mountains  in  the 
west.  Its  surface  is  much  more  irregular  than  that  of  the  other  levels, 
with  table-lands,  like  the  Cypress  Hills  and  Wood  Mountain,  rising 
1,000  to  2,000  feet  above  the  general  level,  and  representing  the  out- 
lying remnants  of  a  once  higher  plain,  since  largely  destroyed  by 
erosion. 

The  region  of  the  Interior  Continental  plain  has  had  a  compara- 
tively peaceful  history  since  early  geological  times,  having  been  left 
almost  undisturbed  by  mountain-building  processes,  or  by  the 
intrusion  of  igneous  bodies,  and  affected  only  by  continental  move- 
ments. The  country  is  largely  mantled  by  superficial  deposits  of  glacial 
drift,  concealing,  over  wide  areas,  the  underlying,  gently  dipping, 
very  broadly  folded,  stratified  beds,  that,  in  their  turn,  doubtless  rest 
on  the  westward  extension  of  the  rocks  of  the  Laurentian  Plateau. 

3.     FORESTS  OF  THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES1 

The  provinces  of  Manitoba,  Saskatchewan,  and  Alberta  are 
frequently  styled  the  "  Prairie  Provinces."  While  possibly  the  prairies 
may  be  regarded  as  their  outstanding  feature,  the  term  is  rather 
misleading  in  that  it  suggests  the  greater  area  to  be  prairie,  whereas 
these  prairies,  however  extensive,  occupy  only  a  small  percentage  of 

1  Adapted  from  F.  H.  Kitto,  The  New  Manitoba  District,  Natural  Resources 
Branch,  Department  of  the  Interior,  1918,  pp.  25-26,  and  F.  H.  Kitto,  The 
Province  of  Saskakheivan,  Department  of  the  Interior,  1910,  pp.  105-8. 


106  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

the  total  area  of  the  provinces.  At  least  75  per  cent  of  the  entire 
land  surface  of  Manitoba  is  covered  by  forests.  The  entire  central 
and  northern  parts  of  the  province  are  still  practically  unbroken 
forests.  In  Saskatchewan,  forests  occupy  the  northern  three-fifths 
of  the  province,  their  southern  margin  being  approximately  the 
valley  of  the  North  Saskatchewan  River.  The  southeastern  one- 
fourth  of  Alberta  is  semi-arid  grassland;  the  remainder  is  forested. 
In  the  park-like  belt  south  of  the  Saskatchewan  River  some  of  the 
principal  tracts  of  valuable  timber  have  been  set  aside  by  the  Domin- 
ion government  as  "forest  reserves."  Most  of  these  are  on  elevated 
ridges  or  plateaus.  North  of  the  Saskatchewan  River  throughout 
the  mining  district  of  this  region  and  extending  almost  to  Hudson 
Bay  the  country  may  be  described  as  wooded,  till  the  "barren  lands" 
and  open  shores  of  the  bay  are  reached. 

Though  this  forest  area  of  the  Prairie  Provinces  is  very  extensive, 
it  does  not  represent  a  high  average  of  value.  The  number  of  species 
is  much  smaller  than  in  Eastern  Canada.  The  hardwoods  and  most 
valuable  species  of  soft  woods  are  missing,  while  the  growth  of  prevail- 
ing trees  is  generally  retarded.  The  principal  trees  of  northern  Mani- 
toba include  only  a  few  species,  namely,  spruce,  white  and  black  poplar, 
tamarack,  birch,  and  jack  pine.  Of  these,  the  white  spruce  is  practi- 
cally the  only  durable  species  for  sawmill  purposes.  It  grows  to  a 
fair  size  on  high  land  surrounding  the  lakes,  averaging  from  18  to 
24  inches  in  diameter.  Samples  up  to  36  inches  in  diameter  have 
been  found  on  the  shores  of  Reed  Lake.  It  generally  grows  tall 
and  straight,  up  to  90  feet  in  height,  and  makes  excellent  lumber, 
pulp,  and  paper.  The  black  spruce  is  a  slower-growing  tree  and 
does  not  usually  reach  such  a  size  as  the  white  spruce.  It  is  found  in 
low,  swampy  ground.  Jack  pine  is  found  on  nearly  all  dry  sandy 
ridges.  It  is  used  extensively  for  ties.  Tamarack  grows  extensively 
throughout  the  district,  and  is  used  for  poles,  fences,  ties,  and  fuel. 
The  poplars,  aspens,  or  cottonwoods,  and  the  birches  have  not  yet 
been  found  of  much  commercial  importance,  but  are  extensively 
used  locally  as  fuel. 

Generally  speaking,  the  superficial  attractions  of  the  forests  of  the 
Prairie  Provinces  are  disappointing.  A  rude  awakening  is  due  the 
holiday  seeker  who  goes  into  these  woods  with  visions  of  sylvan 
glades  and  grassy  slopes  covered  with  flowers  beneath  the  overspread- 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  107 

ing  branches  of  majestic  trees.  Except  in  the  park  lands  of  the 
province,  where  the  small  type  of  poplar  predominates,  the  forests 
are  monotonous  and  uninviting.  The  sandy  ridges  of  jack  pine  may 
be  traveled  with  a  fair  degree  of  ease  but  they  have  little  else  to  com- 
mend themselves  to  the  lover  of  nature.  The  rocky  hills  of  the  north 
present  a  more  diversified  outlook  and  furnish  a  very  attractive 
holiday  region.  The  areas  producing  the  largest  and  most  valuable, 
timber,  chiefly  spruce,  are  for  the  most  part  low-lying,  wet,  and 
forbidding.  The  muskegs  of  these  regions  rob  a  tramp  through 
the  woods  of  all  its  enjoyment,  while  the  tangles  of  underbrush,  the 
maze  of  shallow  lakes,  or  the  sluggish  channels  of  the  many  streams 
that  wind  their  tortuous  courses  through  these  great  flat  areas  often 
make  summer  travel  impossible.  Yet  the  magnificent  stands  of  white 
spruce  found  scattered  all  through  such  districts  are  well  worth 
seeing,  be  the  journey  to  reach  them  ever  so  trying.  Winter  roads 
are  easy  to  construct  and  a  certain  amount  of  draining  will  imDrove 
summer  conditions. 

The  cut  of  timber  in  the  Prairie  Provinces  is  small  In  19 18  the 
total  value  of  the  lumber,  shingles,  and  lath  cut  was  $2,200,000  in 
Saskatchewan,  $1,260,000  in  Manitoba,  and  $470,000  in  Alberta. 
While  these  figures  represent  only  a  small  fraction  of  the  total  of 
$113,000,000  for  all  Canada,  nevertheless  the  industry  has  proven 
a  boon  in  providing  lumber  and  lath  for  local  use  when  other  sources 
of  supply  are  far  distant,  in  giving  work  to  homesteaders  during  the 
winter  months,  and  in  opening  up  many  new  agricultural  sections 
adjacent  to  the  heavier  woods.  There  are  still  large  tracts  of  standing 
timber  of  good  mill  dimension  which  will  guarantee  several  years'  cut. 

4.    RELATION  OF  WATER  RESOURCES  TO  AGRICULTURAL 
DEVELOPMENT  IN  SOUTHEASTERN  ALBERTA1 

Conservation  of  the  waters  of  the  Bow  River  is  of  the  utmost 
moment,  for  upon  it  directly  depends  the  agricultural  and  industrial 
prosperity  of  a  very  large  area  of  southern  Alberta.  Rising  in  the 
high  and  remote  regions  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  National  Park, 
and,  with  numerous  tributaries,  furnishing  the  most  interesting  and 

1  Adapted  from  Leo.  G.  Denis  and  T.  B.  Challies,  Water-Powers  of  Manitoba, 
Saskatchewan,  and  Alberta,  Commission  of  Conservation  of  Canada,  1916,  pp. 
193-206,  and  from  Leo  G.  Denis  and  Arthur  V.  White,  Water-Powers  of  Canada. 
Commission  of  Conservation  of  Canada,  1911,  p.  300. 


Io8  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

attractive  feature  of  its  world-famed  scenery,  the  river  emerges  from  the 
park  only  to  be  harnessed  to  supply  energy  for  transmission  to  the 
city  of  Calgary  for  municipal  purposes,  street  lighting,  tramways, 
and  for  general  commercial  and  industrial  use.  After  furnishing  the 
hydro-electric  energy,  the  same  waters  have,  by  irrigation,  converted 
thousands  of  acres  of  otherwise  useless  land  into  the  most  fertile 
tracts  within  the  province. 

Dual  Use  of  Water.  At  first  consideration  it  would  appear  that 
the  two  important  uses  of  this  water,  for  irrigation  and  for  power, 
would  result  in  a  serious  conflict  of  interest.  Fortunately,  however, 
irrigation  requirements  occur  during  the  high-water  stages  of  the 
river  commencing  not  earlier  than  April  7,  and  extending  to  not  later 
than  September  30.  Storage  reservoirs  on  its  upper  waters  would 
also  make  it  possible  to  conserve  enough  of  the  flood  flow,  not  required 
for  irrigation,  to  compensate  for  the  low  water  during  the  winter 
months,  when  otherwise  the  volume  would  not  be  sufficient  for  power 
purposes. 

The  present  use  and  distribution  and  the  future  conservation  of 
the  water  resources  of  the  Bow  River  basin,  constitute  one  of  the 
most  important  problems  before  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 
In  some  of  its  phases  this  problem  has  already  been  solved,  while  in 
others  it  awaits  solution,  although  a  beginning  has  been  made  and 
the  lines  of  practicable  progress  have  been  fairly  well  marked  out. 

General  Description  of  River.  The  Bow  is  a  typical  mountain 
river,  rising  in  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  system, 
west  of  the  city  of  Calgary,  Alberta.  It  drains  an  area  of  3,138 
square  miles.  The  mountain  portion  of  the  basin — the  portion  above 
the  Kananaskis  fall — includes  an  area  of  1,710  square  miles.  For- 
tunately, the  mountain  area  is  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  National 
Park,  and  enjoys  all  the  advantages  of  park  administration.  The 
river  has  a  very  steep  slope,  and  in  several  places  falls  occur,  caused 
by  outcropping  ledges  of  sandstone.  Its  flow  is  typical  of  all  moun- 
tain streams,  subject  to  sudden  variation,  and  greatly  influenced 
by  conditions  of  temperature.  During  the  winter  it  is  greatly  reduced, 
but  in  June  and  July,  rains  and  the  melting  of  the  glaciers  cause 
floods,  and  the  variation  between  high  and  low  water  is  very  great. 

Water-power  Producing  Section.  The  power-producing  section 
of  the  river  is  a  stretch  about  30  miles  long,  within  easy  transmission 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  109 

radius  of  the  largest  power  market  of  the  district,  the  city  of  Calgary. 
The  growth  of  this  city  has  been  phenomenal.  As  the  city  controls 
its  public  utilities,  including  street  railway,  water-works,  electric 
light,  etc.,  it  is  in  the  market  for  power  in  rapidly  increasing  amounts. 
There  are,  also,  other  large  users  of  power,  including  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway.  The  first  hydro-electric  development  on  the  Bow 
River  was  that  of  the  Eau  Claire  Lumber  Company,  situated  within 
the  city  limits  of  Calgary. 

Calgary  Power  Company,  Limited.  A  growing  demand  for  hydro- 
electric power  at  Calgary  resulted  in  the  Calgary  Power  Company, 
Ltd.,  constructing  a  modern  19,500  horse-power  hydro-electric 
plant  at  Horseshoe  Fall,  about  48  miles  from  the  city.  Owing  to 
variation  in  flow,  the  output  is  not  continuous.  This  development 
was  commenced  in  1909  and  completed  on  the  assumption  that  the 
minimum  flow  of  the  river  was  about  1,000  cubic  feet  per  second. 
Unfortunately,  in  the  early  stages  of  operation  it  was  discovered  that 
the  minimum  flow  was  so  much  less  than  supposed  that  the  company 
was,  early  in  191 1,  confronted  with  the  immediate  necessity  of  either 
constructing  a  steam  auxiliary  plant  at  Calgary,  or  of  undertaking 
storage  works  at  the  most  favorable  point  on  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Bow  River. 

Storage  Works  for  Winter  Flow.  In  March,  191 2,  construction 
was  commenced  on  a  storage  dam  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Minnewanka, 
in  the  Rocky  Mountains  National  Park.  It  was  completed  in  time 
to  impound  the  flood  waters  of  the  summer  of  191 2,  and  make  them 
available  for  the  winter  flow  of  1912-13.  By  the  construction  of  this 
dam,  about  58,000  acre-feet  of  water  can  be  stored,  of  which  44,000 
acre-feet  are  guaranteed  to  the  power  company. 

Numerous  Irrigation  Propositions.  Calgary  lies  on  the  western, 
and  Regina  on  the  eastern  limit  of  a  dry  belt,  in  which  the  soil  is,  for 
the  greater  part,  very  fertile.  Irrigation  has  been  carried  on  in  this 
district.  The  first  project  was  constructed  on  Fish  CreeR  in  1879; 
but  it  was  not  until  1893  that  works  were  undertaken  on  an  extensive 
scale.  By  the  end  of  1894  there  were  70  systems  of  various  sizes 
in  operation. 

Irrigation  undertakings  increased  until,  in  1902,  the  number  of 
ditches  in  operation  was  169,  capable  of  irrigating  614,684  acres. 
Recently  some  of  the  projects  have  been  abandoned. 


Iio  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

About  1905,  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Company  became  an 
active  advocate  of  irrigation,  and  instituted  the  largest  and  most 
comprehensive  reclamation  undertaking  in  the  Canadian  West.  A 
main  channel,  with  headworks  just  below  the  junction  of  the  Bow  and 
Elbow  rivers,  carries  water  to  irrigate  land  to  the  east  of  Calgary. 
The  principal  undertaking  is  farther  east,  where  the  company  has 
recently  constructed  the  Bassano  dam  to  serve  513,000  acres  of 
irrigable  land. 

In  designing  the  system,  the  aim  was  to  make  the  maximum  num- 
ber possible  of  what  are  known  as  combination  farms,  that  is  to 
say  farms  with  about  an  equal  area  of  irrigable  and  non-irrigable 
land,  and  this  idea  has  been  carried  out  throughout  the  whole  block. 
It  should  be  noted  that  irrigable  land  under  this  system  includes  all 
land  lying  at  a  lower  elevation  than  the  point  of  delivery,  whereas 
the  general  classification  of  irrigable  land  in  other  schemes  comprises 
all  that  lying  at  a  lower  elevation  than  the  distributing  canal  from 
which  the  water  is  drawn.  It  will  be  seen  from  this  that  combination 
farms  were  made  quite  possible,  and  land,  which  under  any  other 
system  of  classification  would  have  been  irrigable,  is  classed  as 
non-irrigable. 

The  land  was  put  on  the  market  in  1907,  and,  in  spite  of  the 
endeavors  of  the  engineers  to  classify  the  land,  it  was  necessary,  early 
in  1909,  to  stop  the  sales  until  more  could  be  classified.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  the  classification  of  land  in  the  manner  described  above 
is  responsible  for  the  remarkable  sales,  and  for  the  wonderful  develop- 
ment which  has  taken  place  throughout  the  western  section.  Of  the 
total  area — irrigable  and  non-irrigable — only  5  per  cent  remained 
unsold  in  September,  191 1.  The  water  was  turned  into  this  canal 
in  1906,  and  ran  the  entire  distance  of  the  main  canal  and  secondary 
canal  A  without  serious  accident. 

For  the  convenience  of  British  settlers,  the  "ready-made"  farm 
scheme  was  devised.  The  company  developed  a  certain  number  of 
farms,  broke  the  land,  put  in  the  crops,  built  houses  and  barns, 
erected  fences,  and,  in  many  cases,  planted  a  crop,  so  that  the  settler, 
on  arrival,  had  only  to  buy  his  household  goods,  live  stock,  imple- 
ments, etc.,  and,  practically,  begin  life  where  he  left  off  on  his  old 
farm  in  England  or  Scotland.  This  has  proved  to  be  very  successful 
fsid  the  demand  for  these  "ready-made"  farms  has  exceeded  the 


v 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  ill 

supply  many  times  over.  The  payments  for  this  development  work 
are  included  in  the  payments  for  the  land.  The  total  payment  is 
divided  up  into  ten  annual  instalments,  which  cover  the  price  of  the 
land  and  buildings,  but  do  not  include  the  charge  for  water,  which  is 
payable  each  six  months. 

5.    THE  WHEAT  CROP  OF  SASKATCHEWAN' 

Wheat  has  become  to  Saskatchewan  a  symbol  of  outstanding 
significance  on  a  par  with  coals  to  Newcastle,  diamonds  to  Kimberley 
or  gold  to  the  Klondike.  The  golden  grain  of  her  prairies  has  become 
famous  the  world  over  and  her  marvelous  yields  of  "number  one 
hard"  have  placed  her  in  a  position  of  pre-eminence  among  the 
wheat-producing  provinces  and  states  of  North  America.  In  19 15 
her  wheat  crop  exceeded  in  value  the  total  output  of  gold  from  the 
Klondike  during  the  whole  of  its  history.  The  annual  production 
now  exceeds  that  of  Manitoba  and  Alberta  combined,  and  in  1917 
was  more  than  double  that  of  any  state  in  the  adjoining  republic. 
Its  average  for  several  years  has  been  well  over  the  hundred-million- 
bushel  mark,  while  in  1915,  one  of  its  "bumper"  years,  it  reached  well 
beyond  two  hundred  millions.  This  is  composed  entirely  of  the 
famous  hard  spring  wheat  which  makes  the  finest  of  flour  so  eagerly 
sought  by  all  classes.  The  entire  area  sown  to  wheat  as  yet  has 
not  exceeded  one-tenth  of  the  available  area  judged  suitable  for 
grain-growing  so  that  the  outlook  for  still  greater  yields  is  indeed 
encouraging. 

The  commencement  of  seeding  operations  during  the  past  ten 
years  has  varied  from  April  1  to  May  6  with  a  ten-year  average  for 
the  whole  province  of  April  8.  The  corresponding  average  for 
general  seeding  operations  was  April  18.  Harvest  operations  usually 
commence  about  the  middle  of  August.  Wheat-cutting  is  completed 
on  an  average  by  the  end  of  the  first  week  of  September,  barley- 
cutting  a  few  days  earlier,  oat-cutting  about  the  middle  of  the  month, 
and  flax-cutting  by  the  end  of  the  month  or  early  in  October.  Thresh- 
ing commences  about  the  middle  of  September  or  slightly  earlier  and 
is  rushed  to  completion  as  rapidly  as  labor  and  weather  permit. 

1  Adapted  from  F.  H.  Kitto,  The  Province  of  Saskatchewan,  Natural  Resources 
Intelligence  Branch,  Department  of  the  Interior,  1919,  pp.  69-85. 
5 


112  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Wages  for  threshing  help  for  19 17  averaged  for  the  province  at 
$4.25  per  day,  the  farmer  providing  the  board  as  usual.  The  nominal 
wages  in  the  southern  half  of  the  province  were  from  $4.00  to  $4.50 
and  $5.00  per  day,  while  in  the  northern  part,  wages  were  slightly 
lower,  ranging  from  $3 .  00  and  $3 .  50  to  $4 .  50. 

The  large  straw-burning  steam  threshing  engines  so  common  a  few 
years  ago  are  now  being  replaced  by  gas  engines  of  the  traction  type 
which  are  also  employed  in  plowing  and  cultivating  the  land.  The 
storing  of  the  grain  is  provided  for  by  some  2,000  elevators  with  a 
total  capacity  of  about  60,000,000  bushels  in  addition  to  the 
Moose  jaw  and  Saskatoon  interior  elevators  of  3,500,000  bushels 
capacity  each. 

After  threshing  operations  are  completed  as  much  land  is  plowed 
as  time  will  permit  before  freeze-up  occurs.  The  fall  of  1914  was  an 
open  one  and  the  farmers  were  enabled  to  complete  two-thirds  of  their 
plowing.  Usually  less  than  half  this  work  can  be  accomplished  before 
winter  sets  in,  the  balance  being  left  over  till  spring. 

The  various  cities,  towns,  and  villages  of  the  province  have  sprung 
into  existence  to  meet  the  requirements  of  their  immediate  vicinities 
as  the  land  became  settled,  and  their  growth  has  been  entirely 
dependent  on,  and  in  harmony  with,  the  progress  of  agricultural 
development. 

The  agricultural  barometer  indicates  the  state  of  the  city's 
business  as  accurately  as  it  does  that  of  the  farm.  As  the  time  for 
harvest  approaches  the  banker  watches  the  weather  as  anxiously 
as  the  farmer.  Railway  companies  and  financial  institutions  send  out 
an  army  of  experts  to  keep  them  supplied  with  crop  reports  and  esti- 
mates of  the  probable  yield.  Almost  every  business  move  depends 
on  these  reports.  Let  an  adverse  rumor  appear  and  a  spirit  of 
retrenchment  or  economy  permeates  the  air.  But  let  a  bumper 
crop  be  announced  and  everybody  smiles.  Railroads  rush  in  empty 
cars  on  every  siding  in  readiness  to  receive  the  golden  grain,  bankers 
work  overtime  changing  money,  and  business  everywhere  booms. 
Implement  dealers  relax  their  anxious  vigils  while  the  piano  agent 
gets  his  opportunity  to  make  a  record  sale.  The  success  or  failure  of 
the  crop  is  of  vital  interest  to  every  home  and  forms  the  chief  topic 
of  conversation  on  the  street,  in  the  club,  or  about  the  family  fireside 
as  the  climax  approaches. 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  113 

6.     ROUTES  BY  WHICH  CANADIAN  GRAIN  IS  SHIPPED  FROM  LAKE 
SUPERIOR  PORTS  TO  THE  ATLANTIC  SEA-BOARD' 

Canadian  grain  is  shipped  from  Fort  William,  Port  Arthur,  and 
Duluth,  the  principal  grain-shipping  ports  on  Lake  Superior,  to  the 
Atlantic  sea-board  via  one  of  the  following  routes: 

I.  All-water  route  to  Montreal.2 

II.  Water  to  Lake  Huron  or  Georgian  Bay  ports,  thence  by  rail 
to  Montreal. 

III.  Water  to  Lake  Erie  ports,  thence  by  rail  to  United  States 
Atlantic  ports. 

IV.  All  rail  to  Montreal. 

I.  All-Water  Route  to  Montreal.  Unquestionably  the  cheapest 
means  of  carrying  wheat  from  Fort  William  to  Montreal  should  be  by 
continuous  passage  in  the  hold  of  one  steamer.  The  efforts  of  those 
responsible  for  developing  and  controlling  the  inland  waterways  of 
Canada  and  their  trade  should  be  directed  primarily  therefore  to  the 
fostering  of  this  trade.     This  can  be  done  in  two  ways  at  least: 

a)  By  deepening  and  improving  the  Welland  Canal  and  St. 
Lawrence  River  between  Montreal  and  Lake  Ontario  so  that  any  lake 
steamer  may  be  able  to  go  to  Montreal,  and  ocean  freight  steamers 
may  be  able  to  come  to  Fort  William; 

b)  By  stimulating  trade  between  the  Maritime  Provinces  and 
Western  Canada,  and  between  Great  Britain  and  Western  Canada, 
in  order  that  there  may  be  more  low-class  freight  for  water  transporta- 
tion west  from  Montreal,  and  the  disparity  between  the  volume  of 
eastbound  and  westbound  commodities  of  Canadian  origin  may  be 
lessened. 

At  the  present  time,  were  it  possible  for  the  large  vessels  that 
ply  between  the  upper  and  lower  lakes  to  go  through  to  Montreal,  they 
would  have  to  come  back  empty  to  Oswego  or  Cleveland  for  cargoes  of 
United  States  coal.  They  would  therefore  have  to  charge  twice  as 
high  a  rate,  in  proportion,  for  the  trip  from  the  lower  lakes  to  Montreal 
as  for  the  trip  from  the  upper  to  the  lower  lakes.  The  greater  risk 
said  to  attend  the  navigating  of  very  large  vessels  in  comparatively 

'  Adapted  from  Report  of  the  Grain  Markets  Commission  of  the  Province  of 
Saskatchewan  (Regina,  1914),  pp.  35_47. 

1  Halifax  or  Portland  in  winter. 


114  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

narrow  channels  in  ballast  as  compared  with  under  load  would  also 
have  to  be  taken  into  account. 

It  may  be  assumed,  then,  that  a  large  increase  in  the  volume  of 
commodities,  originating  at  or  east  of  Montreal,  offering  for  carriage 
all  water  westward,  must  develop  or  be  developed  coincident  with  the 
improvement  of  the  Upper  St.  Lawrence  and  Welland  Canal  water- 
ways (which  latter  work  is  already  under  way),  if  these  improvements 
are  to  result  in  materially  decreased  charges  for  the  carriage  of  grain 
from  Fort  William  to  Montreal. 

At  present  about  one-third  of  the  grain  shipped  by  vessel  from 
Canadian  upper  lake  ports  for  export  through  Canadian  channels 
goes  through  in  the  same  vessel  to  Montreal.  All  the  vessels  in  this 
trade  have  a  carrying  capacity  of  less  than  100,000  bushels.  They 
must  be  able  to  navigate  the  fourteen-foot  channels  of  the  present 
Welland  and  Lachine  canals. 

This  direct  route  is,  as  stated,  the  cheapest,  but  it  cannot  take 
care  of  all  the  business  offering.  Also,  grain  that  is  shipped  by 
this  route  cannot  be  placed  in  the  elevators  that  offer  the  cheapest 
winter  storage  in  Canada,  viz. :  those  on  Lake  Huron  and  Georgian 
Bay.  Another  all-water  route,  that  does  not  receive  so  large  a 
volume  of  traffic  (or  at  least  did  not,  prior  to  1913)  but  is  nevertheless 
a  factor  in  determining  prices,  is  that  which  includes  transhipment 
from  large  vessels  to  a  smaller  at  Port  Colborne,  or  from  lake 
vessels  to  barges  at  Kingston.  Port  Colborne  which,  it  will  be 
remembered,  is  at  the  upper  or  Lake  Erie  end  of  the  Welland 
Canal,  carries  the  same  rate  from  upper  lake  ports  as  Georgian  Bay 
ports  or  Buffalo.  It  also  carries  the  same  rail  rate  to  Montreal,  viz. 
5  cents  (but  complains  of  a  car  supply  much  inferior  to  that  accorded 
to  Lake  Huron  and  Georgian  Bay  ports). 

Port  Colborne's  position  on  the  all-water  route  makes  it  a  very 
suitable  point  for  the  transfer  of  cargoes  of  grain  from  the  large 
vessels  plying  between  the  upper  and  lower  lakes,  which  vessels  then 
cross  over  to  Cleveland  and  secure  cargoes  of  coal  for  Duluth  or  Fort 
William.  The  grain  cargoes  may  then  be  forwarded  to  Montreal, 
either  by  rail  or  by  smaller  vessels  drawing  not  more  than  fourteen  feet 
of  water.  In  all  respects  Port  Colborne  is  a  well-laid  out,  well-built, 
well-equipped  port,  which,  though  small,  is  being  steadily  added  to, 
and  is  thoroughly  modern. 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  115 

The  other  all- water  route  involving  transshipment  in  transit  has 
Kingston,  near  the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Ontario  and  at  the  head 
waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  as  its  transfer  point.  As  the  Welland 
Canal  with  at  present  only  a  fourteen-foot  waterway  lies  between 
Kingston  and  the  upper  lake  ports,  only  boats  having  a  capacity  of 
less  than  100,000  bushels  of  wheat  can  make  this  port  at  the  present 
time.  Kingston  is  a  point  from  which  a  number  of  flour  mills  in 
Ontario  draw  their  grain  supplies.  A  number  of  vessels,  too,  dis- 
charge grain  cargoes  at  this  port  and  cross  the  lake  to  Oswego  for 
return  cargoes  of  coal. 

Kingston  anticipates  great  development  as  a  grain-handling  port 
to  result  from  the  deepening  and  improving  of  the  Welland  Canal. 
This  work,  already  under  way,  will  when  completed  admit  to  the 
waters  and  ports  of  Lake  Ontario  any  vessel  now  on  the  upper  lakes. 
Even  if  these  big  vessels  have  to  steam  to  Cleveland  in  ballast  of 
their  return  cargoes  of  coal,  Kingston  anticipates  that  it  will  secure 
a  freight  rate  on  grain  from  upper  lake  ports  not  more  than  one-half 
cent  in  excess  of  the  rate  to  Port  Colborne  and  Buffalo.  In  readiness 
for  this  looked-for  business,  the  Dominion  government  is  constructing 
an  entirely  new  port  in  the  mouth  of  the  Rideau  River  at  Kingston. 
At  the  new  quays  any  lake  vessel  will  be  able  to  berth  in  safety. 

Volume  of  Shipments  by  Various  Routes.  So  far  we  have  dealt 
with  what  should  be  the  principal  route  for  the  transportation  of  our 
wheat  from  Lake  Superior  ports  to  ocean  ports,  viz.:  the  all-water 
route.  Whatever  this  route  may  become  in  the  future,  it  has  at 
the  present  time  two  strong  competitors.  One  is  the  lake  and  rail 
route  to  Montreal,  Boston,  and  Portland  via  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake 
Huron  ports,  and  the  other  is  the  route  via  Buffalo  to  United  States 
Atlantic  ports,  principally,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore. 
During  the  seasons  of  navigation,  1910-11-12,  shipments  of  wheat 
were  routed  from  Fort  William  and  Port  Arthur  as  indicated  in 
Table  XVIII.     Four  facts  are  revealed  by  this  table: 

a)  An  increasing  percentage  of  the  shipments  from  Fort  William 
and  Port  Arthur,  reaching  42  per  cent  in  191 2,  go  to  Buffalo  or  other 
United  States  ports  for  export  in  bond  from  United  States  Atlantic  ports ; 

b)  Of  the  shipments  to  Canadian  ports,  about  half  go  to  Georgian 
Bay  and  Lake  Huron  ports,  and  about  half  to  Lake  Erie  or  Lake 
Ontario  ports,  or  to  Montreal  direct; 


n6 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


c)  Port  Colborne  has  relieved  Kingston  of  a  lot  of  business; 

d)  The  tendency  is  to  concentrate  the  trade  along  a  number  of 
clearly  denned  routes  rather  than  scatter  it  among  many  small  ports. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  not  all  of  this  grain  is  for  export; 
many  millions  of  bushels  are  milled  in  Ontario  and  Quebec.  On  the 
other  hand,  these  figures  do  not  include  all  the  grain  that  is  exported. 
They  take  no  account  of  all  rail  shipments,  or  of  shipments  of  bonded 
grain  from  Duluth. 

TABLE  XVIII 


IQIO 

Bushels 

IQII 

Bushels 

IOI2 
Bushels 

Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Huron  ports .  .  . 
Port  Colborne 

27,867,774 
3,020,256 

12,156,343 

11,137,225 
1,025,653 

21,916,003 
1,257,801 

28,275,705 

6,441,912 

11,051,582 

11,794,572 

923,906 

33,245,045 
3,449,289 

40,069,982 
12,255,471 
10,973,995 
14,938,50s 
549,698 
44,627,965 
12,130,327 

Kingston , 

Montreal 

Other  Canadian  ports 

Buffalo 

Other  United  States  Lake  ports 

Total  shipments  by  vessel 

78,381,035 

95,l82,OII 

135,545,946 

II.  The  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Huron  Route.  Rates  by  this 
route  are  less  variable  than  by  the  all-water  route  to  Montreal  in 
one  bottom.  The  railway  rate  from  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Huron 
ports  to  Montreal  is  stationary  at  five  cents  per  bushel  of  wheat, 
including  elevating  charges  at  both  ends  and  an  aggregate  of  fifty 
days'  free  storage.  The  lake  rate  from  Fort  William  and  Port 
Arthur  to  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Huron  ports  of  recent  years  has 
fluctuated  between  one  and  one-half  cents  and  two  and  one-half  cents. 
As  soon  as  this  rate  reaches  two  cents,  additional  vessels  are  attracted 
to  the  grain-carrying  trade  from  ore  carrying,  and  this  operates 
to  keep  these  rates  from  going  much  above  two  cents.  Thus  the 
total  charges  on  wheat  from  Fort  William  to  Montreal  by  this  route 
in  recent  years  average  about  seven  cents  per  bushel  of  wheat.  The 
through  rate,  all-water,  in  one  vessel  to  Montreal  averaged  practically 
five  cents  in  1911,  and  six  cents  in  1912.  The  through  rate,  however, 
includes  no  elevation  or  delivery  charges  at  Montreal  or  any  free  stor- 
age, while  the  lake  and  rail  rate  includes  elevation  and  delivery 
charges  and  a  maximum  of  fifty  days'  free  storage.  To  the  exporter 
desiring  storage  these  requisites  of  the  lake  and  rail  route  are  worth 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES  117 

one  and  one-third  cents  per  bushel,  as  elevation  from  vessel  to  elevator 
and  delivery  to  ocean  steamer,  including  twenty  days'  storage,  would 
cost  him  three-fifths  of  a  cent  per  bushel,  and  the  additional  thirty 
days'  storage  would  cost  him  three-quarters  of  a  cent  per  bushel  at 
Montreal. 

Another  advantage  which  the  lake  and  rail  route  enjoys  is  access 
to  the  cheapest  winter  storage  in  Canada.  Western  wheat  marketed 
at  any  time  during  the  autumn  is  exported  approximately  a  month 
later,  but  subsequent  business  is  largely  for  May  or  June  delivery. 
Thus  the  exporter  must  be  prepared  to  acquire  a  quantity  of  grain 
in  the  late  fall  and  store  it  until  the  following  spring. 

III.  The  Route  Via  Buffalo  and  United  States  Atlantic  Ports  in 
Bond.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  with  such  a  magnificent  waterway  as 
the  St.  Lawrence  in  our  possession,  Canadian  grain  should  be  exported 
through  any  but  Canadian  channels.  There  is,  however,  some  slight 
compensation  in  the  fact  that  a  considerable  quantity  of  United 
States  grain  is  exported  via  some  Canadian  ports,  principally  Mon- 
treal. The  following  statements  set  forth  the  volume  of  these  two 
crossing  streams: 

Quantity  of  Canadian  wheat  exported  from  United  States  ports  in 
the  years  mentioned: 

Bushels 

1909 23,487,488 

I9IO 27,129,471 

I9II 24,192,228 

1912 • 55,507,853 

Quantity  of  United  States  wheat  exported  from  Canadian  ports 
in  the  years  mentioned: 

Bushels 

1908 10,908,194 

1909 12,761,605 

I9IO 3,884,202 

I9II 1,623,172 

1912 7,335,494 

Practically  all  of  these  exports  were  from  Montreal. 
It  has  been  pointed  out  than  an  increasing  percentage  of  our  grain 
shipments  from  Fort  William  and  Port  Arthur,  amounting  in  191 2  to 


Il8  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

42  per  cent,  go  to  Buffalo  or  other  United  States  lake  ports  for  export 
in  bond  through  United  States  Atlantic  ports. 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  spite  of  the  much  greater  distance  from 
upper  lake  ports,  and  the  fact  that  Buffalo  lies  east  of  Cleveland 
(the  source  of  the  return  cargo)  lake  freight  rates  to  Buffalo  are  as 
a  rule  less  than  to  Canadian  ports  on  Georgian  Bay  and  Lake  Huron. 
The  Commission  believes  that  the  principal  cause  for  this  apparent 
discrimination  lies  in  the  fact  that  shipments  from  Canadian  upper 
lake  ports  to  United  States  lower  lake  ports  are  international  business 
and  as  such  are  open  to  either  Canadian  or  United  States  vessels, 
while  shipments  from  Canadian  upper  lake  to  Canadian  lower  lake 
ports  are  Canadian  business  and  as  such  are,  under  Canadian  govern- 
ment coastal  regulations,  available  only  to  vessels  of  British  register. 
Whatever  the  causes  may  be,  this  alternative  remains:  either  the 
lower  rate  for  the  longer  haul  to  Buffalo  is  unremunerative  (in  which 
case  United  States  vessels  would  scarcely  accept  this  business,  whereas 
at  present  they  do  the  most  of  it) ,  or  the  higher  rate  for  the  shorter  haul 
is  unduly  remunerative  to  Canadian  vessel  owners  who  are  only 
enabled  to  levy  the  extra  charges  by  reason  of  being  protected  from 
outside  competition  by  coastal  regulations. 

The  explanation  of  the  increasing  shipments  to  Buffalo,  in  spite 
of  the  heavier  charges  levied  on  shipments  routed  via  United  States 
channels,  is  to  be  found  in  four  facts: 

a)  The  ports  of  New  York,  Baltimore,  etc.,  are  open  twelve 
months  of  the  year,  whereas  the  port  of  Montreal  is  open  only  seven 
months  of  the  year;  it  is  to  these  United  States  ports  that  grain 
shipped  to  Buffalo  goes  for  export; 

b)  Ocean  insurance  rates  and,  partly  in  consequence,  ocean 
freight  rates  are  much  lower  from  United  States  Atlantic  ports  than 
from  Montreal; 

c)  In  consequence  of  high  insurance  rates  and  the  port  being 
smaller,  there  is  less  certainty  about  securing  ocean  space  at  Montreal 
just  when  needed  than  at  United  States  Atlantic  ports; 

d)  Both  United  States  and  Canadian  vessels  are  available  for 
shipments  to  Buffalo  or  other  United  States  ports,  while  only  Canadian 
vessels  are  available  for  shipments  to  Canadian  ports,  and  owing  to 
the  seasonal  nature  of  the  business  there  is  not  always  sufficient 
Canadian  tonnage  to  take  care  of  it. 


THE  PRAIRIE  PROVINCES 


Iig 


Before  passing  from  the  consideration  of  lake  routes  and  relative 
proportions  of  exports  via  Montreal  and  via  United  States  Atlantic 
ports,  it  is  worth  noting  the  possibility — indeed,  the  probability  in  the 
eyes  of  many — that  these  routes  and  the  charges  levied  on  them  may 
be  revolutionized  about  1916  by  the  influence  of  the  new  Erie  Canal 
which  it  is  expected  will  be  opened  for  traffic  in  that  year.  The  locks 
at  the  Soo  are  being  enlarged,  and  our  own  Welland  Canal  is  being 
made  a  thoroughly  modern  ship  canal  at  considerable  expense. 
These  enterprises  are  completely  eclipsed  in  extent,  and  their  effect 
may  be  more  than  offset,  by  the  waterway  to  connect  the  waters  of 
Lake  Erie  at  Buffalo  with  those  of  the  Hudson  River  at  Albany.  On 
this  waterway  the  state  of  New  York  is  spending,  so  the  commission 
is  informed,  $120,000,000. 

IV.  All-Rail  Shipments.  The  following  statement  (Table  XIX) 
shows  the  relative  proportions  of  the  volume  of  shipments  from  Cana- 
dian upper  lake  ports  by  vessel  and  by  rail  respectively.  It  will  be 
noted  that  the  movement  all  rail  is  considerable: 

TABLE  XIX 


Crop  of  Year 


1908 

1909 

1910 

igii 

Total 


Vessels 


65,237,160 

88,845,141 

S6, 108, 260 

115,702,078 


355,892,639 


Rail 


10,568,154 
9,992,726 
7,271,976 

23,620,883 


51,453.739 


Totals 


75,805,314 

98,837,867 

93,380,236 

139,322,961 


407,346,378 


Percentage  by  vessel  for  the  four  years,  87.3  per  cent. 
Percentage  by  rail  for  the  four  years,  12.7  per  cent. 


CHAPTER  VII 

PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA 
1.     FOREST  REGIONS  OF  BRITISH  COLUMBIA1 

The  climatic  conditions  of  British  Columbia  include  a  heavy 
rainfall  and  an  extended  growing  season  along  the  coast,  and,  in  the 
interior,  long  winters,  with  consequent  conservation  of  the  snowfall, 
and  moderate  rainfall  in  the  summer,  in  conjunction  with  a  short 
but  vigorous  growing  season.  These  conditions  insure,  throughout 
almost  the  whole  of  the  province,  a  dense  forest  growth  with  rank 
undergrowth.  Only  at  low  altitudes,  in  the  dry  belt— which  is  the 
term  applied  to  the  section  lying  between  the  Cascade  Range  and 
the  foothills  of  the  Gold  and  Cariboo  mountain  ranges— and  in  the 
lower  portions  of  the  Kettle,  Columbia,  and  Kootenay  valleys,  do 
long,  hot  summers  and  light  rainfall  restrict  the  forest  growth  to 
arid  types  or  prevent  it  altogether. 

Using  climatic  factors  as  the  basis  of  forest  classification,  seven 
broad  regions  may  be  distinguished.  The  approximate  area  included 
in  each  of  these  regions  is  indicated  in  the  following  table.  The 
total  of  120,000,000  acres  is  for  that  portion  of  the  province  under 
administration  and  excludes  about  40,000,000  acres  of  barren  areas 
within  the  different  regions. 

Acres 

Douglas  Fir  Coast  region 18,000,000 

Northern  Coast  region 20,000,000 

Interior  Wet  Belt  region  (Gold  and  Cariboo 

Ranges) 22,000,000 

Yellow  Pine  region(semi-arid  interior  valleys)  5,000,000 

Plateau  and  Rocky  Mountain  region 26,000,000 

Upper  Fraser  Basin  region 14,000,000 

Northern  Interior  region 15,000,000 

Total 120,000,000 

1  Adapted  from  R.  E.  Benedict,  "Disposal  of  Logging  Slash  in  British  Colum- 
bia," in  Forest  Protection  in  Canada,  IQ13-14,  Commission  of  Conservation  of 
Canada,  191 5,  pp.  101-12.  When  this  article  was  written  Mr.  Benedict  was 
Assistant  Forester,  British  Columbia  Forest  Branch. 

120 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  i2t 

Eliminating  the  land  capable  of  agricultural  development,  which 
is  estimated  at  15,000,000  acres,  there  are  left  105,000,000  acres  of 
land  whose  only  value  to  the  province  (outside  of  the  grazing  value  of 
20,000,000  acres)  is  its  adaptability  to  the  production  of  timber.  The 
province  is  truly  a  forest  country,  and,  with  agricultural  land  occupy- 
ing less  than  10  per  cent  of  its  area,  it  is  evident  that  its  future  is 
inseparably  bound  up  with  the  crop  of  timber  which  can  be  grown  on 
this  105,000,000  acres.  The  climatic  and  soil  conditions  are,  for  the 
most  part,  excellent,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  annual  cut,  which 
already  amounts  to  nearly  2,000,000,000  board  feet  and  makes  the 
lumber  industry  the  leading  one  of  the  province,  can  be  increased  by 
four  times  without  overtaxing  the  productivity  of  the  forest  growth. 
But,  to  accomplish  this,  measures  must  be  adopted  to  insure  prompt 
regeneration  of  the  forest,  to  afford  the  most  favorable  conditions 
for  rapid  growth,  and  to  protect  the  growing  crop  from  destruction 
by  fire.  The  chief  obstacle  to  the  attainment  of  all  these  conditions 
is  the  presence,  in  the  most  valuable  and  productive  forest  areas,  of  a 
heavy  layer  of  undecomposed  vegetable  material,  made  up  of  leaves, 
twigs,  branches,  fallen  trees,  grass,  and  weeds,  which  accumulate  in 
the  100  years  or  more  during  which  the  forest  is  growing  to  maturity, 
as  well  as  the  immense  amount  of  slash,  consisting  of  the  crowns  of 
cut  trees,  and  of  unusable  trees,  young  growth,  and  brush,  which  is 
produced  in  removing  the  merchantable  material.  Undoubtedly, 
as  the  value  of  timber  increases  and  as  new  uses  are  found  for  wood, 
the  amount  of  slash  will  be  lessened  to  some  extent,  but  no  material 
improvement  in  conditions  will  take  place  for  many  years.  The 
leading  two  regions  in  the  production  of  lumber  are  the  Douglas  Fir 
Coast  Region  and  the  Interior  Wet  Belt  Region. 

Douglas  Fir  Coast  Region.  An  annual  precipitation  of  over  50 
inches,  a  mean  temperature  of  45  degrees,  with  an  absence  of  extremes, 
a  humid  atmosphere,  and  a  long  growing  season,  which  characterize  the 
climate  of  the  southern  coast  and  the  greater  portion  of  Vancouver 
Island,  produce  a  coniferous  forest  which  is  only  equaled  for  density, 
rapidity  of  growth,  yield,  and  individual  tree  development  in  the 
coast  regions  of  Oregon  and  Washington,  where  the  same  climatic 
conditions  prevail. 

The  forest  is  everywhere  very  dense,  regardless  of  age,  with  a  very 
rank  undergrowth  of  shrubs  and  hemlock  seedlings,  and  a  heavy 


122  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

deposit  of  dead  leaves,  branches,  and  down  trees,  all  covered  with  a 
thick  layer  of  moss.  The  mature  stands  bear  from  10,000  to  100,000 
feet,  board  measure,  per  acre,  with  an  average  of  20,000  feet.  Com- 
mercially, Douglas  fir  is  the  most  important  forest  type  in  British 
Columbia,  furnishing  at  the  present  time  over  1,000,000,000  board 
feet  annually,  or  two-thirds  of  the  lumber  cut  of  the  province. 

Interior  Wet  Belt  Region.  Paralleling  the  Coast  Range,  at  a 
distance  of  about  a  hundred  miles,  and  separated  from  it  by  a  broken 
or  rolling  plateau  averaging  3,000  to  4,000  feet  in  altitude,  though 
intersected  by  several  deep  valleys,  the  Gold  and  Cariboo  mountain 
ranges  rise  to  a  height  of  5,000  to  8,000  feet,  and  maintain  this  alti- 
tude for  a  length  of  350  miles  north  of  the  International  Boundary. 
The  Gold  Range  is  paralleled  again  for  a  length  of  250  miles — at  a 
distance  of  80  miles  further  east — by  the  Selkirk  Range,  the  deep 
valley  of  the  Columbia  lying  between  the  two  ranges.  This  region 
of  parallel  mountain  ranges  and  their  many  peaks,  all  separated  by 
deep  valleys,  is  characterized  by  a  climate  which  partakes  somewhat 
of  the  nature  of  those  of  both  the  coast  and  dry  belts. 

The  annual  precipitation  amounts  to  between  30  and  40  inches, 
the  average  annual  temperature  is  in  the  neighborhood  of  40  degrees, 
with  warm  summers,  and  winters  which,  though  cold,  are  free  from 
long  periods  of  extreme  low  temperatures.  The  growing  season 
is  long,  considering  the  latitude  and  altitude,  with  a  comparatively 
humid  atmosphere.  The  heavy  snowfall  insures  plenty  of  moisture 
in  the  beginning  of  the  growing  season  and,  generally,  there  is  suffi- 
cient rainfall  in  July  and  August  to  maintain  most  favorable  growing 
conditions  throughout  the  summer.  Locally,  this  region  is  known 
as  the  second,  or  interior,  wet  belt,  and  the  term  has  been  applied  to 
the  very  distinctive  forest  which  the  favorable  climatic  and  soil 
conditions  produce. 

While  many  sub-forest  types  are  found  in  the  region,  the  forest 
generally  is  characterized  by  great  density,  rapid  growth,  a  large 
yield,  and  excellent  individual  tree  development,  although,  of  course, 
it  does  not  equal  that  found  in  the  Douglas  fir  coast  region. 

Cedar,  hemlock,  Douglas  fir,  lodgepole  pine,  and  spruce  are 
found  over  nearly  the  whole  region,  while  western  white  pine  is  a 
constitutent  of  the  stand  on  the  Columbia  and  North  Thompson 
watersheds. 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  123 

Probably  no  equally  extensive  forest  region  on  the  continent  has 
suffered  so  severely  from  fire  as  has  this  district,  it  being  estimated  that 
75  per  cent  of  the  forest  has  been  burned  over  at  least  once  during  the 
last  50  years,  destroying  100,000,000,000  feet  of  timber.  The  burns, 
however,  all  promptly  restocked,  showing  that  fire,  by  removal  of 
the  dead  vegetable  covering,  creates  the  conditions  necessary  to 
regeneration. 

Commercially,  this  region  is  second  in  importance  only  to  the 
coast  fir  region,  yielding  about  300,000,000  feet  in  1913.  In  the 
possibilities  of  future  production,  it  probably  excells  the  coast  fir  region, 
owing  to  its  greater  area  of  productive  land,  most  of  which  is  covered 
with  an  excellent  young  growth. 

2.  WATER-POWER  POSSIBILITIES  OF  BRITISH  COLUMBIA' 
The  conditions  affecting  water-power  development  in  the  prov- 
inces of  British  Columbia  are  unique  and  do  not  closely  correspond 
to  those  existent  in  other  portions  of  Canada.  This  is  true  especially 
of  the  mainland  Pacific  Coast,  Glaciers,  snow-fields,  heavy  rainfall, 
and  dense  forests  abound.  All  of  these  help  to  maintain  a  steady 
flow  of  water  in  the  streams  throughout  the  year.  Moreover  the 
gradients  of  the  streams  are  steep,  and  the  storage  possibilities 
adequate  so  that  as  far  as  physical  conditions  are  concerned  British 
Columbia  is  one  of  the  most  promising  regions  of  North  America  in 
regard  to  water-power. 

Grand  totals  purporting  to  represent  horse-power  possibilities  for 
large  sections  of  a  country  are  apt  to  be  very  misleading.  They  are 
especially  misleading  when  used  to  make  comparisons  with  other  totals 
when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  no  real  basis  for  comparison  has  been  estab- 
lished. The  unique  character  of  many  of  the  water-power  possibilities 
of  British  Columbia,  with  its  exceptional  physical  features,  such  as 
mountain  systems,  glaciers,  snow-fields,  and  widely  variant  precipita- 
tion, necessarily  makes  it  difficult  to  effect  comparisons  between 
the  total  water-power  possibilities  of  this  province  and  those  of  other 
areas  differing  markedly  in  physical  characteristics.  However,  it 
will  be  interesting  to  present  in  round  numbers  certain  totals  of  horse- 
power derivable  from  the  various  estimates  presented  in  our  tables. 

1  Taken  from  Arthur  V.  White,  Water  Powers  of  British  Columbia,  Commission 
of  Conservation  of  Canada,  1919,  pp.  4~S-  Mr.  White  is  Consulting  Engineer, 
Commission  of  Conservation. 


124  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Conventionally  the  province  has  been  divided  into  districts  as 

follows: 

24-hour 

horse-power 

I.  Columbia  River  and  tributaries: 

(North  of  the  international  boundary):   This  comprises  the 
portion  of  the  province  lying  between  its  eastern  boundary 

and  the  watershed  of  the  Fraser  River 610,000 

II.  Fraser  River  and  tributaries: 

This  includes  practically  the  entire  area  of  the  great  Interior 

Plateau 740,000 

III.  Vancouver  Island 270,000 

IV.  Mainland  Pacific  coast  and  adjacent  islands: 

(Except  Vancouver  Island):    This  includes  all  the  rivers 

north  of  the  Fraser  which  drain  into  the  Pacific 630,000 

V.  Mackenzie  River  tributaries: 

(A  rough  estimate  made  for  inclusion  in  this  summary) ....      250,000 

Grand  Total 2,500,000 

The  foregoing  totals  include  about  250,000  horse-power  for 
plants  already  in  operation,  but  they  do  not  include  about  400,000 
horse-power  given  in  the  tables  for  power  possibilities  on  streams  like 
Fraser,  Thompson,  Skeena,  and  Nass  rivers,  on  which,  because  of 
the  proximity  of  railways,  or  possible  interference  with  the  salmon 
industry,  economical  development  cannot  be  considered  under  present 
conditions.  Also,  as  elsewhere  explained,  there  is  still  considerable 
territory,  especially  in  the  more  northerly  portion  of  the  province, 
which  it  has  not  been  possible  to  investigate  fully.  These  areas 
may  yet  disclose  a  considerable  amount  of  power.  One  fact  to  be 
borne  in  mind  in  connection  with  these  totals  is  that,  when  powers 
are  developed  and  the  available  waters  are  intelligently  conserved, 
more  power  will  be  obtained  than  the  quantities  estimated  upon  the 
basis  of  available  data  would,  at  present,  indicate.  In  round  figures, 
the  total  estimated  24-hour  power,  including  an  allowance  for  all 
of  the  entities  above  mentioned,  may  be  placed  at  about  3,000,000 
horse-power.  It  must  be  understood  that  the  utilization  of  this 
water-power  will  involve  closely  related  problems  of  domestic  and 
municipal  water  supply,  irrigation,  navigation,  fisheries,  and  riparian 
rights.  Too  frequently,  in  planning  for  water-power  development, 
such  problems  are  ignored. 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  125 

3.     PUGET  SOUND-FRASER  RIVER  SALMON  INDUSTRY' 

The  sockeye  salmon  which  frequent  the  Fraser  River  in  British 
Columbia  are  natives  of  that  stream.  All  of  them  are  hatched  in  its 
watershed  and,  with  few  exceptions,  spend  the  first  year  of  their  life 
in  the  fresh  waters  of  some  one  of  its  many  large  lakes.  They  then 
migrate  to  the  sea,  where  they  remain  until  the  summer  of  the  year 
they  are  four  years  old,  when  they  again  seek  the  waters  of  the 
Fraser  to  spawn,  and,  after  spawning,  die. 

In  returning  from  the  sea  to  the  Fraser,  the  salmon  pass  through 
many  miles  of  American  waters  in  the  state  of  Washington,  and  there 
the  greater  proportion  of  the  run  is  caught  by  American  fishermen. 
It  is  the  feature  of  the  fishery  that  makes  it  an  international  one. 
In  dealing  with  the  salmon  fisheries  of  the  Fraser,  it  is  necessary 
to  deal  also  with  the  fishing  operations  carried  on  in  American  waters 
through  which  they  pass,  since  it  has  been  demonstrated  that  all  the 
sockeye  salmon  which  are  taken  in  Puget  Sound,  in  the  state  of 
Washington,  are  Fraser  River  bred  fish.  The  term  "Fraser  River 
district"  is  here  used  to  include  all  the  American  and  Canadian  waters 
in  which  the  Fraser  River  fish  are  caught.  In  order  to  show  an 
increase  or  decrease  in  the  run  of  sockeye  to  the  Frazer  for  a  given  year, 
it  is  necessary  to  compare  the  catch  of  that  year  with  the  catch  in  the 
fourth  preceding  year,  since,  as  already  set  forth,  the  sockeye  that 
run  to  that  river  predominately  mature  in  four  years,  and  since  the 
sockeye  seeking  the  Fraser  are  caught  in  both  Canadian  and  American 
waters,  it  is  necessary  to  take  the  combined  catch  in  those  waters  in 
order  to  ascertain  the  total  for  any  year. 

Up  to  the  present  year  (19 17)  the  run  of  sockeye  salmon  to  the 
Fraser  River  district  made  it  the  most  valuable  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  most  remarkable  salmon  fishery  known.  Every  fourth  year,  up 
to  191 7,  the  run  of  sockeye  salmon  in  that  dristict  has  greatly  exceeded 
the  run  to  any  other  river,  and  has  so  greatly  exceeded  the  run  to 
the  Fraser  in  the  three  following  years  that  it  is  termed  "the  run 
of  the  big  year."    The  run  to  the  Fraser  in  each  of  the  three  years 

'  Adapted  by  permission  from  John  Pease  Babcock,  "  Salmon  Fishery  of  the 
Fraser  River  District,"  Ninth  Annual  Report  of  the  Commission  of  Conservation, 
Canada,  1918,  pp.  140-47.  When  this  article  was  written  Mr.  Babcock  was 
Assistant  Commissioner  of  Fisheries  of  British  Columbia. 


126 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


succeeding  the  big  year  is  so  much  smaller,  that  those  years  are 
termed  "the  lean  years." 

Nineteen  hundred  and  nine  was  a  year  of  a  "big  run."  The  pack 
in  the  district  that  year  totaled  1,683,339  cases,  each  case  containing 
48  one-pound  cans  or  their  equivalent.  The  combined  pack  of  the 
three  following  lean  years  totaled  but  893,253  cases,  or  53  per  cent 
of  that  of  1909. 

The  pack  in  1913,  the  next  big  year  (and,  as  will  later  be  shown 
to  have  been  the  last  big  year)  totaled  2,392,895  cases,  while  the 
combined  pack  in  the  three  following  lean  years  totaled  but  805,910 
cases,  or  35  per  cent  of  that  of  19 13. 

A  study  of  the  recorded  pack  of  sockeye  salmon  caught  in  the 
Fraser  River  district  for  the  past  eight  years,  1909  to  1916,  inclusive, 
affords  a  comprehensive  basis  for  an  understanding  of  conditions  in 
both  provincial  and  state  waters  of  that  district  up  to  191 7.  It 
demonstrates  the  vast  difference  between  the  catch  in  the  big  and  in 
the  lean  years  up  to  that  year,  as  well  as  the  great  difference  in  the 
proportion  of  the  catch  in  the  provincial  and  the  state  waters,  and 
it  also  shows  the  decline  in  the  run  in  the  lean  years. 


TABLE   XX 

Pack  of  Sockeye  Salmon  Caught  in  Fraser  River  District, 

1909-1917 


1909. 
1910. 
1911. 
1912. 

1913- 
1914. 

1915- 
1916 


Year 


Totals,  1909-1916. 


1917. 


British 

Columbia 

waters 


585,435 

150.432 

58,487 

123,879 

719,796 

198,183 

9IJ30 

32,146 


1,959,488 


148,164 


State  of 

Washington 

waters* 


1,097,004 

248,014 

127,761 

184,680 

1,673,099 

335,230 

64,584 

84,637 


3,815,909 


3oo,ooof 


Total  for 
District 


1,683,339 
398,446 
186,248 
308,559 

2,392,895 

533,413 
155,714 
116,783 


5,775,397 


448,164 


*  Data  from  Pacific  Fisherman,  Seattle,  Wash. 


t  Estimate. 


The  pack  for  the  eight  years,  1909  to  191 6,  inclusive,  includes  the 
catch  of  the  last  two  big  years  and  the  last  six  lean  years.     Together, 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  127 

they  constitute  the  last  two  four-year  cycles  of  the  run  to  the  Fraser 
River.  The  grand  total  for  the  eight  years  is  5,775,397  cases,  of  which 
33 .9  per  cent  was  packed  in  British  Columbia,  and  66. 1  per  cent,  in 
the  state  of  Washington.  In  every  recent  year,  except  19 15,  the 
catch  in  the  state  of  Washington  waters  of  the  district  has  exceeded 
the  catch  in  British  Columbia  waters. 

The  history  of  the  fishing  in  the  Fraser  River  district  in  the  past 
fourteen  years  is  a  record  of  depletion,  a  record  of  excessive  fishing  in 
the  lean  years,  a  record  of  failure  on  the  part  of  the  authorities  of  the 
state  of  Washington  to  realize  the  necessity  of  conserving  a  great 
fishery,  notwithstanding  convincing  evidence  submitted  to  them  by 
agents  of  their  own  creation  that  disaster  was  impending  to  one  of 
their  great  industries. 

The  Canadian  authorities,  on  the  other  hand,  have,  by  their 
representations  and  acts,  evinced,  in  unmistakable  manner,  their 
willingness  to  deal  squarely  and  adequately  with  conditions  that 
foretold  depletion,  and  to  join  with  the  state  of  Washington  or  the 
United  States  Government  in  legislation  to  prevent  it. 

The  failure  of  the  state  of  Washington  to  recognize  the  necessity 
for  and  the  advantages  that  would  follow  the  suspension  of  sockeye 
fishing  in  the  lean  years  in  her  own  and  the  provincial  waters  of  the 
Fraser  River  district  is  a  reflection  upon  her  business  foresight.  Her 
proportion  of  the  catch  of  sockeye  in  each  of  the  last  three  big  years 
(1905,  1909  and  1913)  has  averaged  1,399,808  cases  per  year,  of  an 
average  value  of  $11,198,464.  Her  average  in  each  of  the  last  six 
lean  years  has  been  182,091  cases  per  year,  of  an  average  value  of 
$1,456,728.  The  average  value  of  her  catch  of  sockeye  in  the  big 
years  up  to  191 7,  exceeds  the  average  value  in  the  lean  years  by 
approximately  $9,741,736  per  year.  Since,  as  has  already  been 
stated,  the  catches  in  both  the  big  and  the  lean  years  are  the  product 
of  the  same  spawning  beds,  it  is  evident  that  those  spawning  beds 
would  have  produced  on  the  average  as  great  a  run  in  the  lean  years 
as  they  produced  in  the  big  years  provided  they  had  been  as  abun- 
dantly seeded.  It  is  simply  a  question  of  seeding.  The  failure  of  the 
United  States  and  the  state  of  Washington  to  join  Canada  in  measures 
to  insure  seeding  those  beds  every  year  as  abundantly  as  in  the 
big  years  has,  in  the  three  lean  years  of  the  last  four-year  cycle,  entailed 
a  loss  to  the  state  of  Washington  alone  of  $29,225,208. 


128  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Turning  from  a  consideration  of  the  runs  in  the  lean  years  to  that 
of  the  run  in  the  big  years,  we  find  that  the  report  of  the  Fisheries 
Department  of  British  Columbia  for  1913  affords  the  basis  of  an 
intelligent  conception  of  the  conditions  on  the  spawning  grounds  of 
the  Frazer  River,  which,  in  that  year,  caused  the  decline  in  the  catch 
in  1917.  The  reports  from  the  spawning  grounds  contained  in  the 
report  for  1913  demonstrate  that  the  numbers  of  sockeye  salmon 
which  passed  up  the  Fraser  River  that  year  were  as  great  as  in  any 
previous  big  year  of  which  there  is  record  and  possibly  even  greater. 
The  capital  stock  of  that  year's  run  was  not  overdrawn  even  by  the 
great  catch  of  that  season.  In  June,  the  adult  sockeye  made  their 
appearance  in  the  canon  of  the  Fraser,  above  the  town  of  Yale  and, 
during  the  high  water  of  June  and  July,  large  numbers  passed  through 
the  Quesnel  and  Chilko  lakes  at  the  head  of  the  watershed.  The 
greater  proportion  of  the  run  of  sockeye  that  reached  the  canon  at 
Yale  in  late  July  and  during  August  and  September  were  blockaded 
there  by  rock  obstructions  placed  in  the  channel  incident  to  railway 
construction,  with  the  result  that  few  of  them  were  able  to  pass 
through  the  canon  during  that  time.  The  slide  came  from  a  cliff 
on  the  south  side  of  the  Fraser  River,  and  was  caused  by  the  Canadian 
Northern  Railway  building  a  tunnel.  The  tunnel  took  away  the 
support  from  the  face  of  the  cliff  and  it  came  down  in  one  mass  causing 
a  waterfall  of  about  9  feet  in  the  river,  where  only  a  rapid  had  existed 
before.  This  happened  at  one  of  the  narrowest  parts  of  the  river, 
and  the  water  shot  over  the  fall  with  a  velocity  and  in  such  a  direction 
that  the  salmon  could  not  jump  it.  Ordinarily,  the  height  would 
not  have  stopped  a  salmon,  but  the  velocity  of  the  water  was  so 
great  that  they  could  not  stem  it.  It  was  most  interesting  to  watch 
the  maneuvers  of  the  salmon  in  trying  to  overcome  that  obstruction. 
They  would  coast  along  the  shore  of  the  river  and  take  advantage 
of  every  little  projecting  point  of  rock  or  any  little  eddy  that  occurred, 
until  they  got  right  up  to  the  point  where  no  further  protection  was 
possible,  and  then  they  would  make  a  jump  for  it,  but  they  would 
be  caught  by  the  current  and  inevitably  carried  down.  The  blasting 
of  temporary  passageways  enabled  a  large  proportion  of  the  October 
and  November  sockeye  run  to  pass  through  the  canon  and  spawn  in 
Shuswap  and  Seton  lakes.  In  August,  sockeye  were  seen  drifting 
down  stream,  between  the  canon  and  Yale;    which  movement  was 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  129 

very  pronounced  in  September,  and  continued  until  the  middle  of 
October.  The  streams  which  enter  the  Fraser  between  the  canon 
and  Agassiz  were  filled  with  sockeye  from  the  middle  of  August  until 
the  end  of  October,  while  they  had  not  been  observed  in  those  streams 
in  previous  years.  Very  few  sockeye  spawned  in  any  of  these  streams; 
most  of  them  died  without  spawning.  Vast  numbers  of  dead  sockeye, 
which  died  without  spawning,  were  found  on  the  bars  and  banks  of 
the  Fraser  between  Yale  and  Agassiz  in  September  and  October. 

It  was  little  less  than  a  calamity  that  the  rock  slide,  which  so 
nearly  destroyed  the  run  of  1913,  should  have  occurred  in  a  year 
of  the  big  run.  The  destruction  of  the  spawning  run  in  the  Fraser 
in  1913  is  the  greatest  disaster  that  has  been  recorded  in  the  history 
of  the  fishing  industry  of  the  world.  So  far  as  the  writer  is  informed, 
it  has  had  no  parallel.  Estimated  on  the  valuation  of  the  pack  of  that 
year,  the  loss  to  the  fisheries  of  the  province  of  British  Columbia  in 
191 7  alone,  is  in  excess  of  $8,000,000  and  the  loss  to  the  state  of 
Washington  is  in  excess  of  $19,500,000,  a  total  loss  to  the  packers  of 
that  district  of  $27,500,000. 

Furthermore,  the  loss  will  not  be  confined  to  191 7.  It  will  be 
repeated  every  fourth  year,  until  such  time  as  the  governments  of 
Canada  and  the  United  States  by  united  efforts,  drastic  and  long 
continued,  shall  succeed  in  repopulating  the  spawning  beds  of  the 
Fraser  River  with  the  millions  of  adult  sockeye  that  spawned  there 
every  fourth  year  up  to  19 13. 

4.    WESTERN  CANADA  AND  THE  PACIFIC1 

Two  rival  Canadian  ports  on  the  Pacific  coast  are  of  special  inter- 
est at  this  time  in  view  of  the  prospective  opening  of  a  Hudson  Bay 
route  to  Europe  for  Western  Canada's  wheat  fields  and  the  strong 
leveling  tendencies  in  cereal  distribution  that  have  their  origin  in  the 
war.  Vancouver  is  an  established  port,  having  all  the  strength  that 
grows  out  of  a  fixed  place  in  the  commercial  scheme.  Its  competitor, 
Prince  Rupert,  400  miles  north,  is  new  and  untried.  It  hopes  to 
become  a  Pacific  emporium  and  to  rival  not  only  Vancouver  but 

'Taken  from  Walter  S.  Tower,  "Western  Canada  and  the  Pacific,"  The 
Geographical  Review,  October,  191 7,  pp.  284-96.  Mr.  Tower  is  special  trade 
commissioner  in  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce,  Department  of 
Commerce;  formerly  he  was  professor  of  geography  at  the  University  of  Chicago. 


130  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

the  cities  of  Eastern  Canada.  It  is  already  the  terminus  of  the  Grand 
Trunk  Pacific  Railway.  What  are  its  tributary  economic  areas  ?  In 
the  commercial  race  that  goes  hand  in  hand  with  the  swift  agricultural 
development  of  the  Canadian  prairies,  what  are  its  prospects  of 
success?  To  answer  these  questions  one  must  look  not  only  at  the 
resources  of  the  regions  that  feed  these  two  outlets  but  also  at  the 
principles  of  port  development  that  apply  the  world  over. 

The  advance  of  farming  across  the  Canadian  prairies  has  been 
marked  by  the  steady  northward  extension  of  the  zone  of  active 
development,  largely  because  of  better  climatic  conditions  in  the 
north  for  the  production  of  the  chief  commercial  crops — wheat,  oats, 
and  flaxseed.  Central  Saskatchewan  and  the  region  westward  to 
Edmonton,  Alberta,  quickly  led  in  the  heavy  production  of  cereals. 
These  newer  farming  localities  lie  to  the  north  of  the  line  of  direct 
communication  with  the  original  Pacific  outlet  at  Vancouver  and 
occupy  such  positions  with  reference  to  other  parts  of  the  Pacific 
coast  as  to  lead  naturally  to  the  consideration  of  building  new  rail- 
roads to  new  ports  on  the  western  ocean. 

There  are  at  least  four  large  factors  which  obviously  would  influ- 
ence the  selection  of  routes  to  the  Pacific  from  the  Canadian  prairies. 
In  the  first  place,  the  distance  to  which  the  cultivated  area  is  extended 
northward  largely  determines  the  practicability  (or  economy)  of 
shipping  by  the  original  route  (Canadian  Pacific)  to  Vancouver. 
From  the  region  of  Edmonton,  via  Calgary,  to  Vancouver  it  is  ioo 
miles  farther  and  much  more  difficult  than  to  more  northerly  Pacific 
points,  as  Prince  Rupert.  In  the  second  place,  the  location  of  passes 
across  the  Canadian  Rocky  Mountains  and  of  natural  routes  through 
the  rugged  belt  to  the  west  largely  determines  the  feasibility  of  build- 
ing new  trans-Cordilleran  railroads  to  connect  the  farming  com- 
munities and  the  Pacific  coast.  There  are  a  number  of  good  passes 
across  the  main  mountain  ranges  between  the  forty-ninth  and  the 
sixtieth  parallels,  which  represent  the  approximate  limits  of  the 
possible  wheat-producing  area.  Some  of  these  passes,  however,  are  of 
little  or  no  use  to  the  region,  because  of  unfavorable  location  with 
respect  to  producing  centers  or  to  trans-Cordilleran  routes.  Satis- 
factory routes  through  the  belt  of  rugged  highland  four  hundred 
miles  wide  must  be  sought  along  valleys,  preferably  those  which 
extend  all  the  way  from  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  coast,  or, 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA 


131 


if  necessary,  along  low-gradient  valleys  which  head  near  each  other 
on  a  low  intervening  divide  (Map  2). 

A  third  factor,  equal  in  importance  to  either  of  the  others,  is  the 
character  and  location  of  harbors,  or  sites  for  commercial  ports,  to 
be  reached  by  these  routes.  British  Columbia  has  a  typically 
fiorded  coast,  which  means  there  are  many  deep,  well-sheltered 


Map  2. — Sketch-map  showing  rivers  and  routes  of  western  Canada.     Scale, 
1 115,000,000.     Note:  For  "Parnip  R."  (560  N.)  read  Parsnip  R. 


indentations  (Map  2),  more  in  fact  than  possibly  could  be  utilized  as 
harbors  in  the  development  of  commercial  centers  for  Pacific  Canada. 
For  various  reasons,  however,  many  of  these  identations  are  unsuitable 
for  port  developments,  as  is  illustrated  by  the  typical  case  of  Bute 
Inlet.  In  some  the  water  is  too  deep  to  provide  good  anchorages; 
some  have  such  narrow,  winding  entrances  as  to  make  the  passage  of 
vessels  difficult  or  unsafe;  a  majority  are  bordered  by  land  too 
precipitous,  or  too  rugged,  to  permit  satisfactory  development  of  an 
important  commercial  city;  and  nearly  all  of  them  are  difficult  to 
reach  from  the  interior.  To  these  general  objections,  applying  in 
one  way  or  another  to  almost  all  the  indentations,  there  must  be 


132  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

added  the  fact  that  nearly  half  the  mainland  coast  of  British  Columbia 
lies  back  of  Vancouver  Island  (Map  2),  which  means  that,  except  for  the 
indentations  near  the  northern  and  the  southern  ends  of  the  island, 
a  serious  handicap  is  imposed  by  the  long  and  roundabout  route 
necessary  to  reach  these  harbors,  which  he  shut  off  from  the  open 
ocean  by  the  island  barrier.  Finally,  the  natural  resources  and 
economic  prospects  of  the  country  to  be  traversed  would  vitally 
affect  profitable  railroad  development,  and  so  influence  the  choice  of 
routes. 

Of  the  four  enumerated  factors  apparently  the  greatest  is  the 
character  and  location  of  the  valleys.  Outside  the  routes  made  pos- 
sible by  the  chief  valleys,  the  high  altitudes  and  extreme  ruggedness 
would  involve  steep  grades,  high  costs  of  construction  and  of  operation, 
and  other  handicaps  serious  enough,  presumably,  to  prevent  any 
attempts  to  build  trans-Cordilleran  lines.  Excluding  valleys  in 
British  Columbia  that  lead  into  the  United  States  or  the  territory 
of  Alaska,  the  zone  of  possible  port  development  is  narrowed  to  the 
strip  between  latitude  49°  and  latitude  54°  40',  or  a  straight-line  dis- 
tance of  only  400  miles.  Within  these  limits  there  are  numerous 
streams  entering  the  Pacific,  each  one  of  which  has  fiorded  sections 
close  to  its  mouth  and  potential  harborage;  but  most  of  these  streams 
rise  in,  or  on  the  Pacific  side  of,  the  Coast  Range  and  do  not  provide 
outlets  for  trans-Cordilleran  routes  (Map  2).  Only  two  of  the  rivers,  the 
Fraser  and  the  Skeena,  receive  tributaries  which  rise  very  far  to  the 
east  of  the  Coast  Range,  and  thus  their  valleys  are  the  only  ones 
which  provide  large  gaps  in  the  great  topographic  barrier  of  coastal 
British  Columbia. 

The  Fraser  has  a  system  of  three  important  tributary  lines,  one 
from  the  east,  one  from  the  northeast,  and  one  from  the  north  (Map  2), 
or,  as  they  may  be  named  according  to  tributary  waters,  the  South 
Thompson-Fraser,  the  North  Thompson-Fraser,  and  the  main  Fraser 
routes,  uniting  in  the  lower  valley  which  comes  out  to  the  Pacific 
nearly  opposite  the  southern  end  of  Vancouver  Island.  These 
three  tributary  valleys,  furthermore,  head  toward  the  eastern  edge 
of  the  Cordilleran  belt  and  not  far  from  good  passes  over  the  Rocky 
Mountain  barrier.  The  Skeena,  on  the  other  hand,  has  a  much 
smaller  system,  enters  the  ocean  close  to  the  Alaskan  boundary,  and 
has  only  two  tributary  lines,  one  from  the  north  and  one  from  the 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  133 

east,  the  main  Skeena  and  the  Bulkley.  Neither  of  these  valleys 
heads  close  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  but  both  must  be  approached 
from  the  east  through  the  valleys  occupied  by  the  upper  waters  of 
Fraser  or  Peace  River  tributaries  (as  the  Nechako  and  Oslinka). 

In  the  four  hundred  miles  between  the  Fraser  and  the  Skeena, 
several  rivers  enter  the  conspicuous  "channels"  or  "inlets,"  as 
they  are  there  called,  but  they  are  of  no  commercial  value.  Nothing 
would  be  gained,  for  example,  by  seeking  outlets  from  the  Fraser 
River  basin,  in  central  British  Columbia,  over  the  divide  of  the  Coast 
Range,  into  such  valleys  as  those  which  lead  to  Knight,  Bute,  Toba, 
and  Jervis  Inlets  (Map  2).  The  two  rivers  entering  Douglas  Channel, 
and  Gardner  Channel  north  of  Vancouver  Island  are  only  a  hundred 
miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Skeena.  They  are  comparatively  short 
streams,  heading  on  the  western  slope  of  the  Coast  Range.  The 
only  other  ones  which  are  worth  mentioning  head  east  of  the  Coast 
Range:  the  Salmon  River  flowing  to  Dean  Channel,  and  Bella  Coola 
River  to  Burke  Channel  (Map  2).  Between  their  headwaters  and  the 
tributaries  (Blackwater  and  Chilcotin)  of  the  Fraser  system,  however, 
there  is  the  obstruction  of  a  comparatively  broad  and  high  divide. 
Further,  the  route  from  prairie  points  via  one  of  these  valleys  to  the 
coast  would  be  very  devious,  and  the  coastal  topography  is  pro- 
hibitively rugged. 

There  is  not  much  difference  in  the  quality  of  the  harbors  of 
Vancouver  and  Prince  Rupert;1  each  harbor  is  large  enough  and 
deep  enough  to  accommodate  all  the  shipping  that  it  may  be  called 
upon  to  receive.  They  are  admirably  protected  by  lines  of  sheltering 
islands  and  prominent  headlands.  Both  have  long  usable  water 
frontage,  offering  almost  unlimited  possibilities  for  wharf  and  dock 
development.  Both  have  adjacent  sites  suitable  for  the  develop- 
ment of  cities  of  large  proportions.  The  moderately  hilly  character  of 
the  land  about  the  harbors  makes  town  sites  unusually  attractive 
both  from  the  standpoint  of  scenery  and  that  of  public  health.  The 
only  notable  difference  between  the  harbors  is  in  the  character  of  the 
entrances.    Vancouver  lies  some  distance  north  of  the  southern  end 

1  Except  for  harbor  conditions  the  factors  affecting  Vancouver  may  be  said  to 
cover  the  other  towns  of  that  district,  including  New  Westminster,  North  Van- 
couver, and  Port  Mann;  while  Prince  Rupert  likewise  covers  the  case  for  Port 
Edward,  Port  Essington,  and  Port  Simpson. 


134  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  Vancouver  Island,  which  necessitates  a  voyage  of  approximately 
200  miles,  through  the  Strait  of  Juan  de  Fuca  and  the  Strait  of 
Georgia  (Map  2),  where,  in  foggy  or  stormy  weather,  the  problem  of 
navigation  may  be  difficult.  Prince  Rupert,  on  the  other  hand,  through 
Dixon  Entrance  to  the  west  or  the  broad  Hecate  Strait  to  the  south 
(Map  2),  has  a  wider,  more  direct,  and  somewhat  shorter  entrance 
from  the  Pacific.  However,  this  advantage  is  probably  altogether 
too  small  notably  to  affect  the  development  of  Prince  Rupert. 

What  is  the  character  of  the  land  adjacent  to  the  two  localities  ? 
Within  a  radius  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  either  port  the  land 
is  rugged,  heavily  forested,  with  small  agricultural  possibilities,  and 
for  the  most  part  not  known  to  be  especially  rich  in  mineral  resources. 
There  is  more  cultivable  land  near  the  lower  Fraser  valley  and  on 
Vancouver  Island,  however,  than  there  is  near  the  lower  Skeena 
valley  and  on  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  for  it  might  almost  be 
said  that  good  agricultural  land  of  any  considerable  extent  does  not 
exist  within  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  Prince  Rupert.  There  is  also 
a  difference  in  the  character  of  the  forests.  Along  the  southern  part 
of  the  British  Columbia  coast  is  found  one  of  the  most  valuable 
commercial  forests  of  fir,  hemlock,  and  cedar  in  North  America. 
In  the  vicinity  of  Prince  Rupert,  on  the  other  hand,  where  conditions 
(of  climate  especially)  are  less  favorable,  the  trees  are  smaller,  the 
stand  is  not  so  heavy,  and  there  is  a  predominance  of  the  less  valuable 
kinds,  like  hemlock  and  spruce. 

The  Vancouver  region  appears  in  the  present  state  of  information 
to  be  superior  in  mineral  resources.  At  all  events,  there  is  little 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  productive  coal  fields  of  Vancouver  Island 
are  equaled  by  deposits  in  the  lower  Skeena  basin. 

Prince  Rupert  is  nearer  to  Alaska;  it  is  nearer  to  Oriental  ports 
as  far  south  as  Shanghai;  and  it  is  the  Pacific  terminus  of  the  shortest 
route  (now  and  probably  for  the  future)  between  eastern  Canadian 
(or  western  European)  localities  and  those  Oriental  centers  north  of 
Shanghai.  Vancouver,  on  the  other  hand,  is  nearer  to  the  United 
States,  to  the  Panama  Canal,  to  all  points  reached  by  way  of  the 
canal,  and  to  places  in  the  Orient  south  of  Shanghai.  The  sailing 
and  steamship  routes  most  frequented  in  the  Pacific  lie  mainly  far 
to  the  south  of  Prince  Rupert.  Hence  existing  trade  relations  for  the 
Pacific  seem  unlikely  to  lead  to  the  passage  of  shipping  close  enough 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  135 

to  Prince  Rupert  to  make  that  place  a  convenient  port  of  call.  Ship- 
ping between  Alaskan  and  southern  ports,  relatively  unimportant,  is 
the  only  exception  to  this  condition.  Vancouver,  on  the  contrary, 
is  much  more  favorably  located  with  reference  to  the  long-established 
(and  probable  future)  shipping  routes  in  the  North  Pacific,  largely 
as  a  result  of  its  proximity  to  the  important  Pacific  ports  of  the 
United  States. 

The  relative  merits  of  the  routes  inland  from  Vancouver  and 
Prince  Rupert  must  be  determined  largely  on  the  basis  of  (1)  distances 
between  the  ports  and  their  respective  productive  areas,  (2)  the 
potential  resources  of  the  Cordilleran  section  through  which  the  lines 
run,  and  (3)  the  extent  and  character  of  the  entire  region  from  which 
traffic  can  be  drawn.  It  may  be  noted,  first,  that  a  radius  of  500 
miles  (air-line  distance  is  in  this  case  comparable  to  road  mileage) 
from  Vancouver  as  a  center,  includes  all  the  Cordilleran  (British 
Columbia)  region  south  of  latitude  560,  and  the  western  margin  of  the 
prairies  from  the  Peace  River  country  on  the  north  to  the  plains  of 
southern  Alberta,  over  a  width  ranging  from  a  hunderd  to  two 
hundred  miles  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  axis.  A  similar  radius 
from  Prince  Rupert  as  a  center  includes  the  greater  part  of  central 
and  southwestern  British  Columbia,  but  only  a  relatively  small  strip 
of  the  prairies,  mainly  in  the  Peace  River  country  and  to  the  north. 
The  area  lying  exclusively  within  the  Prince  Rupert  radius,  in  north- 
central  British  Columbia  and  the  northern  prairies  is  less  valuable 
economically  than  the  areas  lying  exclusively  in  the  Vancouver 
radius  in  southern  British  Columbia  and  the  southern  prairies.  So 
far  as  mileage  of  land  haul  is  a  factor,  Vancouver  seems  to  have  a 
substantial  advantage  in  being  nearer  to  large  regions  with  good 
prospects. 

The  economic  possibilities  of  the  country  traversed  by  railway 
lines  in  the  Fraser  basin  are  largely  superior  to  those  touched  by 
railroads  through  the  Skeena  basin.  Agricultural  opportunities 
are  just  as  good,  if  not  better;  forest  resources  are  conspicuously 
greater;  and  mineral  deposits,  so  far  as  is  known,  are  much  richer  in 
and  near  the  southern  valleys  than  in  those  to  the  north.  Thus, 
within  the  area  naturally  to  be  tapped  by  way  of  the  Fraser  routes, 
lie  nearly  all  the  important  mineral-producing  regions  in  the  main- 
land of  British  Columbia.     As  a  source  of  local  traffic  and  an  aid  to 


136  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

profitable  operation,  therefore,  the  valleys  of  the  Fraser  system  are 
the  best  for  railroad  routes  between  the  prairies  and  the  coast. 

The  extent  of  the  region  from  which  traffic  logically  may  be 
drawn  can  hardly  be  marked  out  with  rigid  limits,  but  it  must  consist 
largely  of  British  Columbia  and  the  prairies  east  of  the  mountains 
about  as  far  as  central  Saskatchewan.  East  of  Saskatchewan  and  per- 
haps in  the  eastern  half  of  that  province,  there  probably  will  continue 
to  be  some  advantage  in  moving  the  traffic  by  way  of  an  existing 
eastern  outlet,  or  by  one  of  the  lines  under  construction  (as  the 
Hudson  Bay  route),  except  in  the  case  of  a  limited  traffic  for  Pacific 
destinations. 

Southern  British  Columbia  is  more  rugged  than  the  central  and 
northern  parts  of  that  province,  hence  the  section  closest  to  Van- 
couver contains  less  land  well  suited  to  agricultural  and  pastoral 
pursuits  than  the  middle  and  upper  Fraser  basin,  about  equidistant 
from  the  two  ports.  Agricultural  and  pastoral  possibilities,  however, 
are  not  likely  to  operate  in  a  large  way  in  the  development  of  these 
areas  during  the  next  few  years,  mainly  because  the  difficulties 
confronting  agriculture  in  the  Cordilleran  region  are  serious  enough 
to  give  the  prairie  lands  all  the  advantage  in  attracting  agricultural 
colonists  and  labor.  Two  facts  alone  are  adequate  to  support  this 
conclusion.  (1)  Most  of  the  cultivable  lands  of  the  Cordilleran 
region  are  forested,  and  impose  on  the  prospective  farmer  an  expendi- 
ture of  time,  labor,  and  capital  so  great  that  the  whole  cost  of  pre- 
paring the  land  for  plowing  may  be  greater  than  would  be  justified 
by  the  expectable  returns  from  its  cultivation.  (2)  A  good  many 
tracts,  properly  classified  as  arable  lands,  are  for  climatic  reasons 
suitable  only  for  hardy  cereals  (oats,  barley,  rye),  vegetables,  and 
some  small  fruits;  but  for  such  crops  there  is  little  demand  in  that 
region  or  any  other  within  reach. 

The  forest  resources  are  far  more  significant  to  the  development 
if  the  region,  for  much  of  the  southern  half  of  British  Columbia  con- 
sists of  ultimate  forest  land.  The  best  and  heaviest  stands  are 
toward  the  south,  in  the  section  tributary  to  Vancouver.  In  the 
central  part  of  the  province,  especially  along  the  Nechako-Skeena 
route  to  Prince  Rupert,  large  tracts  of  forest  now  have  little  or  no 
commercial  value.  Some  large  areas  have  been  injured  or  destroyed 
by  fires,  mainly  during  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.     Other  large 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  137 

areas  are  covered  with  a  growth  of  small-sized  and  inferior  spruce, 
hemlock,  and  poplar.  These  forests  might  be  exploited  profitably 
to  produce  pulp  wood,  posts,  fence  rails,  railroad  ties,  and  the  like, 
were  there  a  large  accessible  market  for  them.  Very  few  tracts  of 
good  saw-log  timber  are  found  as  far  north  as  the  fifty-fourth  parallel, 
or  the  approximate  vicinity  of  the  Skeena  route.  The  line  tributary 
to  Prince  Rupert,  therefore,  lies  near  the  northern  limit  of  cultivable 
crops  and  of  valuable  commercial  forests  in  British  Columbia  and 
cannot  derive  much  advantage  from  these  two  resources. 

In  the  matter  of  mineral  resources  few  deposits  comparable  to 
those  in  the  Selkirk  and  Gold  Ranges  and  other  parts  of  southern 
British  Columbia  have  yet  been  found  in  the  more  northerly  localities, 
though  exploration  is  likely  to  reveal  new  riches;  but  no  great  com- 
mercial port  ever  has  been  developed  by  traffic  resulting  from  the 
production  of  ores  alone.  The  northern  section  seems  quite  deficient 
in  supplies  of  fuels  of  good  trade,  as  a  result  of  which  a  serious  handi- 
cap may  be  imposed  on  its  mining  development  as  compared  with  the 
southern  section,  where  an  abundance  of  high-quality  coal  is  available, 
such,  for  example,  as  the  coal  from  Vancouver  Island  and  the  Koote- 
nay  region.  All  the  important  coal  fields  now  known  in  British 
Columbia  and  nearly  all  the  great  coal  supplies  of  Alberta  lie  within 
a  500-mile  radius  of  Vancouver,  with  the  greater  part  of  these  fields 
tapped  by  fines  of  transportation  which  naturally  are  tributary  to 
that  Pacific  port.  On  the  other  hand,  only  a  small  part  of  the  coal 
fields  of  British  Columbia  (such  as  the  Telkwa  field  in  the  upper  Skeena 
basin)  and  the  northern  (poorer)  end  of  the  Alberta  field  lie  within 
a  similar  radius  of  Prince  Rupert,  while  from  many  of  these  coal 
areas  there  are  no  natural  lines  of  movement  tributary  to  that  port. 
The  natural  resources  in  the  Cordilleran  section,  therefore,  give 
an  overwhelming  advantage  to  the  Vancouver  region. 

Turn  now  to  a  comparison  of  the  prairie  regions  tributary  to  the 
rival  ports.  The  distance  from  Vancouver  is  materially  shorter  than 
the  distance  from  Prince  Rupert  to  the  prairie  area  which  is  now 
developed,  or  is  likely  to  have  any  large  development  in  the  near 
future.  Thus  Edmonton,  typical  of  the  northern  part  of  the  prairie 
area,  is  but  755  miles  (Canadian  Northern  Railway)  from  Port  Mann 
and  is  955  miles  (Grand  Trunk  Pacific  Railway)  from  Prince  Rupert. 
This  means,  of  course,  that  through  all  of  the  strip  of  prairie  country 


138  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

from  the  international  boundary  northward  beyond  the  Athabaska 
valley,  the  distance  traveled  to  Vancouver  need  not  be  so  great  as  that 
to  Prince  Rupert,  unless  a  direct  line  of  railroad  is  built  through 
Peace  River  Pass,  via  the  Oslinka  to  the  Skeena.  Such  a  line  has  not 
yet  been  projected. 

The  southwestern  part  of  the  Canadian  prairie  country,  especially 
that  part  west  of  the  105th  meridian  and  south  of  the  Saskatchewan 
River,  is  agriculturally  less  valuable  than  sections  farther  to  the 
east  and  to  the  north,  on  account  of  the  scanty  rainfall.  The  develop- 
ment of  irrigation  projects  in  the  region  south  and  east  of  Calgary 
has  produced  some  conspicuous  results,  as  at  Lethbridge;  but  this 
basis  of  progress  is  not  at  all  comparable  to  the  prospects  for  agricul- 
tural development  in  the  more  northerly  sections  without  irrigation. 
Evidently,  then,  the  better  parts  of  the  western  prairies  He  farthest 
from  Vancouver  and  closest  to  the  passes  over  the  Rockies  (Yellow- 
head  and  Peace  River)  by  which  the  Skeena  route  may  be  reached. 
Will  this  suffice  to  give  Prince  Rupert  a  commercial  development 
greater  than  that  which  Vancouver  can  attain? 

The  southern  prairie  section  will  seek  its  western  outlet  mainly 
via  Calgary  and  the  Kicking  Horse  Pass  (Canadian  Pacific  Rail- 
way) through  the  South  Thompson-Fraser  route  to  Vancouver.  In 
spite  of  heavier  grades  along  that  line,  any  other  western  Canadian 
outlet  would  involve  distances  so  much  greater  that  it  could  not 
possibly  compete  successfully.  For  the  northern  section  there  are 
two  low  passes  now  occupied  or  in  the  future  presumably  to  be  occu- 
pied by  railroads  to  the  Pacific.  The  Yellowhead  Pass  west  of 
Edmonton  is  crossed  by  the  Grand  Trunk  Pacific  to  reach  the  Nechak- 
Skeena  route  to  Prince  Rupert,  and  by  the  Canadian  Northern  to 
reach  the  North  Thompson-Fraser  route  to  Port  Mann.  The 
Yellowhead  Pass  offers  the  natural  western  exit  from  much  of  the 
good  prairie  section  north  of  the  Red  Deer  River  and  from  all  the 
section  about  Edmonton  and  north  through  the  Athabaska  country. 
The  Peace  River  Pass,  about  250  miles  to  the  north,  presumably  will 
be  crossed  by  a  railroad  which  will  serve  as  the  logical  western  exit 
from  that  most  northerly  agricultural  region,  via  the  Parsnip  either 
to  the  main  Fraser  or  to  the  Nechako-Skeena  route  or  via  the  Oslinka 
to  the  northern  Skeena  (Map  2). 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  130 

From  these  two  passes,  Yellowhead  and  Peace  River,  as  is  not 
the  case  with  Kicking  Horse,  routes  lead  both  to  Vancouver  and  to 
Prince  Rupert.  The  Yellowhead  Pass  is  nearer  (200  miles)  to 
Vancouver  than  to  Prince  Rupert,  while  Peace  River  Pass  is  nearer 
to  Prince  Rupert  than  to  Vancouver.  From  the  Yellowhead,  via 
the  North  Thompson-Fraser  route  to  Vancouver,  grades  are  lower 
than  via  the  Nechako-Skeena  route  to  Prince  Rupert.  Thus,  all 
prairie  traffic  seeking  an  exit  by  the  Yellowhead  would  find  shorter 
distance  and  more  favorable  grades  to  the  coast  if  routed  to  Van- 
couver instead  of  Prince  Rupert. 

From  the  Peace  River  exit,  for  the  future  agricultural  development 
in  the  north,  the  best  railroad  route  to  the  coast  lies  along  the  Parsnip, 
into  the  upper  waters  of  the  Fraser  (North  Fork)  above  the  junction 
of  the  Nechako,  for  which  route  a  railroad  (extension  of  the  Pacific 
Great  Eastern)  already  has  been  projected.  Thus  the  traffic  from 
the  Peace  River  region,  following  that  route,  would  find  somewhere 
near  Fort  George  on  the  Fraser  a  point  from  which  there  are  two 
ways  of  reaching  the  coast:  westward  to  Prince  Rupert  (Grand 
Trunk  Pacific  Railway)  through  the  Nechako-Skeena  route,  and 
southward  to  Vancouver  (Pacific  Great  Eastern  Railway)  through 
the  main  Fraser  route.1 

With  approximate  equality  of  distance,  the  southern  route  has  a 
distinct  advantage  in  handling  traffic  from  the  dividing  point  at  Fort 
George. 

It  is  necessary,  now,  to  take  into  account  the  destinations  of 
western  Canadian  products,  for  the  coastwise  distance  between 
Vancouver  and  Prince  Rupert  might  offset  the  advantage  of  taking 
goods  to  the  port  nearer  foreign  destinations.  It  already  has  been 
noted  that  Prince  Rupert  is  nearer  to  Alaskan  and  northern  Oriental 
markets,  while  Vancouver  has  the  advantage  in  the  case  of  southern 
Pacific  and  Atlantic  markets.  The  comparative  importance  of  these 
respective  areas  as  destinations  for  Canadian  staple  exports  is  so 
well  known  that  it  needs  little  discussion.     Agricultural  products, 

1  The  Pacific  Great  Eastern  leaves  the  main  Fraser  route  at  Lillooet,  above  the 
junction  of  the  Thompson,  and  crosses  two  low  divides  to  reach  the  Cheakampus 
River  and  Montagu  Channel  (Howe  Sound),  which  are  followed  to  North  Van- 
couver. This  saves  some  mileage  but,  more  important,  avoids  the  narrow  lower 
Fraser  valley,  already  followed  by  two  railroads,  with  little  room  for  another. 


140  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

lumber,  and  minerals  from  western  Canada,  all  find  their  best  markets 
in  Atlantic  and  southern  Pacific  localities.  For  a  long  time  to  come, 
if  not  permanently,  this  condition  will  exist.  There  is,  then,  a  strong 
likelihood  that  the  bulk  of  the  traffic,  even  from  the  more  northerly 
part  of  the  prairies,  will  be  drawn  toward  Vancouver,  because  of 
favorable  distances  for  the  land  haul,  easy  railroad  grades,  and  location 
of  the  port  with  respect  to  principal  foreign  destinations.  Even  for 
traffic  moving  to  Oriental  markets  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  saving 
of  more  than  200  miles  in  land  haul  would  more  than  offset  the 
shorter  ocean  carriage  from  Prince  Rupert,  480  miles  nearer  Yoko- 
hama than  is  Vancouver. 

There  is  left  to  consider  only  the  effects  of  incoming  traffic  on 
the  development  of  these  two  commercial  centers.  It  has  been 
claimed  repeatedly  as  one  of  the  assets  of  Prince  Rupert  that  its 
trans-continental  railroad  connections  offer  the  shortest  possible 
line  of  communication  between  the  Far  East  and  Eastern  Canada  or 
Western  Europe  and  that  this  possibility  of  expeditious  transportation 
ought  to  make  the  place  an  important  center  for  handling  Oriental 
wares  for  Canada,  the  United  States,  and  Western  Europe.  The 
savings  of  distance  and  time,  however,  compared  with  other  routes 
from  the  Far  East,  are  not  great  enough  to  weigh  very  heavily  in  the 
movement  of  anything  except  mails,  perhaps  passengers,  and  possibly 
the  highest  class  of  package  freight.  The  area  which  can  be  served 
most  easily  by  Prince  Rupert,  as  an  import  center,  now  has  and  for 
a  long  time  presumably  will  have  only  a  rural  population  with  but 
little  demand  for  Oriental  wares.  There  is  small  chance,  therefore, 
for  the  immediate  development  of  an  import  trade  of  any  large  pro- 
portions through  Prince  Rupert  from  China  and  Japan.  The  best 
prospect  for  the  development  of  import  trade  at  Prince  Rupert  is  to 
be  found  probably  in  the  fresh-fish  traffic  from  northern  British 
Columbia  and  Alaskan  waters  to  markets  in  Canada  and  the  United 
States.  In  that  respect,  Prince  Rupert  has  a  distinct  advantage  over 
any  other  Pacific  port,  because  of  the  saving  of  time  in  transit  for  a 
perishable  commodity;  but,  judging  from  other  fishing  centers,  that 
activity  is  not  likely  to  contribute  greatly  to  the  commercial  develop- 
ment of  Prince  Rupert. 

Vancouver,  on  the  other  hand,  is  close  to  more  important  centers 
of  population  both  in  Canada  and  in  the  United  States  with  increas- 


PACIFIC  CANADA— THE  CANADIAN  CORDILLERA  141 

ing  demands  for  Oriental  wares,  the  handling  of  which  will,  as  here- 
tofore, contribute  materially  to  the  commercial  progress  of  that 
center.  Of  late  years  one  of  the  large  items  in  the  traffic  at  Vancouver 
has  been  raw  silk  from  China  and  Japan  destined  largely  for  factories 
in  the  United  States.  This  traffic,  for  example,  proably  could  not 
be  diverted  to  Prince  Rupert,  because  of  the  much  longer  land  haul 
from  the  port  to  the  ultimate  destination.  Thus  Winnipeg,  the 
common  point  on  the  eastbound  journey  for  all  western  Canadian 
lines,  is  1,748  miles  from  Prince  Rupert  and  1,484  miles  from  Van- 
couver. Similarly,  other  Oriental  wares  logically  would  enter  in 
greater  amounts  through  Vancouver,  because  of  established  lines  of 
shipping,  solidly  intrenched  commercial  relations,  and  the  number 
and  distribution  of  people  composing  the  market. 

Putting  together  all  these  considerations  of  location,  distances, 
character  of  tributary  areas,  routes  of  transportation,  and  distribu- 
tion of  population,  the  sum-total  of  geographic  factors  affecting  the 
Vancouver  center  seems  to  insure  it  a  continuance  of  prosperous 
development.  On  the  other  hand,  the  combination  of  factors  affect- 
ing the  Prince  Rupert  center  is  so  unfavorable  that  only  very  slow 
and  unimportant  development  seems  to  be  in  store  for  it  for  years  to 
come. 


CHAPTER  Vin 

THE  UNITED  STATES 
1.    THE  LAND  AND  ITS  USE1 

Original  Condition  of  Land  Surface.  From  the  viewpoint  of  land 
utilization  the  territory  now  included  in  the  United  States  originally 
comprised  the  following  types: 

i.  The  region  of  the  original  eastern  forest.  This  reaches  from 
the  Atlantic  on  the  east  to  an  irregular  but  fairly  definite  limit  of 
forest  growth  on  the  west.  This  limit  traverses  territory  now  form- 
ing parts  of  the  states  of  Texas,  Oklahoma,  Kansas,  Missouri,  Illinois, 
Iowa,  Wisconsin,  and  Minnesota.  (See  Map  3 ,  p.  143 .)  Practically  all 
of  this  region  was  originally  covered  with  a  fairly  dense  forest  growth. 

Three  types  of  growth  form  the  eastern  forest.  These  are  (a) 
the  northern  mixed  growth  (of  pine,  hemlock,  spruce,  birch,  maple,  and 
other  trees)  reaching  from  the  "North woods"  of  Maine  through  New 
York  and  Ontario  to  the  northern  Lake  States;  (b)  the  central  hard- 
woods (of  oak,  ash,  elm,  and  many  other  species)  reaching  from 
southern  New  England  through  Pennsylvania  into  the  Ohio  Valley 
and  adjoining  States;  (c)  the  southern  conifers  (of  hard  pine  in  the 
uplands,  and  cypress  in  the  swamps)  reaching  along  the  Atlantic  and 
Gulf  coastal  plain. 

Three  types  of  topography  occur  in  the  region  of  the  eastern 
forest.  One  of  these  consists  of  the  plateaus  and  mountain  ranges 
of  the  Appalachian  Highland.  Another  type  of  topography  consists 
of  the  swamp  and  overflow  land  and  extensive  river  bottoms;  these 
occur  on  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  coasts,  in  the  lower  Mississippi  Valley, 
in  northern  Minnesota,  and  elsewhere.  The  third  type  consists  of 
the  rolling  intermediate  land,  forming  the  bulk  of  the  region. 

2.  The  central  prairies  lying  between  the  region  of  the  original 
eastern  forest  and  the  semiarid  region  of  the  West.     These  form  a 

1  Adapted  from  Benton  MacKaye,  Employment  and  Natural  Resources,  Depart- 
ment of  Labor,  Office  of  the  Secretary,  iqiq,  pp.  35-54. 

142 


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144  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

level  to  rolling,  treeless  area,  except  for  deciduous  growth  along  the 
river  courses. 

3.  The  semiarid  region  of  the  West  (including  the  smaller  arid 
region  of  the  extreme  Southwest).  This  covers  the  bulk  of  the  area 
having  an  annual  precipitation  under  20  inches;  it  reaches  from  Cali- 
fornia on  the  west  to  a  line  roughly  parallel  with  the  one  hundredth 
meridian — about  the  middle  of  the  country.  The  "sagebrush  coun- 
try" characterizes  most  of  the  semiarid  region. 

4.  The  northwest  humid  region,  lying  in  western  Oregon  and 
Washington.  This  region  has  an  annual  precipitation  of  from  30  to 
100  inches  and  more.  It  includes  both  mountain  and  lowland  zones. 
The  western  flank  of  the  Cascade  Range  has  the  highest  annual  rain- 
fall in  the  country. 

5.  The  mountain  zone  (east  and  west),  as  shown  on  the  map,  is 
more  or  less  mixed  in  with  the  other  physical  features.  The  main 
ranges  of  this  zone  are:  The  northeastern  ranges  (the  White  and 
Green  Mountains  in  New  England  and  the  Adirondacks  in  New 
York) ;  the  southern  Appalachians  (from  Pennsylvania  to  Alabama) ; 
the  Ozarks  (in  Missouri  and  Arkansas) ;  the  southern  and  the  northern 
Rockies;  the  Sierras  of  California;  the  Cascades  of  Oregon  and 
Washington;  and  the  Coast  Ranges  along  the  Pacific. 

The  forest  growth  varies  greatly  in  different  parts  of  the  moun- 
tain zone.  The  heaviest  growth  of  the  country  goes  with  the  heaviest 
rainfall  of  the  country — on  the  western  flank  of  the  Cascades  (in 
Washington  and  Oregon).  The  chief  tree  here  is  the  giant  Douglas 
fir.  A  heavy  growth  (of  sugar  pine  and  other  conifers)  occurs  in 
the  Sierras;  another  fairly  heavy  growth  (bull  pine  and  other  coni- 
fers) occurs  in  the  northern  Rockies,  and  a  lighter  growth  of  timber 
(pine  and  spruce)  occurs  in  the  southern  Rockies.  Practically  no 
hardwoods  occur  on  the  western  side  of  the  country.  The  main  body 
of  hardwood  timber  is  in  the  southern  Appalachians.  These  moun- 
tains contain  tulip  poplar,  oaks,  hickories,  and  other  valuable  woods. 
The  Ozarks  contain  a  mixture  of  hardwoods  and  pine;  the  north- 
eastern ranges  grow  spruce,  maple,  birch,  and  the  other  trees  of  the 
northern  forest. 

Transition  from  Original  Condition  to  Present  Land  Utilization. 
The  physical  features  which  have  been  described  and  shown  on 
Map  3  apply  especially  to  the  original  condition  of  the  United  States 


THE  UNITED  STATES  145 

and  before  the  land  area  was  put  to  any  extensive  utilization.  The 
difference  between  the  original  and  the  present  condition  of  this 
land  area  is,  of  course,  a  very  marked  one.  The  transformation 
which  has  taken  place  began  with  the  first  clearings  made  in  the 
forests  along  the  Atlantic  coast  by  the  early  English  settlers.  For 
two  centuries  after  these  first  clearings,  however,  only  a  trivial 
impression  was  made  upon  the  original  American  landscape  and 
upon  the  vast  resources  of  the  continent.  French,  Spanish,  and 
British  explorers  penetrated  various  parts  of  the  continent  from 
both  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  sides;  various  claims  were  made  for 
the  respective  mother  countries;  and  the  original  thirteen  British 
colonies  became  established  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia.  One 
of  the  world's  greatest  empires  lay  all  but  untouched  at  the  time  the 
American  Republic  was  making  its  start  in  life.  This  empire  was  to 
become,  almost  every  acre  of  it,  the  actual  property  in  fee  of  the  new 
American  State,  and  the  history  of  this  State  has  been  in  large  meas- 
ure the  story  of  the  settlement  of  its  "public  domain." 

Migration  of  the  Lumber  Industry.  The  spread  of  the  population 
from  the  Atlantic  seaboard  into  the  Ohio  Valley  and  elsewhere 
resulted,  of  course,  in  leveling  a  large  portion  of  the  original  eastern 
forest.  Much  of  this  forest  was  cut  off,  not  to  produce  lumber,  but 
simply  to  clear  the  ground  for  agriculture.  For  lack  of  market  the 
finest  kind  of  hardwood  timber  in  the  Ohio  Valley  was  cut  and  burned 
in  the  pile  by  the  early  settlers.  Thus  a  large  part,  and  perhaps  the 
most  valuable  part,  of  the  central  hardwood  forest  was  thrown 
away.  The  clearing  of  the  forests  by  the  settlers,  therefore,  was 
usually  no  part  of  the  lumber  industry. 

The  lumber  industry  has  migrated  from  east  to  west  along  with 
the  country's  general  development.  The  original  home  of  the 
American  lumber  industry  may  be  said  to  be  in  Maine,  the  old 
"Pine  Tree  State."  Until  the  1870's  Maine  and  the  other  North- 
eastern States  continued  to  cut  the  largest  percentage  of  any  region 
in  the  country.  In  1850  this  region  produced  more  than  half  of 
the  total  lumber  made  in  the  Nation.  By  1880  its  proportion  had 
fallen  to  about  one-fourth  and  at  present  is  less  than  one-tenth. 
Lumbering  in  Michigan  and  the  Lake  States  got  going  about  the 
middle  of  the  century,  and  the  proportionate  cut  of  this  region  rose 
steadily  until  about  1890.    During  the  last  quarter  of  the  century 


146  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

it  was  the  main  seat  of  the  lumber  industry.  Since  1900  the  cut  has 
sharply  declined,  and  at  present  the  proportion  is  about  that  of  the 
Northeastern  States,  10  per  cent.  But  during  (and  before)  this 
decline,  the  cut  of  the  southern  region  had  been  steadily  rising,  and 
at  present  the  main  seat  of  the  industry  is  in  Louisiana  and  adjoining 
States.  The  cut  is  about  half  that  in  the  Nation.  The  decline  of 
the  cut  in  this  region  will  soon  be  at  hand,  and  then  the  industry 
will  be  centered  in  the  Pacific  States,  where  the  cut  has  been  gradually 
rising  since  1880.  At  present  about  one-fifth  of  the  nation's  lumber 
comes  from  these  states. 

Thus  the  lumber  industry  has  been,  and  still  is,  passing  over  the 
country  in  a  series  of  waves.  Except  for  a  few  virgin  patches  here 
and  there  the  whole  of  the  original  eastern  forest  has  been  cut  over 
and  about  half  of  it  has  been  entirely  cleared  for  agriculture.  Most 
of  the  forests  of  the  West,  however,  are  still  in  virgin  condition, 
especially  in  the  mountainous  sections. 

Present  Land  Utilization.  The  present  land  utilization  of  the 
United  States  is  shown  on  Map  4.  This  utilization  is  here  indicated 
by  means  of  six  classes  of  territory,  as  follows: 

Class  1  Territory.  Of  this,  more  than  75  per  cent  consists  of 
land  improved  for  farming,  i.e.,  either  cultivated  or  used  for  pas- 
ture; the  remainder  (being  less  than  25  per  cent)  consists  of  one  or 
more  of  several  kinds  of  land — woodland,  cut-over  timberland, 
swamp  land,  unbroken  prairie,  range,  and  waste  land.  The  bulk 
of  this  Class  1  territory,  as  shown  on  Map  4,  is  contained  in  the 
grain  belt  extending  from  Ohio  through  the  Central  States  into  the 
Dakotas.  Isolated  portions  of  this  class  occur  as  far  east  as  New 
York,  as  far  south  as  Texas,  and  as  far  west  as  California.  Small 
portions  of  it  are  dotted  throughout  the  Far  Western  States,  where 
land  has  been  reclaimed  through  irrigation. 

Class  2  Territory.  Of  this,  not  less  than  50  nor  more  than  75  per 
cent  consists  of  land  improved  for  farming;  the  remainder  (not  less 
than  25  nor  more  than  50  per  cent)  consists  of  the  other  kinds  of  land 
above  enumerated.  The  bulk  of  this  Class  2  territory  is  contained 
in  areas  surrounding  the  grain  belt  and  other  portions  of  Class  1. 

Class  3  Territory.  Of  this  from  25  to  50  per  cent  is  improved; 
the  remainder  (50  to  75  per  cent)  being  as  above  enumerated.  In 
this  class,  then,  there  is  more  unimproved  land  than  improved  land. 


lies 


and  waste  land 
and  waste   land 


r  fanning 


Map  4. — Present  Land  Utilization 
Tliis  map  is  based  upon  data  from  the  United  States  Census,  iqio,  Statistical  Atlas;  and  upon  topographic  map  studies 

[y...  ."j  1  More  than  7$  per  cent,  improved  (or  farming;  remainder  (less  than  35  pet  cent),  woodland,  cut-over,  swamp,  unbroken  prairie,  range  and  waste  land 

\  <?;jj  :  From  50  per  cent  to  75  per  cent,  improved  for  farming;  remainder  (from  35  per  cent  to  30  per  cent)  woodland,  cut-over,  swamp,  unbroken  prairie,  range,  and  waste  land 

j^ttl  >■  From  is  per  cent  to  so  per  cent,  improved  for  farming;  remainder  (from  ;o  per  cent  to  75  per  cent),  woodland,  cut-over,  swamp,  unbroken  prairie,  range,  and  waste  land 

gggg  4  Less  than  15  per  cent,  improved  for  farming;  remainder  (more  than  7s  per  cent),  woodland,  cut-over,  swamp,  unbroken  prairie,  range,  and  waste  land 

I        1  ;.  Territory,  less  than  10  per  cent  in  farms;  remainder  (more  than  80  per  cent),  grazing  land,  timbered,  cut-over,  swamp,  and  desert  land 

l>S3pA  6  Territory  within  Mountain  Zone:  more  tlinn  go  per  cent  timbered  land,  cut-over,  range,  and  barren  land;  remainder  (less  than  10  per  cent),  improved  for  farming 


1 


r 


THE  UNITED  STATES  147 

More  than  half  of  the  area  here  consists  either  of  unimproved  farm 
land,  of  farm  woodland,  or  of  land  entirely  outside  of  farms.  This 
Class  3  territory,  as  seen  from  the  map,  occurs  in  many  regions.  In 
New  England,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania  the  unimproved  portions 
are  largely  farm  woodland;  on  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  coastal  plain 
they  are  largely  farm  woodland  and  cut-over  timberland  outside 
of  farms;  in  Texas  they  are  largely  unbroken  prairie  and  range 
lands. 

Class  4  Territory.  Of  this  less  than  25  per  cent  is  improved;  the 
remainder  (more  than  75  per  cent)  consists  of  the  various  kinds  of 
unimproved  land.  In  the  state  of  Maine  the  unimproved  portions 
are  found  chiefly  in  the  second  growth  woodlands  outside  of  farms, 
while  elsewhere  in  the  Northeast  they  are  included  mostly  in  the  farm 
woodlands.  In  the  Lake  States  the  unimproved  portions  are  for  the 
most  part  the  cut-over  timberlands;  on  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  coastal 
plains,  the  cut-over  and  swamp  lands;  on  the  great  plains  from 
Texas  to  the  Dakotas,  the  unbroken  prairie  and  range  lands;  on 
the  Pacific  coast  and  generally  in  the  West  they  consist  mainly  of 
range  lands. 

Class  5  Territory.  Of  this  less  than  20  per  cent  is  in  farms;  the 
remainder  (more  than  80  per  cent)  consists  of  grazing  land,  tim- 
bered, cut-over,  swamp,  and  desert  land.  The  bulk  of  this  Class  5 
territory  lies  in  the  "semiarid  region"  of  the  Far  Western  States; 
here  it  consists  chiefly  of  land  used  or  usable  for  grazing  stock, 
though  large  parts  of  it  are  permanent  desert  land.  A  portion  of 
this  class  occurs  also  in  the  northern  Lake  States,  where  it  consists 
chiefly  of  timbered,  cut-over,  and  swamp  lands.  Another  portion 
occurs  in  Florida,  where  it  consists  in  the  main  of  swamp  and  tim- 
bered land.  A  small  but  important  portion  of  this  Class  5  terri- 
tory occurs  in  the  Puget  Sound  region  of  western  Washington, 
where  it  consists  mainly  of  Douglas  fir  land — part  of  it  heavily 
timbered  and  part  logged  off. 

Class  6  Territory  is  contained  within  the  "mountain  zone"  (east 
and  west).  More  than  90  per  cent  of  it  consists  of  timbered,  cut- 
over,  range,  and  barren  land;  the  remainder  (less  than  10  per  cent) 
is  improved  for  farming.  With  the  exception  of  parts  of  the  east- 
ern mountain  ranges  in  Pennsylvania  and  neighboring  states,  this 
Class  6  territory  coincides  with  the  "mountain  zone." 


148 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


The  present  land  utilization  of  the  United  States,  indicated 
graphically  on  Map  4,  is  shown  by  means  of  approximate  acreages 
in  Table  XXI.  This  table  shows  the  area  of  the  United  States 
according  to  certain  present  land  classes  and  geographic  divisions. 


TABLE  XXI' 

Area  of  the  United  States  by  Present  Land  Classes  and 

Geographic  Divisions 

(All  areas  are  given  in  million  acres.) 


Geographic  Division 

Aggregate 

Land  Area 

A 

Land  in  Farms 

Total 
B 

Improved 
C 

Unimproved 
D 

Woodland 
E 

Total  United  States.  . . 

1,903 -3 

878.8 

478.4 

209.6 

190.8 

New  England 

39-6 

64.0 

i57-o 

326.5 

172.7 
115.0 
275.0 

55o.o 
203-5 

19.7 

43-2 

117. 9 

232.7 

103.8 

81.5 
169.  2 

59-5 
5i-3 

7-3 
29-3 
88.9 

164-3 

48.5 
43-9 
58.3 

15-9 
22.0 

4-5 

4.6 

10.9 

50.4 

6-5 

5-3 

66.9 

39-5 
21 .0 

7-9 

9-3 
18. 1 
18.0 

48.8 

32.3 
44.0 

4-i 
8-3 

Middle  Atlantic 

East  North  Central 

West  North  Central 

South  Atlantic 

East  South  Central 

West  South  Central 

Mountain 

Pacific 

These  land  classes  require  some  brief  explanation: 
The  area  of  the  country  is  first  divided  into  "land  in  farms"  (46 
per  cent)  and  "land  not  in  farms"  (54  per  cent). 

1  The  figures  given  in  Tables  XXI  and  XXII  are  very  rough  estimates  which 
have  been  compiled  by  comprising  somewhat  conflicting  figures  taken  from  the 
following  sources: 

Bowman,  Isaiah:  Forest  Physiography. 

Bradfield,  Wesley:  "Standing  Timber  in  Woodlots,"  Report  of  the  National 
Conservation  Commission  (1908),  Vol.  II.  pp.  181-90. 

Greeley,  W.  B.:  'Reduction  of  Timber  Supply  through  Abandonment  or 
Clearing  of  Forest  Lands."     Ibid.,  pp.  633-44. 

Local  State  and  County  Records. 

U.S.  Census,  1910,  Vol.  V,  Agriculture,  and  Statistical  Atlas. 

Zon,  R:  "Future  Use  of  Land  in  the  United  States,"  Circular  15Q,  Forest 
Service,  U.S.  Department  of  Agriculture. 


THE  UNITED  STATES 


149 


Improved  land  in  farms — including  both  cultivated  and  pasture 
land — covers  about  one-fourth  of  the  total  area  of  the  country,  and 
one-half  the  area  in  farms.  It  covers  about  478  million  acres,  as 
shown  in  column  C.  Of  this  acreage  about  50  per  cent  is  in  the 
grain  belt  above  mentioned  and  20  per  cent  in  the  southern  coastal 
plain. 

Unimproved  land  in  farms  consists  of  the  unbroken  fields,  the 
neglected  fields,  the  "brush  lots,"  the  "stump  lots,"  the  undrained 
marshes,  the  sand  plains,  and  the  other  waste  spaces  found  within 

TABLE  XXII 


Land  Outside  of  Farms 

Geographic  Division 

Total 
F 

Timber, 

cut-over, 

and  swamp 

lands* 

G 

Irrigable 
H 

Range 
I 

Barren  and 

Other 

J 

Total  United  States. . . 

1,024.5 

394-2 

40.0 

5IO.O 

80.3 

Wpw  Encland 

19.9 
20.8 

39-1 
93-8 

68.9 

33-5 
105.8 

490.5 
152.2 

18.9 
18.2 
36.0 
28.3 

66.1 
3i-8 
37-6 

91.4 
65-9 

I  .O 

TVTirlrllp  Atlantic 

2.6 

East  North  Central 

West  North  Central 

South  Atlantic 

3-i 
4-9 

2.8 

2-3 

58.3 

1.7 

West  South  Central 

Mountain 

2.6 

23.I 
12.0 

61.6 

329-9 
60.2 

4.0 

46.1 

14. 1 

*  The  swamp  lands  here  included  are  for  the  most  part  covered  by  some  form  of  forest  growth. 


the  farm  bounds.  This  land  covers  nearly  210  million  acres  (column 
D).  Of  this  acreage  nearly  50  per  cent  consists  of  unbroken  fields  and 
prairie  land  in  the  Great  Plains  region  from  the  Dakotas  to  Texas. 

Woodland  in  farms  covers  191  million  acres  (column  E).  Of 
this  acreage  about  65  per  cent  is  in  the  Southern  states  and  20  per 
cent  in  the  North  Central  states. 

The  remaining  land  classes  are  outside  of  farms. 

Timber,  cut-over,  and  swamp  lands  cover  nearly  395  million  acres 
(column  G).  Data  are  not  available  for  separating,  in  any  reliable 
way,  the  three  types  of  land  comprised  in  this  class. 


ISO  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

At  least  a  fourth  of  the  above  acreage  is  covered  by  virgin  timber, 
this  being  chiefly  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  and  the  Pacific  States. 
Most  of  the  forest  areas,  however,  have  been  cut  over  to  greater  or 
less  extent,  the  cuttings  varying  from  light  culling  to  complete  "  skin- 
ning." The  cut-over  lands,  therefore,  vary  from  "stump-lands"  to 
areas  fairly  heavily  timbered. 

The  permanent  swamp  land  here  included  covers  nearly  53  million 
acres,  according  to  studies  made  by  the  Department  of  Agriculture. 
Most  of  this  is  covered  more  or  less  by  forest  growth,  though  a  portion 
of  it  consists  of  open  marsh  land. 

An  extra  area  (not  here  included)  consists  of  wet  grazing  land  and 
of  other  lands  which  become  periodically  swampy  or  overflowed. 
The  Department  of  Agriculture  estimates  this  area  to  be  about  26 
million  acres,  which,  with  the  above  acreage  of  permanent  swamp, 
makes  a  total  of  79  million  acres  of  wet  lands  in  the  country.  Seven- 
tenths  of  these  wet  lands  are  in  the  Southern  states  and  half  of  the 
remainder  in  the  northern  Lake  states. 

The  irrigable  area  (column  H)  covers  40  million  acres  along  the 
valleys  in  the  western  half  of  the  country.  Probably  less  than  half  of 
this  is  in  the  remaining  public  domain.  In  addition  to  this  irrigable 
area,  it  is  estimated  that  about  20  million  acres  have  already  been 
irrigated.  The  1910  Census  places  the  irrigated  acreage  at  13,738,000, 
distributed  among  the  various  geographic  divisions  as  follows:  West 
North  Central,  367,000  acres;  West  South  Central,  169,000  acres; 
Mountain,  9,518,000  acres;  and  Pacific,  3,684,000  acres. 

The  range  covers  510  million  acres,  or  over  one-fourth  of  the  total 
area  of  the  country  (column  I).  This  consists  of  land  actually  used 
for  open  grazing  outside  of  farm  units,  or  else  capable  of  such  use  to 
greater  or  less  extent.  Most  of  it  is  in  the  "semiarid  region,"  though 
many  million  acres  of  it  occur  in  the  western  mountains,  mixed  with 
the  forest  growth. 

The  "barren  and  other"  land  covers  about  80  million  acres  (column 
J).  This  class  consists  chiefly  of  the  permanently  barren  land 
scattered  throughout  the  country.  The  largest  single  body  of  such 
land  is  in  the  Arizona  and  California  desert.  Many  patches  of 
desert  land  also  extend  through  the  Great  Basin  and  elsewhere  in  the 
semiarid  region.  Permanently  barren  areas  consist  also  of  the 
alpine  crests  of  most  mountain  ranges,  of  swamps  that  can  not 


THE  UNITED  STATES  151 

profitably  be  drained,  of  sterile  sand  plains  unfit  even  for  forest  growth 
and  of  other  waste  places  which  for  one  reason  or  another  are  unre- 
claimable.  In  addition  to  the  barren  land,  there  are  upward  of  five 
million  acres  occupied  by  cities  and  towns,  besides  a  small  per- 
centage used  for  mining  operations  and  miscellaneous  purposes  not 
named  above.  Such  areas,  together  with  the  unreclaimable  barren 
places,  constitute  this  class  of  "barren  and  other"  land. 

2.     CONDITIONS  AFFECTING  THE  UTILIZATION  OF  THE  LAND  IN 

THE  UNITED  STATES1 

Topography.  Several  conditions  must  be  met  in  order  that  land 
may  be  adapted  to  the  production  of  crops.  First,  in  this  country, 
land  generally  must  not  be  so  stony  or  hilly  as  to  prevent  the  use  of 
the  plow  and  other  farm  machinery.  Vast  areas  in  the  western  part 
of  the  United  States  and  smaller  areas  in  the  Appalachian  Mountains 
of  the  East  are  not  in  farms  because  of  their  rough  surface.  Probably 
350,000,000  acres,  or  nearly  one-fifth  of  the  land  area  of  the  United 
States,  is  too  hilly  or  rough  for  the  successful  production  of  crops. 
This  mountainous  or  stony  land,  where  the  rainfall  is  sufficient,  is 
adapted  to  the  growth  of  forests,  and  where  the  rainfall  is  light  is 
grazed  by  roving  flocks  of  sheep  or  by  cattle. 

Rainfall.  Secondly,  the  rainfall  must  be  sufficient  for  profitable 
production  of  crops.  Map  5  shows  the  average  annual  precipitation 
(rain,  melted  snow,  sleet,  and  hail)  in  the  United  States,  and  helps 
to  explain  why  farms  are  absent  from  much  of  the  land  level  enough 
for  agriculture  west  of  the  one  hundredth  meridian.  Where  the 
average  annual  precipitation  in  Montana  is  less  than  12-15  inches, 
or  less  than  18  inches  in  eastern  Colorado,  20  inches  in  the  Panhandle 
of  Texas,  and  25  inches  in  the  lower  Rio  Grande  Valley  of  Texas,  the 
production  of  crops  without  irrigation  becomes  a  precarious  business 
under  present  conditions.  This  minimum  rainfall  requirement  for 
successful  crop  production  ranges  from  9  to  30  inches  in  different 
parts  of  the  United  States  according  to  local  climatic  and  soil  condi- 
tions.    In  general,  it  increases  from  north  to  south  with  increasing 

1  Adapted  from  O.  E.  Baker  and  H.  M.  Strong,  "Arable  Lands  in  the  United 
States,"  Yearbook  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  1918,  pp.  433-41.  Mr.  Baker 
is  agricultural  economist  in  the  Office  of  Farm  Management,  United  States 
Department  of  Agriculture.  Dr.  Strong  is  assistant  professor  of  geography  at  the 
University  of  Missouri. 


152  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

evaporation  and  less  favorable  seasonal  distribution  of  precipitation. 
Probably  600,000,000  acres,  or  nearly  one-third  of  the  land  area  of 
the  United  States,  receives  insufficient  rainfall  for  the  profitable 
production  of  crops  at  normal  prices,  and  possesses  no  possibilities 
of  irrigation.  In  occasional  years  of  heavier  rainfall,  large  profits 
may  be  made  by  growing  crops  in  these  semiarid  regions,  but  in  the 
long  run  it  pays  better  in  most  localities  to  use  such  land  for  grazing. 

Growing  season.  Thirdly,  the  amount  of  heat  must  be  sufficient 
and  the  season  between  killing  frosts  long  enough  to  mature  crops. 
Map  6  (p.  154)  "Average  Length  of  Growing  Season,"  shows  that 
over  a  large  extent  of  elevated  land  in  the  West,  and  also  in  the 
Adirondacks  and  a  portion  of  northern  Maine,  the  average  growing 
season  is  less  than  90  days,  and  frosts  may  occur  during  the  summer. 
Light  frosts  are  not,  however,  seriously  injurious  to  certain  hardy 
crops,  and  there  is  very  little  area  in  the  United  States  otherwise 
suitable  for  crops  where  the  small  amount  of  heat  received  or  short- 
ness of  the  growing  season  prevents  the  successful  production  of 
hay  and  certain  varieties  of  barley,  oats,  spring  wheat,  and  potatoes. 

Soil.  Lastly,  there  are  in  the  United  States  considerable  areas 
of  land  where  the  soil  is  too  sandy  or  infertile  for  the  profitable  pro- 
duction of  crops  at  prevailing  prices.  Such  soils  are  better  adapted 
to  forest,  and  when  cleared  for  agricultural  use  are  generally  soon 
allowed  to  grow  up  again  to  brush  and  trees. 

In  all,  about  1,000,000,000  acres,  or  more  than  one-half  of  the 
land  area  of  the  United  States,  is  unfitted  for  the  profitable  produc- 
tion of  crops,  owing  either  to  rough  topography,  deficient  rainfall,  low 
temperature,  or  infertile  soil.  This  land,  except  about  40,000,000 
acres  of  absolute  desert,  is  used,  though  often  not  as  fully  as  it  might 
be,  for  the  production  of  wood  and  timber  and  for  grazing  five  stock. 

Potentially  Arable  Land.  In  addition  to  these  largely  irremediable 
conditions  which  limit  the  expansion  of  crop  area  in  the  United  States, 
there  are  other  natural  conditions  amenable  to  improvement  which 
have  retarded  agricultural  development  over  large  areas. 

Forest  and  Woodland.  Map  7  shows  the  location  of  the  forest 
and  woodland  area  of  the  United  States  in  a  generalized  way.  Much 
of  this  area  will  be  utilized  for  farming  in  the  future. 

In  the  northern  sections  of  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Minnesota, 
and  along  the  north  Pacific  Coast,  there  is  much  forest  and  cut-over 


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THE  UNITED  STATES  155 

land  which  can  be  and  is  being  made  into  farms,  but  at  great  expen- 
diture of  labor.  In  the  South,  from  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  to 
central  Texas,  a  vast  amount  of  cut-over  land  and  woodland  is  being 
redeemed  gradually  for  agriculture.  It  may  be  estimated  that  about 
200,000,000  acres  of  forest,  cut-over  land,  and  woodland  in  the 
United  States,  including  that  in  farms,  could  be  used  for  crops  after 
clearing,  or  more  than  one-tenth  of  the  land  area  of  the  country. 

If  all  this  agriculturally  suitable  forest  and  cut-over  land  were 
made  into  farms  averaging  160  acres  in  size,  it  would  provide  1,250,000 
farms,  an  addition  of  about  20  per  cent  to  the  total  number  of  farms 
in  the  country.  These  wooded  areas  constitute  the  greatest  unre- 
claimed agricultural  resources  of  the  nation,  but  the  development  of 
these  lands  must  necessarily  be  slow,  and  should  be  undertaken  only 
by  men  accustomed  to  hard  labor  and  willing  to  endure  privation. 
It  is  unlikely  that  more  than  50,000,000  acres,  or  enough  for  perhaps 
300,000  farms,  will  be  cleared  by  the  present  generation  of  farmers, 
unless  the  government  assumes  responsibility. 

Swamps  and  Other  Wet  Lands.  The  next  greatest  undeveloped 
agricultural  resource  of  the  country  is  to  be  found  in  the  swamps  and 
other  wet  lands  susceptible  of  drainage.  It  has  been  estimated  that 
there  are  some  60,000,000  acres  of  such  land  suitable  for  the  produc- 
tion of  crops  after  reclamation,  or  enough  to  make  1,000,000  farms  of 
60  acres  each  of  improved  land.  This  land  is  located  largely  in  the 
Mississippi  River  bottoms  and  other  river  bottoms  of  the  Coastal 
Plain  of  the  South,  and  in  the  peat  bogs  and  muck  lands  of  the 
glaciated  Lake  States  and  Northeastern  States.  It  is  for  the  most 
part  potentially  fertile  land.  But  drainage  is  an  expensive  operation, 
often  involving  co-operative  or  capitalistic  effort,  and  will  require 
time,  very  likely  a  half-century  or  more,  for  the  complete  develop- 
ment of  the  60,000,000  acres.  Practically  none  of  this  land  is  avail- 
able for  settlement  at  present. 

Irrigable  Land.  The  third  opportunity  for  expansion  of  our 
agricultural  area  is  found  in  the  potentially  irrigable  land  awaiting 
development  in  the  Western  States,  estimated  at  30,000,000  acres  if 
all  available  sources  of  water  supply  were  fully  utilized  (see  Map  8). 
This  is  double  the  present  area  of  irrigated  land,  and  would  provide 
340,000  farms  averaging  87  acres  in  size,  which  is  the  average  acreage 
per  farm  of  irrigated  land  as  shown  by  the  Census  of  1910.     But  the 


156  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

cost  of  construction  of  dams  in  the  mountains  and  of  irrigation  canals 
and  ditches  is  very  great  and  becomes  progresssively  greater  as  the 
less  favorable  projects  are  developed.  At  present  the  supply  of  land 
under  the  ditch  and  ready  for  farming  in  several  federal  reclamation 
projects  exceeds  the  demand  at  the  price  quoted,  which  in  many  cases 
includes  only  the  cost  of  development.  It  appears  likely,  therefore, 
that  the  development  of  these  potentially  irrigable  areas  will  require 
many  years,  and  in  the  end  will  provide  fewer  farms  than  either  the 
forest  and  cut-over  lands,  or  the  swamp  and  overflow  lands.  In 
iqio,  about  160,000  farms  in  the  western  states  were  irrigated  in 
whole  or  in  part,  and  the  slight  increase  since  that  date  has  been  con- 
fined principally  to  the  federal  reclamation  projects,  upon  which 
there  are  now  (19 18)  about  27,000  farmers. 

Unimproved  Land  Other  than  Woodland.  A  different  type  of  land, 
some  of  which  will  be  utilized  gradually  for  the  production  of  crops, 
is  that  in  our  eastern  farms  classified  in  the  census  report  as  "  unim- 
proved land  other  than  woodland."  This  land  consists  largely  of 
unused  fields,  stony  upland  pastures  in  hilly  regions,  and  parcels  of 
waste  land,  and  includes  in  all  about  50,000,000  acres  in  our  humid 
eastern  states.  Some  of  this  land  has  been  in  crops  in  the  past, 
constituting  in  part  the  so-called  abandoned  farms,  and  if  prices  of 
farm  products  continue  high  and  farm  labor  again  becomes  com- 
paratively cheap,  a  portion  of  this  land  will  undoubtedly  be  put  into 
crops,  though  probably  never  more  than  two-thirds,  or  perhaps 
35,000,000  acres. 

Dry  Farming.  Finally,  the  further  development  of  dry  farming 
may  make  room  for  a  few  more  farmers  in  the  West.  Under  the 
640  acres  grazing  homestead  act  passed  in  19 16,  somewhat  over 
45,000  applications  had  been  made  and  approved  by  October  1, 1918. 
In  the  opinion  of  those  best  informed,  most  of  these  grazing  home- 
steads which  afford  promise  of  supporting  a  family  have  been 
applied  for. 

Total  Arable  Land.  According  to  the  best  information,  we  have 
in  all  about  850,000,000  acres  of  land  at  present  in  crops  and  poten- 
tially available  for  the  production  of  crops.  This  is  45  per  cent  of 
the  total  land  area  of  the  United  States,  or  about  the  same  proportion 
the  arable  land  of  France  is  of  the  total  area,  and  some  5  per  cent  less 
than  the  proportion  of  the  land  in  Germany  that  is  arable.     In  view 


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THE  UNITED  STATES  159 

of  the  fact  that  these  countries  have  practically  no  semiarid  area,  such 
as  covers  about  one-third  of  the  United  States,  it  seems  probable  that 
this  estimate  of  the  total  arable  land  of  the  United  States,  although 
smaller  than  those  made  heretofore,  is  too  high  rather  than  too  low. 

Of  these  850,000,000  acres,  nearly  480,000,000  acres  were  "im- 
proved" in  1910.  The  remainder  consists  of  about  200,000,000  acres 
of  potentially  arable  forest  and  cut-over  land,  of  which  probably  more 
than  one-half  is  at  present  included  in  the  190,000,000  acres  of  wood- 
land in  farms;  60,000,000  acres  of  swamps  and  other  wet  lands 
awaiting  reclamation  by  drainage;  30,000,000  acres  of  potentially 
irrigable  land;  and  about  80,000,000  acres  of  other  lands,  mostly  "un- 
improved land  other  than  woodland"  in  eastern  farms  and  dry-farming 
land  in  the  West. 

These  undeveloped  lands  may  provide  eventually  about  3,000,000 
farms,  an  increase  of  somewhat  less  than  50  per  cent  over  the  num- 
ber of  farms  in  the  United  States  today.  But  unquestionably  the 
better  and  the  best  land  which  it  has  been  possible  to  develop  by 
individual  effort  is  now  "improved"  land  in  farms>  and  much  of 
that  which  remains  undeveloped  must  await  the  gradual  application 
of  large  amounts  of  capital  to  its  development,  supplied  either  by 
private  initiative  or  by  the  government. 

The  1,000,000,000  acres  or  more  of  non-arable  land  consists  of 
about  360,000,000  acres  of  absolute  forest  land;  that  is,  land  not 
adapted  to  crops  but  where  climatic  conditions  permit  the  growth  of 
forests;  615,000,000  acres  of  grazing  land,  practically  all  in  the 
western  states;  and  40,000,000  acres  of  absolute  desert  land.  In 
addition,  there  are  about  40,000,000  acres  of  land  at  present  in  cities, 
rural  highways,  and  railroad  rights  of  way,  an  amount  which  will 
gradually  increase  with  increasing  population. 

Economic  Aspects.  All  these  estimates  refer  merely  to  the  poten- 
tial fitness  of  the  land  for  agriculture,  and  do  not  take  into  account 
economic  aspects  of  the  subject.  It  may  be  found,  for  instance,  that 
360,000,000  acres  of  forest  will  not  be  sufficient  to  supply  the  needs 
of  the  nation  for  forest  products,  and  that  some  of  the  lower  grades 
of  potentially  arable  land  can  be  more  profitably  utilized  for  the  pro- 
duction of  timber.  In  fact,  assuming  that  the  annual  per  capita  con- 
sumption of  forest  products  will  gradually  decrease  to  half  that  at 
present,  a  very  conservative  estimate,  and  allowing  a  very  liberal 


160  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

estimate  of  the  rate  of  growth  of  forests  under  intensive  management 
{33  cubic  feet  per  acre  per  annum),  the  country  will  require  a  wood- 
land area  of  at  least  450  million  acres  for  a  population  of  150  million 
people.  It  does  not  seem  likely,  therefore,  that  the  forest  area  will 
ever  be  reduced  to  360  million  acres,  but  that  there  always  will  be 
considerable  potentially  arable  land,  mostly  of  poor  quality,  in  forest, 
as  is  the  case  in  the  well-developed  countries  of  Europe  today. 
Similarly  it  is  practically  certain  that  an  appreciable  proportion  of 
the  land  suitable  for  crops  will  be  kept  in  pasture.  At  present  the 
ratio  of  improved  pasture  to  cropped  land  in  the  United  States  is 
about  one  to  four,  and  in  many  older  and  more  highly  developed 
agricultural  regions,  especially  those  of  England  and  northern  France, 
the  proportion  in  pasture  is  much  greater. 

Also  it  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  probably  half  of  the  370,000,- 
000  acres  of  reclaimable  arable  land  is  at  present  in  farms,  and  that 
most  of  this  land  in  farms  is  unlikely  to  need  the  assistance  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  its  reclamation.  Farmers  who  live  in  forested  regions  com- 
monly clear  off  a  few  acres  of  timber  each  winter,  and  some  who 
have  poorly  drained  meadows  or  fields  put  in  a  few  lines  of  tile  each 
year.  In  this  way,  and  also  by  plowing  up  pasture  lands  for  crops, 
the  area  in  staple  crops  increased  37,000,000  acres  between  1914  and 
19 1 8,  according  to  a  recent  estimate  of  the  Bureau  of  Crop  Estimates, 
an  increase  of  nearly  10  per  cent,  which  is  much  greater  than  the 
percentage  increase  in  the  population  of  the  nation.  This  four-year 
increase  in  acreage  of  the  staple  crops  is  equivalent  to  the  acreage  of 
all  crops  in  19 10  in  the  New  England  states,  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  West  Virginia,  Virginia,  and  North 
Carolina. 

Increased  production  of  agricultural  products  may  also  be 
expected  to  come  from  more  intensive  farming.  The  yields  per  acre 
of  the  staple  crops,  with  the  possible  exception  of  corn,  have  shown 
a  general  tendency  upward  during  the  last  twenty-five  years. 

High  prices  of  agricultural  products  result  in  improved  methods 
and  increasing  intensity  of  culture,  as  well  as  in  making  possible  the 
cultivation  of  less  desirable  lands.  Both  methods  of  increasing  pro- 
duction should  be  and  will  be  used;  but  in  many  cases  the  applica- 
tion of  more  capital  and  labor  to  land  now  in  use  will  bring  greater 
returns  than  the  use  of  the  same  capital  and  labor  in  the  develop- 
ment of  new  lands. 


THE  UNITED  STATES 


161 


It  appears  probable,  therefore,  that  the  area  in  crops  will  never 
reach  the  estimated  possible  total  of  850  million  acres,  but  that  with 
increasing  cost  of  reclamation,  the  trend  will  be  toward  more  inten- 
sive cultivation  of  the  more  fertile  or  favorably  situated  land  and  use 
of  the  lower  grades  of  arable  land  for  grazing  or  production  of  timber. 
This  trend  is  illustrated  in  the  northeastern  states  by  the  well- 
cultivated  lowlands  and  the  so-called  abandoned  farms  in  the  high- 
lands. Farms  close  to  good  markets  can  be  bought  in  these  states 
for  less  than  the  cost  of  the  buildings.  In  the  densely  populated 
and  highly  developed  countries  of  northwestern  Europe,  where  an 

TABLE  XXIII 

Yield  in  Bushels  Per  Acre  of  Srx  Leading   Food  Crops  in  the  United 
States,  Five- Year  Averages  for  1866-70  to  1900-15* 


Years 


1866-70... 
1871-75... 
1876-80. . . 
1881-85... 
1886-90... 
1891-95... 
I 896-I 900. 

1 901-5 

1906-IO. . . 
1911-15... 


Corn 

Wheat 

Oats 

Barley 

Potatoes 

Rye 

25-4 

II. 9 

28.6 

24-3 

94-4 

*3- 

26.8 

II. 9 

28.I 

21-5 

91-5 

13- 

27.1 

12.9 

27.6 

22.7 

85-3 

13- 

23.6 

11. 8 

26.8 

21.7 

77.2 

11. 

2''. 7 

12. 1 

25.2 

21.8 

68.7 

11. 

23.6 

13-4 

26.2 

23-4 

77-7 

13. 

26.O 

13.2 

28.6 

23-4 

81.0 

14- 

24.9 

13-9 

31.0 

27.0 

88.7 

15- 

27.  2 

14.6 

28.0 

24.4 

96.9 

IS- 

26.O 

15-4 

3i-7 

26.5 

98.1 

16. 

♦Compiled  from  the  reports  of  Bureau  of  Crop  Estimates,  United  States  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. 

approximately  stationary  condition  has  been  reached,  about  half 
the  land  area  is  arable,  whereas  in  the  humid  portion  of  the  United 
States  about  38  per  cent  of  the  land  area  is  "improved" — using  the 
terminology  of  the  Census.  As  geographic  conditions  in  so  far  as 
they  relate  to  the  potential  utilization  of  land  in  the  two  regions  are 
somewhat  similar,  it  may  be  anticipated  that  when  the  population 
of  the  United  States  becomes  as  dense  as  that  of  northwestern  Europe 
the  improved  land  will  be  about  half  of  the  humid  area  of  the  nation, 
or  600  to  700  million  acres. 

3.    ORIGINAL  AND  PRESENT  FORESTS  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES' 

Original  Forest  Area.    The  original  forest  area  of  the  country  is 
estimated  to  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of  822,000,000  acres. 

1  Adapted  from  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Forest  Service, 
Report  on  Senate  Resolution  311,  pp.  31-34. 


l62 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


(See  Table  XXIV.)1  In  the  eastern  United  States  a  magnificent 
forest  of  old-growth  timber,  wonderfully  rich  in  variety  of  species  and 
quality  of  material,  stretched  in  an  almost  unbroken  expanse  from  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  to  the  prairies.  Pines  and  other  softwoods  pre- 
dominated in  the  north  and  along  the  Atlantic  and  Gulf  coasts, 
while  in  the  Appalachians  and  on  the  fertile  soils  of  the  central  states 
and  the  lower  Mississippi  Valley  oak,  hickory,  ash,  chestnut,  yellow 
poplar,   and   other   valuable   hardwoods   abounded.     In   the   West 

TABLE  XXIV 

Original  and  Present  Forest  Areas  ln  the  United  States  in 

Acres,  by  Regions 


Region 

Original 

Present 

Total 

Virgin 

New  England 

38,908,000 

69,610,000 

103,680,000 

170,560,000 

170,240,000 

128,400,000 

63,720,000 

77,120,000 

24,708,000 
28,678,000 
57,100,000 
56,682,000 
99,000,000 
78,865,000 
60,842,000 
57,586,000 

2  OOO  OOO 

Middle  Atlantic 

1,896,000 
10  IOO  OOO 

Lake 

Central 

7,150,000 

18,300,000 

20,835,000 
37,746,000 
39,369,000 

South  Atlantic  and  East  Gulf 

Lower  Mississippi 

Rocky  Mountain 

Pacific  Coast 

Total 

822,238,000 

463,461,000 

137,396,000 

practically  all  of  the  area  not  too  arid  to  support  tree  growth  was  also 
covered  with  a  forest  of  virgin  timber  interspersed  with  occasional 
patches  of  younger,  even-aged  stands,  as  of  Douglas  fir  and  western 
white  pine,  following  fire.     Along  the  Pacific  coast  the  heavy  stands 

1  Various  terms  found  in  this  and  other  accompanying  tables  and  figures  are 
used  with  the  following  meanings: 

"Saw-timber  areas"  and  "saw-timber  stands"  are  stands  of  saw-timber  size 
in  accordance  with  the  prevailing  logging  and  milling  practice  of  the  region  con- 
cerned. 

"Cordwood  areas"  and  "cordwood  stands"  are  stands  not  now  of  sufficient 
size  to  produce  saw  timber  under  the  prevailing  local  logging  and  milling  practice. 

"Non-restocking  areas"  comprise  lands  that  once  supported  a  stand  of  timber, 
which  is  now  gone,  and  which  is  not  being  renewed. 

"Virgin  areas"  and  "virgin  stands"  comprise  stands  in  which  there  is  no  net 
growth,  such  growth  as  takes  place  being  offset  by  loss  from  decay  and  other 
causes.     This  excludes  certain  old-growth  stands,  as,  for  example,  in  California, 


THE  UNITED  STATES 


163 


of  redwood,  Douglas  fir,  western  hemlock,  and  western  red  cedar 
formed  one  of  the  finest  forests  in  the  world. 

Present   Forest  Area.     Today   of   the  original  forest  area  there 
remains  but   little   more   than   half   or   approximately   463,000,000 

TABLE  XXV 

Present  Forest  Area  of  the  United  States  by  Regions  and 
Character  of  Growth 


Total 
(Thou- 
sand 
Acres) 

Per- 
centage 

Saw  Timber 
(Thousand  Acres) 

Cord- 
wood 

(Thou- 
sand 

Acres) 

Non- 
Restock- 

Region 

Virgin 

Grow- 
ing 

(Thou- 

sand 
Acres) 

New  England .  .  . 
Middle  Atlantic . 
Lake 

24,708 
28,678 
57, 100 
56,682 

99,000 
78,865 
60,842 
57,586 

5 

6 

12 

12 

22 
17 
13 
13 

2,000 

1,896 

10,100 

7,150 

18,300 
20,835 
37,746 
39,369 

8,761 

9,559 
13,930 
23,301 

27,900 
20,200 

3,313 
5,292 

8,372 

10,793 
12,570 
24,011 

32,080 

24,075 

14,533 

6,425 

5,575 

6,430 

20,500 

Central 

So.  Atlantic  and 
East  Gulf.  .  .  . 

Lower  Miss 

Rocky  Mountain 
Pacific  Coast*. .  . 

2,220 

20,720 

13,755 
5,250 
6,500 

Total 

463,461 

100 

137,396 

112,256 

132,859 

80,950 

*  Complete  data  for  this  region  not  available;   total  forest  area  probably  some  5,000,000  acres 
more  than  indicated. 

acres,  excluding  in  both  cases  from  ioo  to  150  million  acres  of  low- 
grade  woodland  and  scrub.  (See  Table  XXV.)  Furthermore,  so  far 
as  the  utilization  of  the  original  forest  progressed  that  of  the  total 


which  have  not  been  lumbered  and  are  ordinarily  regarded  as  "virgin"  forests,  but 
in  which  a  net  growth  is  now  taking  place  as  a  result  of  the  present  protection  of 
such  stands  following  their  opening  up  by  fire. 

"Growing  areas"  and  "growing  stands"  include  all  stands,  irrespective  of 
their  size,  in  which  current  growth  is  in  excess  of  current  loss;  that  is,  in  which 
there  is  a  net  growth. 

"Saw  timber"  comprises  that  portion  of  the  stand  on  saw-timber  areas  of 
sufficient  size  for  manufacture  into  lumber.  Board-feet  estimates  of  saw  timber 
are  given  in  terms  of  lumber  tally  rather  than  log  scale. 

"Cordwood"  comprises  that  portion  of  the  stand  on  saw-timber  areas  not  of 
sufficient  size  for  manufacture  into  lumber  and  the  entire  stand  on  cordwood  areas. 
It  may  thus  include  occasional  trees  of  saw-timber  size  which  occur  in  cordwood 
stands  but  not  in  sufficient  quantity  to  be  lumbered. 

"Total  stand"  includes  both  saw  timber  and  cordwood. 


164 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


remaining  area,  only  30  per  cent,  or  137  million  acres,  is  virgin  forest. 
The  remainder  includes  112  million  acres  of  second-growth  saw 
timber,  133  million  acres  of  second  growth  below  saw-timber  size, 
and  81  million  acres  which  are  not  restocking.  Cutting  has  naturally 
been  heaviest  in  the  most  fertile  and  most  densely  populated  sections 
of  the  country.  Thus  in  the  central  states  the  original  forest  has 
been  reduced  to  one-third  of  its  former  extent,  while  in  the  Rocky 
Mountains  95  per  cent  of  it  still  remains.  More  than  half  of  the 
virgin  forests  of  the  country  are  in  the  western  states,  only  15  per 
cent  of  the  virgin  forest  area  being  included  in  the  northern  and 


TABLE  XXVI 

Stand  of  Saw  Timber  in  the  United  States  by  Regions 


Region 


New  England 

Middle  Atlantic 

Lake 

Central 

South    Atlantic    and    East 

Gulf. 

Lower  Mississippi 

Rocky  Mountain 

Pacific  Coast 

Total 


Saw 

Timber 

Area 

(Thousand 

Acres) 


10,761 

11,455 
24,030 

30,451 

46,200 
41,035 
41,059 
44,66i 


249,652 


Total  Saw  Timber 


Million 
Board  Feet 


49,799 

44,857 

110,110 

144,470 

220,577 

280,908 

223,141 

1,141,031 


2,214,893 


Percentage 


2 
2 
5 
7 

10 

13 
10 

5i 


100 


Softwood 

(Million 

Board 

Feet) 


38,480 

15,353 
40,760 
11,318 

136,827 

148,308 

223,141 

1,141,031 


I,755,2i8 


Hardwood 

(Million 

Board 

Feet) 


",3I9 

29,504 

69,350 

133,152 

83,750 
132,600 


459,675 


central  states.  Over  nearly  a  fifth  of  the  present  forest  area  the 
original  timber  growth  is  not  being  renewed.  The  largest  areas  of 
non-restocking  land  are  in  northern  New  England,  Pennsylvania, 
the  northern  Lake  states,  the  pine  lands  of  the  South  Atlantic  and 
Gulf  states,  and  parts  of  the  Pacific  Coast  states. 

Saw-Timber  Stands.  The  original  stand  of  saw  timber  has  been 
estimated  at  not  less  than  5,200  billion  board  feet.  In  the  light  of 
the  cut  that  has  already  been  obtained,  and  of  present  standards  of 
utilization,  it  is  probable  that  the  actual  stand  was  considerably 
larger.  Even  taking  the  lower  figure,  however,  less  than  half  of 
the  original  stand,  or  2,215  billion  board  feet,  still  remain  (see  Table 
XXVI).    Of  this,  some  1,755  billion  feet  are  softwoods  and  460  billion 


THE  UNITED  STATES  16$ 

feet  hardwoods.  Approximately  70  per  cent  of  the  total  stand, 
including  the  best  and  most  accessible  timber,  is  in  private  owner- 
ship, while  about  498  billion  board  feet,  or  22  per  cent,  is  included 
in  the  national  forests.  States  and  municipalities  together  hold  only 
59  billion  board  feet,  or  less  than  3  per  cent  of  the  total. 

The  exhaustion  of  the  eastern  forests  and  the  steady  progress  of 
the  lumber  industry  toward  the  West  is  well  indicated  by  the  location 
of  the  remaining  stands  of  saw  timber.  Thus,  New  England,  the 
Middle  Atlantic,  Central,  and  Lake  States,  with  35  per  cent  of  the 
total  forest  area,  contain  only  349  billion  board  feet,  or  16  per  cent 
of  the  total;  while  the  Pacific  Coast  States,  with  only  13  per  cent 
of  the  forest  area,  contain  1,141  billion  board  feet,  or  nearly  52  per 
cent  of  the  total.  Between  these  two  extremes  come  the  South 
Atlantic,  East  Gulf,  and  Lower  Mississippi  States,  with  39  per  cent 
of  the  forest  area  and  23  per  cent  of  the  saw  timber;  and  the  Rocky 
Mountain  states,  with  13  per  cent  of  the  forest  area  and  10  per  cent 
of  the  saw  timber.  Altogether,  61  per  cent  of  the  present  stand  of 
saw  timber  lies  west  of  the  Great  Plains. 

In  other  words,  the  depletion  of  our  eastern  forest  resources  has 
now  reached  the  point  where  the  softwood  stands  in  the  northern 
and  Central  states  can  no  longer  contribute  any  large  proportion  of 
the  total  softwood  lumber  consumption  of  the  country,  where  the 
Southern  states  are  losing  the  commanding  position  that  they  have 
held  for  the  last  20  or  30  years,  and  where  the  one  great  reservoir 
of  softwood  timber  still  left  lies  on  the  Pacific  coast,  chiefly  in  the 
Pacific  northwest.  Douglas  fir,  with  an  estimated  total  stand  of 
596  billion  board  feet,  approximately  85  per  cent  of  which  is  in  the 
two  states  of  Washington  and  Oregon,  is  the  principal  species  in  the 
West.  Western  yellow  pine  is  a  fair  second,  with  a  total  stand  of 
250  billion  board  feet,  27  per  cent  of  which  is  in  the  Rocky  Mountains 
and  73  per  cent  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Following  these  two  species, 
which  together  comprise  nearly  half  of  the  softwood  saw  timber  in 
the  entire  country,  come  western  hemlock,  the  true  firs,  and  redwood, 
with  stands  of  95,  91,  and  72  billion  board  feet,  respectively. 

In  the  East  the  only  softwood  with  a  stand  comparable  to  any 
of  these  is  southern  yellow  pine,  with  a  total  of  258  billion  board  feet, 
or  slightly  more  than  western  yellow  pine.  Spruce  and  fir  come  next, 
with  a  stand  of  32  billion  board  feet,  followed  by  hemlock,  white  and 


166  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Norway  pine,  and  bald  cypress.  The  stand  of  these  six  species 
together  is  considerably  less  than  half  as  much  as  the  stand  of  southern 
yellow  pine,  and  is  only  6  per  cent  of  the  total  stand  of  softwoods. 
The  total  saw-timber  stand  of  white  pine,  once  regarded  as  "inex- 
haustible," is  now  less  than  the  amount  estimated  to  have  been 
manufactured  into  lumber  in  either  the  Saginaw  Valley  or  at  Mus- 
kegon, Michigan,  and  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  total  estimated  cut 
from  the  state  of  Michigan. 

Of  the  hardwoods  the  only  large  reservoirs  of  virgin  timber  still 
left  are  in  the  Lake  states,  the  Southern  Appalachians,  and  the  lower 
Mississippi  Valley.  The  first  two  of  these  contain,  respectively, 
about  32  and  53  billion  feet  of  old  growth.  There  is  also  a  considerable 
total  stand  of  hardwoods,  estimated  at  approximately  133  billion 
board  feet,  in  the  Central  states  outside  of  the  Appalachians,  but 
this  is  composed  chiefly  of  second-growth  material  in  widely  scattered 
wood  lots,  and  cannot  be  counted  on  to  contribute  any  large  propor- 
tion of  high-class  material  to  the  hardwood  industries.  Oak  is  easily 
the  leading  hardwood  of  the  country,  with  a  total  stand  of  157  billion 
board  feet,  followed  by  the  three  northern  hardwoods — birch,  beech, 
and  maple — having  together  91  billion  board  feet.  Three  of  the 
most  valuable  hardwoods — hickory,  ash,  and  yellow  poplar — together 
have  an  estimated  stand  of  only  35  billion  board  feet,  or  less  than 
2  per  cent  of  the  total  stand.  That  the  depletion  of  the  hardwood 
supply  of  the  country  has  progressed  even  farther  than  that  of  the 
softwoods  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  hardwoods  constitute  only 
about  20  per  cent  of  the  saw-timber  stand,  as  against  nearly  30  per 
cent  of  the  saw-timber  cut.  Moreover,  the  depletion  is  particularly 
marked  in  the  case  of  the  more  valuable  woods. 

Total  Stand.  The  total  volume  of  standing  timber  in  the  country, 
including  both  saw  timber  and  cordwood,  is  estimated  roughly  at 
746  billion  cubic  feet.  Of  this,  485  billion  cubic  feet  is  saw  timber 
and  261  billion  cubic  feet  cordwood. 

While  the  cordwood  forms  more  than  one-third  of  the  total 
volume  of  standing  timber,  less  than  one-sixth  of  the  total  is  on  the 
cordwood  areas,  which  average  only  about  850  cubic  feet  to  the  acre. 
This  low  average  is  in  itself  a  striking  indication  of  failure  to  secure 
a  satisfactory  restocking  of  our  cut  and  burned  over  forest  lands. 
This  failure  will  have  increasingly  serious  consequences,  as  depletion 


THE  UNITED  STATES  167 

of  the  old-growth  forests  makes  us  more  and  more  dependent  on 
second-growth  timber. 

4.     DEVELOPED  AND  POTENTIAL  WATER-POWER  IN  THE 

UNITED  STATES1 

Excluding  developments  of  less  than  1,000  h.p.,  the  total  developed 
water-power  of  the  United  States  is  4,016,127  h.p.,  of  which  2,961,549 
h.p.  is  classed  as  "commercial"  power  and  1,054,578  h.p.  as  " manu- 
facturing. "  That  is  to  say,  74  per  cent  of  the  total  power  from 
developments  of  1,000  h.p.  and  over  is  sold  by  commercial  concerns 
or  used  by  public-service  corporations,  and  26  per  cent  is  generated 
and  used  by  manufacturing  concerns. 

The  total  developed  water-power  of  the  country,  including  the 
developments  of  less  than  1,000  h.p.,  which  amount  to  about  2,000,000 
h.p.,  is,  in  round  numbers,  6,000,000  h.p. 

The  developed  water-power,  including  only  developments  o( 
1,000  h.p.  and  over,  and  the  potential  water-power  on  a  basis  of  7s 
per  cent  efficiency  are  shown  by  states  in  Table  XXVII. 

From  this  table  (p.  168)  it  is  seen  that  California  leads  with 
14.5  per  cent  of  the  "commercial  power,"  developed  and  under 
construction,  followed  by  New  York  with  13.4  per  cent,  Washington 
with  10 . 1  per  cent,  Pennsylvania  with  5 . 7  per  cent,  Iowa  with  5 . 1 
per  cent,  Montana  with  4.7  per  cent,  South  Carolina  with  4.6  per 
cent,  Georgia  with  4.3  per  cent.  Ohio  has  only  about  4,000  h.p. 
developed.  Florida,  South  Dakota,  West  Virginia,  Alabama,  Kan- 
sas, and  New  Jersey  are  next  above  Ohio  with  amounts  ranging 
from  only  5,000  to  7,200  h.p. 

A  significant  fact  brought  out  in  the  table  is  the  geographical  con- 
centration of  water-power  owned  by  manufacturers.  The  five  states 
of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  and  Con- 
necticut have  36  per  cent  of  the  developed  manufacturing  power,  and 
New  York  has  30  per  cent,  thus  giving  to  these  six  states  66  per  cent, 
or  nearly  two-thirds  of  all  the  developed  manufacturing  power  in  the 
country.  The  developed  manufacturing  power  used  in  these  states 
is  found  mainly  in  paper  and  pulp  and  cotton  manufacturing.  Min- 
nesota and  Wisconsin  together  have  nearly  17  per  cent  of  the  total 

1  Adapted  from  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Corporations  on  Water-Power 
Development  in  the  United  Stales,  191 2,  pp.  55-56,  61-64. 


i68 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


TABLE  XXVII 
Developed  and  Potential  Water-Power  in  the  United  States  by  States 


State 


United  States 

Maine 

Massachusetts 

New  Hampshire 

Vermont 

Connecticut 

Rhode  Island 

New  York 

Pennsylvania 

New  Jersey 

Maryland 

Delaware 

Virginia 

District  of  Columbia . 

West  Virginia 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

South  Carolina 

Georgia 

North  Carolina 

Alabama 

Florida 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Arkansas 

Texas 

Oklahoma 

Wisconsin 

Michigan 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Ohio 

Minnesota 

Iowa 

Kansas 

South  Dakota 

Missouri 

North  Dakota 

Nebraska 

Montana 

Colorado 

Utah 

Idaho 

Wyoming 

New  Mexico 

Arizona 

Nevada , 

California 

Washington , 

Oregon , 


Developed  and  under  Construction, 
Concerns  of  1,000  h.p.  or  More 


Commercial 


2,961,549 
65,360 
76,697 
16,450 
53,648 
32,000 


398,058 

169,632 

7,200 


33,700 


5,250 


62,000 

135,040 

126,927 

82,960 

6,000 

5,000 


96,799 

102,682 

38,460 

10,425 
4,025 

95,8i5 

151,400 

6,800 

5,000 


139,260 
69,690 
52,700 
52,100 


16,200 
14,200 

429,467 
300,510 

95,777 


Manufac- 
turing 


1,054,578 

168,338 

53,922 

103,658 

40,197 

15,519 


315,313 


17,620 
16,150 


47,457 
12,350 
14,050 
10,450 


106,153 
30,420 

12,751 
4,250 


72,200 


6,000 


Total 


4,016,127 

233,698 

130,619 

120,108 

93,845 

47,519 


713,371 

169,632 

7,200 


5l,32o 


21,400 


62,000 
182,497 

139,277 

97,Oio 

16,450 

5,000 


202,952 

133,102 

5i,2H 

14,675 

4,025 

168,015 

151,400 

6,800 

5,ooo 


139,260 
69,690 
52,700 
52,100 


16,200 
14,200 

435,467 
300,510 

95,777 


Potential  h.p.,  75  per 
Cent  Efficiency 


Minimum 


26,736,000 

443,000 

118,000 

135,000 

94,000 

72,000 

6,000 

1,037,000 

276,000 

44,000 

43,ooo 

5,000 

492,000 

5,000 

381,000 

83,000 

463,000 

460,000 

374,000 

578,000 

509,000 

8,000 

32,000 

1,000 

22,000 

255,000 

75,000 

358,000 

180,000 

192,000 

43,000 

59,000 

232,000 

160,000 

III  ,000 

43,000 

72,000 

88,000 

196,000 

2,749,000 

842,000 

743,000 

1,162,000 

773,000 

160,000 

893,000 

172,000 

3,424,000 

4,932,000 

3,148,000 


Assumed 
Maximum 


51,398,000 

809,000 

228,000 

246,000 

172,000 

137,000 

13,000 

1,698,000 

684,000 

106,000 

122,000 

1 1 ,000 

870,000 

1 1 ,000 

1,051,000 

197,000 

761,000 

677,000 

627,000 

875,000 

943,000 

13,000 

63,000 

2,000 

61,000 

551,000 

208,000 

670,000 

293,000 

345,000 

118,000 

178,000 

494,000 

382,000 

269,000 

75,000 

163,000 

207,000 

366,000 

4,33I,O0O 

1,697,000 

1,318,000 

2,567,000 

1,305,000 

439,000 

1,698,000 

276,000 

7,818,000 

8,647,000 

6,613,000 


THE  UNITED  STATES  169 

developed  manufacturing  power  in  the  country,  and  this  is  largely 
used  in  the  manufacture  of  pulp  and  paper.  In  the  Southern  states, 
South  Carolina  leads  with  nearly  5  per  cent  of  the  total  developed 
manufacturing  power  in  the  country,  nearly  all  of  which  is  used  in 
the  cotton-manufacturing  industry. 

The  concerns  whose  ownership  is  summarized  in  this  table  have 
developed  only  about  three-fifths  of  the  power  they  own.  By  far 
the  largest  amount  of  undeveloped  power  owned  by  such  concerns 
is  found  in  California,  where  it  amounts  to  732,749  h.p.  Next  is 
Georgia  with  286,350  h.p.,  then  New  York  with  193,093  h.p.,  then 
Iowa  with  151,000  h.p.,  Oregon  with  143,600  h.p.,  Michigan  with 
117,650  h.p.,  Washington  with  115,700  h.p.,  Montana  with  105,700 
h.p.,  Minnesota  with  101,600  h.p.,  and  Maine  with  100,000  h.p. 
These  figures  for  undeveloped  power  are  undoubtedly  conser- 
vative. 

A  notable  fact  disclosed  by  the  table  is  the  remarkable  natural 
centralization  of  water-power  in  the  United  States.  Approximately 
11,500,000  h.p.  (on  the  75  per  cent  efficiency  basis),  or  43  per  cent 
of  the  total  estimated  minimum  power  of  the  country  is  found  in  the 
States  of  California,  Oregon,  and  Washington  alone.  If  we  add  to 
this  total  the  power  in  the  three  states  of  Montana,  Idaho,  and 
Wyoming,  we  have  in  the  six  states  60  per  cent  of  the  total  power, 
and  by  including  the  three  states  of  Colorado,  Arizona,  and  Utah, 
we  find  in  the  nine  states  mentioned  70  per  cent  of  the  estimated 
minimum  power  in  the  United  States.  About  8  per  cent  of  the 
minimum  total  is  found  in  the  territory  in  the  northeastern  section 
of  the  country,  including  Pennsylvania  and  the  states  to  the  north 
and  east.  In  the  area  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  South  of  the 
Ohio  River  there  is  about  12  per  cent.  These  three  groups  of  states 
contain  about  90  per  cent  of  the  estimated  minimum  water-power 
of  the  country,  and  more  than  one-third  of  the  remainder  is  in  the 
four  states  of  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  and  Illinois,  bordering 
on  the  Great  Lakes. 

Thus,  the  great  bulk  of  the  water-power  of  the  country  is  situated 
on  what  might  be  termed  its  edges.  The  great  central  basin  of  the 
United  States  has  an  insignificant  percentage.  In  fact  there  is  but 
one  great  water-power  in  all  this  region,  namely,  that  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  at  Keokuk,  Iowa. 


170 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OE  NORTH  AMERICA 


5.    MINERAL  PRODUCTION  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  BY  STATES' 

TABLE  XXVIII 


State 


Principal  Mineral  Products  in  1915 
(in  Order  of  Value)* 


Per- 

Value of  All 

centage 

Minerals 

of  Total 

(000 

for 

omitted) 

United 

States 

$460,080 

22.0 

I35,"I 

6-5 

114,704 

5-5 

105,030 

5-o 

97,172 

4.6 

93,938 

4-5 

91,541 

4-4 

89,147 

4-3 

81,311 

3-9 

74,489 

3-6 

64,295 

3-6 

62,S86 

3-o 

62,391 

3-o 

4I,38I 

2.0 

38,818 

1.8 

36,385 

1-7 

35,479 

i-7 

33,6i2 

1.6 

32,853 

1.6 

29,457 

i-4 

29,346 

1.4 

29,269 

i-4 

27,276 

i-3 

27,048 

i-3 

25,549 

1 . 2 

22,166 

1 . 1 

19,778 

•9 

18,199 

•9 

16,991 

.8 

1 2 , 708 

.6 

n,455 

•5 

io,433 

•5 

8,093 

•4 

7,586 

•4 

6,558 

•3 

Value  of 
Leading 
Mineral 

(000 
omitted) 


Pennsylvania  , 
West  Virginia . 


Illinois. 
Ohio.  . . 


California.  .  . 

Michigan. 

Arizona 

Montana 

Oklahoma 

Missouri 
Colorado 

Utah 

Minnesota. . . . 

Indiana 

New  Jersey. . . 
New  York.  .  . . 

Nevada 

Idaho 

Alaska 

Alabama 

Kansas 

Texas 

Kentucky.  .  .  . 

Iowa 

New  Mexico .  . 

Tennessee 

Wisconsin 

Louisiana 

Virginia 

Wyoming 

Washington. .  . 
Maryland 
South  Dakota 

Vermont 

Arkansas 


Coal,    clay    products,    natural    gas, 

cement 

Coal,   natural   gas,   petroleum,   clay 

products 

Coal,  petroleum,  clay  products,  cement 
Clay    products,    coal,     natural    gas, 

petroleum 

Petroleum,  gold,  copper,  cement 

Copper,  iron  ore,  cement,  salt 

Copper,  gold,  silver,  zinc 

Copper,  zinc,  silver,  gold 

Petroleum,  natural  gas,  coal,  zinc. .  .  . 

Zinc,  lead,  coal,  clay  products 

Gold,  coal,  zinc,  silver 

Copper,  lead,  silver,  coal 

Iron  ore,  clay  products,  stone,  sand 

and  gravel 

Coal,  cement,  clay  products,  stone .  .  . 
Zinc,  clay  products,  stone,  cement.  .  . 
Clay  products,  stone,  cement,  salt.  .  . 

Copper,  gold,  silver,  zinc 

Lead,  zinc,  silver,  copper 

Gold,  copper,  silver,  stone 

Coal,  iron  ore,  clay  products,  cement. 

Coal,  natural  gas,  zinc,  cement 

Petroleum,  coal,  natural  gas,  cement. 
Coal,  clay  products,    stone,  natural 

gas 

Coal,  clay  products,  cement,  gypsum. 

Copper,  coal,  zinc,  gold 

Coal,  zinc,  copper,  stone 

Zinc,  stone,  iron  ore,  zinc  and  lead 

pigment 

Petroleum,  sulphur,  natural  gas,  salt. 

Coal,  stone,  clay  products,  lime 

Coal,  petroleum,  iron  ore,  gypsum .  . . 
Coal,  cement,  stone,  clay  products. . . 
Coal,  clay  products,  cement,  stone. . . 
Gold,  stone,  silver,  sand  and  gravel.  . 
Stone,  slate,  talc  and  soapstone,  lime. 
Coal,  bauxite,  zinc,  sand  and  gravel.. 


$352,000 


74 

,6oo 

64 

,6oo 

36 

,8oo 

36 

,600 

46 

,4°o 

80 

,5°o 

46 

,8oo 

56 

,700 

33 

,8oo 

22 

,4°o 

32 

,8oo 

57 

700 

r8 

600 

9 

500 

12 

000 

16 

300 

16 

700 

19 

100 

11 

400 

13 

000 

21 

500 

13 

600 

13 

400 

6 

500 

10 

300 

10 

800 

8 

000 

9 

600 

5 

300 

5 

300 

7 

400 

5 

600 

3 

000 

*In  this  table  iron  ore,  not  pig  iron,  is  taken  as  the  basis  of  iron  valuation,  and  in  the  case  of 
other  metals  mine  production  (recoverable  content  of  metals)  is  the  basis. 

t  Not  published;  probably  about  18,000. 

1  Adapted  from  Mineral  Resources  of  the  United  Slates,  1915,  Part  I,  p.  59  a. 


THE  UNITED  STATES 


171 


TABLE  XXVIII— Continued 


State 


Massachusetts 


Georgia . 
Florida. . 


Oregon. 


North  Carolina. 
Connecticut.. 

Maine 

New  Hampshire 

Nebraska. .  . . 

South  Carolina. 

North  Dakota.. 

Rhode  Island..  . 

Mississippi.  .  .  . 

Delaware 

District  of 
Columbia. .  . . 


Principal  Mineral  Products  in  1915 
(in  Order  of  Value)* 


Stone,  clay  products,  lime,  sand  and 

gravel 

Clay  products,  stone,  cement,  coal . . 
Phosphate  rock,  fuller's  earth,  stone, 

clay  products 

Gold,  stone,  clay  products,  sand  and 

gravel 

Stone,  clay  products,  mica,  gold 

Clay  products,  stone,  lime,  mineral 

waters 

Stone,  lime,  clay  products,  mineral 

waters 

Stone,  clay  products,  sand  and  gravel, 

mica 

Clay  products,  stone,  sand  and  gravel 

cement 

Clay  products,  stone,  phosphate  rock 

mineral  waters 

Coal,  clay  products,  sand  and  gravel, 

mineral  waters 

Stone,  clay  products,  mineral  waters, 

lime 

Clay  products,  sand  and  gravel,  min- 
eral waters 

Clay  products,  stone,  mineral  waters. 
Clay  products,  sand-lime  brick,  sand 

and  gravel 


Value  of  all 
Minerals 

(000 
omitted) 


Per- 
centage 
of  Total 

for 
United 
States 


$6,286 
5,094 

4,886 

3,656 
3,432 

3,332 

3,3oi 

1,903 

1,5*4' 
1,129 

985 
355 

666 
2S2 

205J 


0.3 
.  2 


Grand  total  for  United  States $2,393,831 


Value  of 
Leading 
Mineral 

(000 
omitted) 


$3,300 
1 ,800 

3,800 

1,900 
1,400 

1,500 

I  ,IOO 

1,200 

800 

400 

800 

700 

400 
IOO 

IOO 


As  the  value  of  a  mineral  second  in  rank  in  one  state  may  be  more 
than  the  value  of  the  same  mineral  first  in  rank  in  another  state, 
it  must  be  realized  that  the  figures  in  the  fifth  column  of  Table  XXVIII 
cannot  be  used  to  ascertain  the  ranking  of  the  states  producing  a 
particular  mineral. 

The  material  in  Table  XXVIII  can  be  thrown  into  regional  form 
by  placing  the  percentages  in  the  fourth  column  on  an  outline  map 
of  the  United  States.  The  regions  may  be  emphasized  by  coloring 
differently  (i)  the  leading  state,  (2)  the  states  having  2  per  cent  or 
more,  (3)  the  states  having  1,  but  less  than  2  per  cent,  and  (4)  the 
states  having  less  than  1  per  cent. 


172 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


6.    MANUFACTURING  INDUSTRIES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

TABLE  XXIX 
Leading  Manufacturing  Industries  of  the  United  States  by  States  for 
i  91 4.     Industries  with  a  Total  Value  of  Products  of 
Less  Than  $20,000,000  Are  Not  Listed. 

(000,000  omitted  in  columns  three  and  four) 


State  and  Industry 


Number 

of 
Establish- 
ments 


Average 
Number 
of  Wage 
Earners 


Total 
Value  of 
Products 


Value 
Added  by 
Manu- 
facture 


Per- 
centage of 
Increase  in 
Value  of 
Products 
1909-14 


New  York  (all  industries) 

Clothing,  women's  . 

Printing  and  publishing 

Clothing,  men's,  including  shirts  . .  . 
Foundry"  and  machine-shop  products 
Slaughtering  and  meat  packing  .... 

Sugar,  refining 

Bread  and  other  bakery  products .  . 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Liquors,  malt. ,_. 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . 
Electrical  machinery,  apparatus,  and 

supplies 

Millinery  and  lace  goods 

Boots  and  shoes 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Gas,  illuminating  and  heating 

Furniture  and  refrigerators 

Furnishing  goods,  men's 

Copper,  tin,  and  sheet-iron  products. 
Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk. . 

Chemicals 

Automobiles,    including    bodies    and 

parts . 

Patent  medicines  and  compounds  and 

druggists'  preparations 

Leather,  tanned,  curried,  and  finished . 
Photographic  apparatus  and  materials 

Confectionery 

Musical  instruments,  pianos  and  or 

gans  and  materials 

Food     preparations,     not     elsewhere 

specified 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works  and  rolling 

mills 

Paint  and  varnish 

Coffee  and  spice,  roasting  and  grinding 
Cars  and  general  shop  construction  and 

repairs  by  steam-railroad  companies 

Fur  goods 

Silk  goods 

Soap 

Carpets  and  rugs,  other  than  rag 

Canning  and  preserving 

Brass,  bronze,  and  copper  products. . . 

Jewelry 

Leather  goods 

Boxes,  fancy  and  paper 

Woolen  and  worsted  goods 


48,203 

3,335 

4,806 

2,627 

3,093 

337 

5 

4,249 

2,871 

1  S3 

483 

89J 

215 

1,308 

309 

1,776 

ISO 

131 

758 

346 

791 

1,144 

70 

247 

806 
98 
59 

349 

160 

287 

24 
ISO 
136 

107 

877 

143 

6S 

14 

987 

228 

566 

605 

331 

Si 


1,057,857 

108,393 

64,020 

81,370 

66,690 

6,641 

4,899 

27,002 

30,489 
9,826 

40,095 
3,070 

23,738 
26,124 
27,561 
21,503 
13,570 
10,090 

22.IS3 

17,495 

16,040 

3,235 
7,780 

12,122 

5,699 

5,36o 

7,426 

IO,768 

12,602 

4,031 

IO,788 
3,450 
1,690 

20,234 
5,904 

11,659 
3,l68 

12,540 

8,757 
6,627 
5,051 
7,473 
14,192 
8.5S2 


$3,814 
34S 
257 
239 
173 
148 

125 
rog 
88 
86 
78 
77 

74 
72 
71 
60 
56 
53 
SO 
4S 
45 
43 
43 

42 

42 
36 
35 
34 

33 

32 

32 
32 
32 

31 
30 
29 
28 
26 
26 
24 
22 
22 
22 
21 


$1,706 

162 

188 

121 

105 

18 

11 

50 

So 

61 

34 
10 

36 
35 
28 
27 
20 

31 
28 
22 
20 
6 
17 

20 

25 
8 

25 

14 
17 
12 

14 

13 

6 

17 
13 
13 

8 
10 
10 

9 
II 

10 

12 

8 


13.2 
26.7 
18.6 
-10.3 
12.3 
16. S 


26  7 
14.9 
10.3 

16. s 
10.9 

50.0 

38.8 

48.2 

—17.6 

15-3 
24.7 
18.9 

7-6 
16.6 

1.9 
21.3 

35-9 

11. 9 
30.3 

87. 5 
33-4 

-  1.8 

8S-7 

-18.9 

11. 6 
81.7 

42.2 
-26.6 

10.3 

16.7 
1.8 

36.3 
8.0 
7-1 
3-8 

52.4 

—  11 .1 


A  minus  sign  ( — )  denotes  decrease. 


THE  UNITED  STATES 


*73 


TABLE  XXLX— Continued 


State  and  Industry 


Number 

of 
Establish- 
ments 


Average 
Number 
of  Wage 
Earners 


Total 
Value  of 
Products 


Per- 

Value 

centage  of 

Added  by 

Increase  in 

Manu- 

Value of 

facture 

Products 

1909-14 

$i,i43 

7-8 

163 

—  10.4 

125 

TO. 9 

20 

-19.4 

44 

23- 1 

38 

40.1 

17 

9.4 

S7 

20.4 

8 

27.3 

20 

-16.8 

26 

29.2 

30 

8.1 

22 

18. 1 

8 

-  0.4 

35 

5-6 

26 

-13.x 

27 

41 .6 

7 

-  2.6 

13 

—17.0 

20 

1-7 

24 

21.3 

10 

44.8 

17 

12.9 

5 

45-8 

15 

-  4-5 

13 

54-2 

12 

43-4 

9 

28.0 

13 

32.7 

16 

9-7 

9 

-  7-2 

10 

40.1 

710 

10. 1 

91 

8.0 

77 

5-8 

47 

-  8.2 

55 

-  1.5 

39 

18.4 

7 

22.6 

12 

13 -2 

26 

55-9 

17 

8.1 

15 

27.4 

13 

27.1 

6 

45-7 

10 

O.I 

9 

4S-7 

II 

2.6 

8 

31-9 

9 

7-1 

Pennsylvania  (all  industries) 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works  and  rolling 

mills 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. 

Iron  and  steel,  blast  furnaces 

Cars  and  general  shop  construction  and 

repairs  by  steam-railroad  companies 

Silk  goods _ 

Leather,  tanned,  curried,  and  finished 

Printing  and  publishing. . . . ; 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Woolen  and  worsted  goods 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Bread  and  other  bakery  products .  .  , 

Petroleum,  refining 

Liquors,  malt 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Sugar,   refining,   not   including   beet 

sugar 

Electrical  machinery,  apparatus,  and 

supplies 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . 
Coke,  not  including  gashouse  coke  . 
Clothing,  men's,  including  shirts . . . 

Glass 

Cars,    steam-railroad,    not    including 

operations  of  railroad  companies .  . . 

Clothing,  women's 

Tin  plate  and  terneplate 

Cotton  goods 

Cement 

Boots  and  shoes 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Furniture  and  refrigerators 

Brick,  tile,  pottery,  and  other  clay 

products 

Carpets  and  rugs,  other  than  rag 

Chemicals 


Massachusetts  (all  industries) 

Boots  and  shoes 

Cotton  goods 

Woolen  and  worsted  goods 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. . 

Printing  and  publishing. . . . ; 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing ._ 

Leather,  tanned,  curried,  and  finished . 
Electrical  machinery,  apparatus,  and 

supplies 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Bread  and  other  bakery  products .  . 

Boots  and  shoes,  rubber 

Cordage  and  twine  and  jute  and  linen 

goods 

Lumber  and  timber  products ........ 

Rubber  goods,  not  elsewhere  specified. 

Dyeing  and  finishing  textiles 

Confectionery _. 

Clothing,  men's,  including  shirts 


27,521 

178 

1,887 
52 

163 

284 

120 

2,538 

166 

203 

498 

2,194 

2,987 

48 

215 
2,348 


i°5 
1,265 
108 
699 
103 

12 
483 

13 
155 

26 
146 

53 
324 

377 
63 
39 

12,013 
884 
189 
171 
932 
1,344 
107 
126 

91 

86 

1,419 

9 

20 

589 

42 

57 

148 

227 


924,478 

131,955 
91,820 
",518 

54,729 

44,755 

11,988 

26,909 

3,687 

24,461 

41,130 

37,370 

15,157 

4,902 

7,5" 

21,297 

1,741 

14,866 

2,595 

9.871 

21,126 

23,606 

9,955 

17,217 
2,368 

14,640 
7,910 

13,414 
7.447 

12,088 

18,976 
9,569 
4,748 

606,698 
85,114 

H3,559 
54,255 
41,361 
18,170 
3,582 
10,164 

17,125 

13,401 
8,083 
8,087 

7,6i4 
8,156 
4,743 
11,437 
6,787 
7,645 


$2,832 

448 
234 
136 

94 
87 
85 
85 
66 
64 
64 
54 
54 
53 
50 
5o 

46 

44 
44 
43 
40 
40 

40 
37 
37 
32 
29 
29 
25 
25 

24 
23 

22 

1,641 

255 

197 

130 

86 

56 

54 

45 

44 
43 
33 
24 

23 
83 
23 

22 

20 
20 


A  minus  sign  (— )  denotes  decrease. 


174  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

TABLE  XXDC— Continued 


State  and  Industry 


New  Jersey  (all  industries) 

Smelting  and  refining,  copper 

Petroleum,  refining 

Silk  goods 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. . 
Electrical  machinery,  apparatus,  and 

supplies 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Woolen  and  worsted  goods 

Chemicals 

Leather,  tanned,  curried,  and  finished. 

Dyeing  and  finishing  textiles 

Rubber  goods,  not  elsewhere  specified. 
Bread  and  other  bakery  products .... 

Liquors,  malt 

Cotton  goods 

Brick,  tile  pottery,  and  otherclay  prod- 
ucts      

Connecticut  (all  industries) 

Brass,  bronze,  and  copper  products. 
Foundry  and  machine-shop  products 

Cotton  goods 

Silk  goods 

Firearms  and  ammunition 

Rhode  Island  (all  industries) 

Woolen  and  worsted  goods 

Cotton  goods 

Jewelry 

Maine  (all  industries) 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Boots  and  shoes 

Cotton  goods 

New  Hampshire  (all  industries) 

Boots  and  shoes 

Cotton  goods 

Vermont  (all  industries) 

Delaware  (all  industries) 

Maryland  (all  industries) 

Clothing,  men's,  including  shirts ... 
Copper,  tin,  and  sheet-iron  products 

Virginia  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Kentucky  (all  industries) 

Liquors,  distilled , 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . 
Lumber  and  timber  products , 


Number 
of 

Establish- 
ments 


Q.742 

4 

8 

368 

908 

76 
90 
394 
32 
64 
84 
98 

S3 

1.278 
29 
30 

140 

4,104 
67 
3S8 
SO 
44 
13 

2,190 

80 

102 

291 

3,373 

38 

9S2 

59 

20 

1,736 
71 
20 

1,772 

808 

4,797 
301 
114 

S,5o8 

2,218 

76 

4,184 
IS7 
442 

1,299 


Average 
Number 
of  Wage 
Earners 


373,605 

3,344 

S.I78 

28,263 

31,057 

14,405 
2,197 

15,830 

14,464 
6,276 
S.ioS 

11,683 
6,316 

5.712 
2,588 

7,394 

13,011 

226,264 
16,781 

39,369 
15,466 
10,668 
10,863 

H3,425 

22,745 

29,483 

8,778 

82,149 
10,033 
15,452 
8,986 
21,669 

78,993 
14,815 
21,669 

32,704 

22,155 

"1,585 

18,062 

7,712 

102,820 

26,307 

6,308 

64,586 
2,og8 
1,447 

13,337 


Total 
Value  of 
Products 


$1,407 

159 

91 

76 

74 

41 
40 
40 
36 
23 
32 
28 

25 
22 
20 
17 

17 

545 
69 
67 
31 
31 
26 

280 
61 
50 
22 

200 
40 
28 
23 
36 

183 
47 
36 

77 

56 

378 
39 
25 

264 
32 
30 

230 
49 
21 
21 


Value 
Added  by 
Manu- 
facture 


$523 

5 

n 

35 

42 

20 

4 
22 

13 
15 
10 

14 
10 

9 
IS 

7 

12 

257 
IS 
42 
13 
12 
14 

117 
19 
21 
10 

83 
IS 

14 
8 

13 

68 
13 
13 

34 

24 

139 

18 


109 
19 
18 

US 
39 

4 
10 


Per- 
centage of 
Increase  in 
Value  of 
Products 
1909-14 


22.8 
26.7 


15-7 
13-3 

43-6 
6.7 

64.2 
6.9 

38.8 

II. 3 

77-2 
30.3 
11. 1 

1.5 

22.2 

-  3-0 

11. 3 
3-6 
2.2 

27.1 
45- 2 
28.6 

-  0.3 
-18.4 

-  1.2 

4.0 

13-9 

18.4 

S-6 

50. 4 
18.4 

11. 1 

18.4 

6.5 

12.  7 

6.0 

19-7 

5.8 
So. 8 

20.2 

-  9-5 
18.6 

2.9 
10. 1 

-  5.1 

-  3-3 


THE   UNITED   STATES 


175 


TABLE  XXIX— Continued 


State  and  Industry 


Number 

of 
Establish- 
ments 


Tennessee  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products 

West  Virginia  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works,  and  rolling 
mills 

North  Carolina  (all  industries) 

Cotton  goods 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Georgia  (all  industries) 

Cotton  goods 

Oil,  cottonseed,  and  cake 

Fertilizers 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Alabama  (all  industries) 

Cotton  goods 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Iron  and  steel,  blast  furnaces 

South  Carolina  (all  industries) 

Cotton  goods 

Florida  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Louisiana  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Sugar  refining,  not  including  beet  sugar 

Arkansas  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Mississippi  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Texas  (all  industries) 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Oil,  cottonseed,  and  cake 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . . 
Lumber  and  timber  products 

Oklahoma  (all  industries) 

Illinois  (all  industries) 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. 

Printing  and  publishing 

Clothing,  men's,  including  shirts. .  .  . 

Agricultural  implements 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works  and  rolling 

mills 

Cars,    steam-railroad,    not    including 

operations  of  railroad  companies. 

Liquors,  distilled    

I'"lour-mill  and  gristmill  products. .  . 
Electrical  machinery,  apparatus,  and 

supplies 


4,775 

1,972 

512 

2,749 
99S 

IS 

5,507 

293 

33 

2,952 

4,639 
118 

153 

230 

1,588 


3,242 
57 

1,421 
IS 

1, 88s 
148 

2,518 

5°7 

2,211 
516 

171 

2,604 
1,252 

2, 209 
1,296 

5,084 

21 

233 

191 

S87 

2,518 

18,388 

98 

i,37i 

2,722 

604 

73 

25 

23 

7 

406 

142 


Average 
Number 
of  Wage 
Earners 


74,373 

18,276 

1,497 

71,078 
17,417 

5,348 

136,844 
S3, 703 
10,467 
34,374 

104,461 

30,719 
4,212 

3,833 
i8,iq6 

78,717 
13,697 
22,750 

3,547 

7i,9M 

46,448 

55, 608 
18,358 

77,66s 

44,419 

4,798 

41,979 
29,698 

46,702 
29,640 

74,853 
3,49i 
4,471 
1,300 

19,956 

17,443 

So6,943 
31,627 
SS, 26T 
32,838 
35,  "9 
19,556 

15,408 

1 8 , 000 

855 

2,398 

16,483 


Total 
Value  of 
Products 


31 
26 

194 

29 

21 

289 

91 
58 
40 

253 
60 

33 
29 
22 

179 

26 

24 

20 

139 
78 

81 
21 

255 
67 
58 

84 
43 

80 
39 

36l 
53 
42 
3S 
29 


2,247 

489 

141 

113 

89 

65 


6s 

61 
52 
49 

46 


Value 
Added  by 
Manu- 
facture 


17 

4 

83 
19 


119 

28 

34 
23 

93 

19 

5 

8 

13 

71 
8 

15 
6 

48 
25 

47 
14 

97 

39 

9 

39 
25 

38 
24 

108 

9 

6 

6 

17 

31 

907 
77 
81 
80 
48 
32 

25 

21 

43 

7 

26 


Per- 
centage of 
Increase  in 
Value  of 
Products 
1909-14 


17  .6 

3-2 
91 

I9-S 
0.8 

-  5-6 

33-6 
24.8 
60.8 
18.2 

24.8 
24.9 
38.4 
72.9 

-  10.2 

22.5 

15-4 

6.7 

-  5-5 

22.7 
19.0 

"  .3 

2.8 

14.0 
6.1 

-  9.1 

12 
6.1 

-  1.2 

-  9-9 

32.4 

24.6 

40.2 

8.1 

-  10.7 

90.0 

17. 1 
25-6 

2  .0 

29-3 

-  0.4 
14. 1 

-  25.0 

127. 1 

-  6.5 

-  3-2 

70.2 


A  minus  sign  (  — )  denotes  decrease. 


176  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

TABLE  XXLX— Continued 


State  and  Industry 


Number 

of 
Establish- 
ments 


Average 
Number 
of  Wage 
Earners 


Total 
Value  of 
Products 


Value 
Added  by 
Manu- 
facture 


Per- 
centage of 
Increase  in 
Value  of 
Products 
1909-14 


Illinois — Continued 

bread  and  other  bakery  products.  .  . . 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Cars  and  general  shop  construction  and 
repairs  by  steam-railroad  companies 

Liquors,  malt 

Furniture  and  refrigerators 

Gas,  illuminating,  and  heating 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Iron  and  steel,  blast  furnaces.  .>.... 
Copper,  tin,  and  sheet-iron  products. 

Paints  and  varnishes 

Confectionery -.•••.• 

Coffee  and  spice,  roasting  and  grinding 
Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk. 

Soap 

Clothing,  women's 


Ohio  (all  industries) . 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works  and  rolling 

mills 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products .  . 
Rubber  goods,  not  elsewhere  specified . 
Automobiles,    including    bodies    and 

parts 

Iron  and  steel,  blast  furnaces 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing .... 

Printing  and  publishing 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . 
Brick,  tile,  pottery,  and  other  clay 

products. . . . ._ 

Electrical  machinery,  apparatus,  and 

supplies 

Boots  and  shoes 

Cars  and  general  shop  construction  and 

repairs  by  steam-railroad  companies 
Bread  and  other  bakery  products .... 

Liquors,  malt 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Tobacco  manufactures. ; 

Clothing,  men's,  including  shirts 

Food  preparations,  not  elsewhere  speci- 
fied ..  . 

Copper,  tin,  and  sheet-iron  products. . 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Clothing,  women's 

Stoves  and  furnaces,  including  gas  and 

oil  stoves 


Michigan  (all  industries) 

Automobiles,    including    bodies    and 

parts 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products.  . 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Furniture  and  refrigerators 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products 

Leather,  tanned,  curried,  and  finished. 

Printing  and  publishing 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk . . . 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Tobacco  manufactures 


2,278 
618 

94 

89 

283 

75 
1,622 

5 
S08 

72 
147 

34 
267 

27 
241 

15,658 

70 

1,379 

54 

102 

33 

169 

1,783 

649 

549 

119 
73 

88 

1,634 
101 

1,188 
961 

257 

76 
288 

48 
170 

105 

8,724 

205 
705 
748 

2C2 

427 

23 

1,113 

37 
364 

36 
626 


10,404 
14,870 

28,682 
5,749 

13,766 
3,890 
7,653 
1,45° 
7,445 
2,110 

5,°°9 
i,i93 
1,755 
2,144 
8,113 

510,435 

46,397 
73,io3 
21,70s 

18,752 
5,786 

3,619 
18,070 

2,363 

27,334 

12,695 
14,674 

21,639 
7,665 
5,340 
11,921 
13,282 
10,758 

1,523 
7,448 
5,430 
9,775 

8,575 

271 ,090 

67,538 

26,497 

28,527 

16,267 

i,37o 

2,773 

8,166 

6,051 

1,367 

1,181 

9,075 


45 
42 

41 
39 
33 
28 
26 
26 
25 
24 
22 
22 
22 
21 
21 

1,783 

205 
179 
no 

86 
73 
67 
56 
45 

39 

36 
34 

33 
31 
32 
32 
28 
28 

27 
25 
23 
23 


1, 086 

398 
65 

59 
34 
27 
26 

25 
22 
22 
21 
21 


22 
18 

23 
29 

17 
20 
16 

4 
II 

9 
IO 

5 

4 

6 

10 

762 

65 

101 

51 

30 
12 

7 
39 

6 

26 

19 
14 

17 
13 
23 
14 
17 
14 

7 
11 

7 
11 


493 

179 

37 

29 

19 

4 

5 

17 

8 

3 

2 

12 


25.3 
"  6.4 

28.8 
38.6 
18.3 
33-8 


19 
-32 

8. 
19. 
73 
n . 
22. 

6. 


24.7 
24.0 

3-7 

22.6 

103.4 


120.7 

-12.8 

312 

33-5 

-  6.1 

26.6 

92.4 
6.6 

16.0 
32.8 
26.3 

-  7.9 

-  1-5 
II. 1 

152-3 
31.3 
37-2 

17-4 

30.1 
58.5 


312 
42 

-  4 
18 

—  21 
66 

43-8 
58.4 
50.8 

S8.3 
27-7 


THE  UNITED  STATES 


177 


TABLE  XXIX— Continued 


State  and  Industry 


Number 

of 
Establish- 
ments 


Average 
Number 
of  Wage 
Earners 


Total 
Value  of 
Products 


Value 
Added  by 
Manu- 
facture 


Per- 
centage of 
Increase  in 
Value  of 
Products 
190Q-14 


Indiana  (all  industries) 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works  and  rolling 

mills 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. 
Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . . 

Liquors,  distilled 

Automobiles,    including    bodies    and 

parts 

Cars,    steam-railroad,    not    including 

operations  of  railroad  companies. . 
Carriages  and  wagons  and  materials . 

Furniture 

Lumber  and  timber  products ...... 

Cars  and  general  shop  construction  and 

repairs  by  steam-railroad  companies 

Wisconsin  (all  industries) 

Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk. . . 
Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. 
Lumber  and  timber  products  ....... 

Leather,  tanned,  curried,  and  finished 

Liquors,  malt 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . . 

Furniture  and  refrigerators 

Agricultural  implements 


Missouri  (all  industries) 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Boots  and  shoes 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . . 

Tobacco  manufactures 

Printing  and  publishing 

Liquors,  malt 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products. 
Bread  and  other  bakery  products.  .  . 

Minnesota  (all  industries) 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 

Lumber  and  timber  products  ....... 

Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk. . 
Foundry  and  machine-shop  products . 
Printing  and  publishing 


Kansas  (all  industries) 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing .  . 
Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. 


Iowa  (all  industries) 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 
Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk. 

Nebraska  (all  industries) 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing 


North  Dakota  (all  industries) . 
South  Dakota  (all  industries). 


8,022 

19 

68 

Si3 

S12 

14 

86 

10 

193 
197 
913 

49 

9,104 

2,431 

494 

63S 

27 
132 

46 

S8 
252 
114 

46 

8,386 
40 

54 
641 

431 

1.333 

32 

35<5 
I.043 

5.974 

2S6 

29 

453 
807 
409 
994 

3.I3D 

26 

360 

5.6l4 

33 

49° 

2,492 
10 

699 

898 


197,503 

11,106 

4,484 

17,025 

2,281 

508 

7,219 

5,8oo 

7,3o6 

10,803 

7,641 

14,398 

194,310 

3,717 

26,521 

32,282 

5,869 

5,414 

2,236 

8,968 

1,116 

11,792 

3,143 

152,182 

5,2O0 
14,740 
2,096 
3,997 
io,57I 
5,947 
8,449 
5,269 

92,834 
4,564 
2,587 

20,947 
1,458 
7,051 
6,134 

4L2S9 
9,884 

2,357 

63,113 
4,430 
1,333 

25,144 
5,713 

3,275 
3,788 


$730 

S9 

51 
49 
37 
31 

29 

22 
22 
21 
21 


695 
73 
61 

55 
42 
41 
35 
31 
29 
23 
20 

638 
92 
53 
39 
33 
33 
32 
22 
20 

493 
148 
48 
45 
34 
21 
20 

323 

152 

73 

311 
74 
28 

222 

105 

21 

24 


$307 
22 

5 
28 

5 
26 


11 

11 
9 

II 

278 
8 

a 
30 

9 
27 

4 
11 

4 
12 
11 

249 
7 

15 
5 

19 
24 
24 
12 
10 

157 
21 

6 
22 

3 
II 
15 

62 

16 

9 

1 05 
6 


48 
10 


26.  2 

52-3 

8.0 

22.6 

-  7-5 

-  0.4 

237 

127. 1 

-  0.4 


-  9-1 
20.2 

17.8 
35-3 
12. 1 

-  4 

-  5 
27 


5 
5 
3 

27-5 
20.  2 

•   9-4 
21. I 

76.3 


II  .1 
IS-7 

7-7 
13- 1 

7-9 
II. 9 

15-9 

U-5 

7-6 


20. 

6 
85 

5 
33 
37 


26.3 

-  0.6 

■  8.3 

6.5 

19.9 

25.8 

6.8 


11. 4 
132 

10.5 

35- 1 


A  minus  sign  ( — )  denotes  decrease. 


178  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

TABLE  XXIX— Continued 


State  and  Industry 


Colorado  (all  industries) 

Montana  (all  industries) 

Utah  (all  industries) 

Smelting,  lead 

Arizona  (all  industries) 

Smelting  and  refining,  copper 

Idaho  (all  industries) 

Nevada  (all  industries) 

New  Mexico  (all  industries) 

Wyoming  (all  industries) 

California  (all  industries) 

Canning  and  preserving 

Petroleum  refining 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Slaughtering  and  meat  packing .... 

Printing  and  publishing 

Foundry  and  machine-shop  products 
Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . 
Bread  and  other  bakery  products.  . 
Butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk . 

Washington  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 

Flour-mill  and  gristmill  products. . . 

Oregon  (all  industries) 

Lumber  and  timber  products 


Per- 

Number 

Average 

Total 
Value  of 
Products 

Value 

centage  of 

of 

Number 

Added  by 

Increase  in 

Establish- 

of Wage 

Manu- 

Value of 

ments 

Earners 

facture 

Products 

1909-14 

2.126 

27.278 

$137 

$  47 

5-2 

939 

13,704 

84 

38 

153 

1,109 

13.894 

87 

25 

40.  S 

3 

1,882 

22 

4 

322 

6,898 

64 

25 

27. s 

9 

2,900 

53 

19 

30.1 

698 

8,919 

28 

14 

27.0 

1 80 

3,°5S 

16 

7 

3S3 

368 

3,776 

9 

5 

18.0 

337 

2,989 

11 

6 

79.6 

to,os7 

139,481 

713 

265 

34-6 

289 

12,756 

6i 

IS 

85.8 

38 

1.930 

56 

17 

210.6 

632 

22,438 

53 

27 

17. S 

108 

2,220 

50 

9 

45-9 

1.543 

8,759 

35 

25 

38.9 

1,097 

9,747 

32 

17 

18.7 

132 

1,067 

24 

5 

-   4-4 

1,116 

4,851 

22 

10 

23.4 

201 

1,044 

20 

2 

60.4 

3,829 

67,205 

245 

109 

II. 1 

939 

38,079 

84 

45 

-   6.3 

100 

928 

24 

3 

32.6 

2.320 

28,829 

no 

47 

18.0 

526 

I3.SS8 

31 

17 

2.4 

CHAPTER  IX 

NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES 

1.    TOPOGRAPHY  AND   UNDERLYING  ROCK  IN 
NEW  ENGLAND1 

Maine.  The  surface  of  Maine  consists  essentially  of  an  exten- 
sive southward-facing  slope  draining  directly  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
and  a  smaller  northward-facing  slope  draining  into  St.  John  River. 
The  latter  area  is  a  great  plain  covered  largely  by  swamps  and  inter- 
rupted by  a  few  irregular-shaped  hills.  The  surface  of  the  southern 
slope  is  much  more  broken.  It  is  crossed  by  many  ridges  of  low 
mountains  trending  east  or  northeast,  some  of  which  rise  several 
thousand  feet  above  the  platform  on  which  they  rest.  These  are 
separated  by  wide  areas  of  plain,  on  which  are  many  small  glacial 
hills  and  ridges.  Near  the  coast  the  surface  is  rough.  Rocky 
ridges  and  low,  bare  hills  stretch  from  the  shore  line  some  miles 
inland,  but  the  hills  are  not  lofty  and  the  valleys  between  them  are 
not  deep.  The  northern  portion  of  the  state  is  underlain  by  moder- 
ately folded  limestones,  shales  and  sandstones,  cut  here  and  there 
by  igneous  rocks.  The  section  bordering  on  the  coast  is  underlain 
by  granites,  gneisses,  and  other  crystalline  rocks.  The  central  por- 
tion of  the  state  is  composed  of  slates,  quartzites,  and  limestones, 
very  much  like  the  rocks  in  the  northern  belt,  but  more  crystalline 
and  more  closely  folded.  Upon  the  rocks  of  all  three  belts  the 
ice  sheet  deposited  clay,  sand,  gravel,  and  a  mixture  of  clay  and 
bowlders.  It  is  from  such  glacial  material  that  the  soils  of  New 
England  have  been  formed. 

New  Hampshire  Taken  as  a  whole  New  Hampshire  is  more 
rugged  than  any  other  New  England  state.  Although  the  White 
Mountains  are  lacking  in  the  definite  trend  which  characterizes  the 

■Adapted  from  M.  L.  Fuller,  "Underground  Waters  of  Eastern  United 
States,"  United  States  Geological  Survey,  Water-Supply  and  Irrigation  Paper 
No.  114,  pp.  41,  42,  57,  58,  60,  68.  Mr.  Fuller  is  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Geological  Survey. 

179 


180  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Green  Mountain  and  Berkshire  Hill  ranges,  they  comprise,  never- 
theless, the  highest  and  most  rugged  peaks  of  the  eastern  section  of 
the  country  north  of  North  Carolina.  The  highest  land  is  the  western 
and  northern  parts  of  the  state,  culminating  in  the  White  Mountains 
of  the  north-central  portion,  where  Mount  Washington  and  several 
other  peaks  reach  elevations  of  5,000  to  6,000  feet  or  over.  The 
lowest  area  within  the  state  is  in  the  southeastern  portion,  where 
much  of  the  land  is  less  than  500  feet  above  sea-level,  considerable 
tracts  lie  between  500  and  1,000  feet  and  a  few  hills  and  ridges  above 
1,000  feet.  In  most  instances  the  hills  and  mountains  present 
smooth  and  rounded-out  lines  while  most  of  the  valleys  are  wide 
with  gentle  or  moderate  slopes. 

Like  other  New  England  states,  New  Hampshire  is  covered  with 
surface  deposits  of  unconsolidated  material  laid  down  by  the  ice 
sheet  or  its  associated  drainage  ways.  This  surface  material  or  drift 
is  not  of  uniform  distribution,  being  in  general  of  much  greater 
thickness  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  state  than  in  the  northern. 
Neither  is  the  drift  of  uniform  thickness  in  the  same  general  region, 
the  crests  and  sides  of  the  mountains  and  many  of  the  higher  hills 
being  thinly  coated  with  or  even  nearly  free  from  glacial  materials. 
In  the  valleys  and  on  the  lowlands,  however,  the  drift  deposits  reach 
a  considerable  thickness  and  afford  the  most  important  source  of 
water  in  the  state. 

Vermont.  The  Green  Mountain  Range  which  divides  Vermont 
into  nearly  equal  east  and  west  portions,  forms  a  watershed  from 
which  most  of  the  streams  flow  either  east  into  the  Connecticut  or 
west  into  Lake  Champlain.  As  the  mountains  and  foothills  occupy 
a  large  portion  of  the  state  there  is  little  level  ground,  the  surface 
being  mostly  uneven — mountain,  hill,  or  valley.  The  whole  state  is 
covered  with  glacial  deposits.  The  largest  area  of  land  level  enough 
to  farm  is  in  the  Champlain  lowland  which  is  a  prosperous  farming 
district. 

Southern  New  England.  In  a  broad  way  southern  New  England 
may  be  subdivided  according  to  the  relief  of  the  land,  into  a  num- 
ber of  belts,  each  marked  by  its  own  characteristic  geology  and 
topography.  The  westernmost  of  these  may  be  termed  the  Berk- 
shire Hills.  These  are  a  series  of  mountainous  ridges  lying  in  the  ex- 
treme western  part  of  the  area,  the  rocks  of  which  consist  of  strongly 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  181 

folded  and  faulted  quartzites,  limestones,  slates,  schists,  etc.,  which 
by  resisting  erosion  have  given  rise  to  rugged  topography.  To  the 
east,  the  Berkshire  Hills  grade  into  a  less  rugged  and  somewhat 
lower  region  of  similar  rocks  and  structure,  which  extends  to  the 
lowlands  bordering  the  Connecticut  Valley.  These  lowlands  are 
underlain  by  soft  reddish  sandstones  and  shales.  East  of  the  Con- 
necticut Valley  is  a  dissected  crystalline  upland  which  in  some  places 
extends  to  the  coast.  In  the  vicinity  of  Boston  and  of  Narragansett 
Bay  there  are  somewhat  level  areas  underlain  with  sandstones,  con- 
glomerates, and  slates.  Cape  Cod  and  a  portion  of  the  adjacent 
region  consist,  superficially,  entirely  of  gravel  and  sands  of  glacial 
origin.  The  Boston  Basin,  the  Narragansett  lowlands,  and  the  lower 
Connecticut  Valley  are  the  more  important  parts  of  southern  New 
England. 

2.     FARM  PROBLEMS  IN  NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES' 

a)  New  England  is  pre-eminently  a  section  of  small  farms,  due 
largely  to  the  generally  broken  character  of  the  country,  the  farming 
land  being  located  in  small  areas  scattered  among  the  hills.  Since 
the  farms  are  small,  some  type  of  intensive  farming  must  be  followed 
to  make  them  profitable.  Since  the  land  has  already  been  tilled 
longer  than  good  land  will  bear  an  exploitive  system  of  farming, 
some  type  of  live  stock  farming  is  a  necessity  on  most  farms.  As 
the  most  intensive  form  of  stock  farming  is  dairying,  this  latter 
industry  is  naturally  the  leading  one  on  New  England  farms.  Dairy- 
ing, in  the  main,  has  been  a  profitable  business  in  New  England,  but 
in  recent  years  conditions  have  changed,  and  the  outlook  is  not  so 
satisfactory  as  it  has  been  at  various  times  in  the  past. 

Some  of  the  difficulties  which  are  at  present  most  evident  are 
the  high  prices  of  concentrated  feeds  and  of  labor.  Some  sections 
of  New  England,  furthermore,  feel  the  pressure  of  unsatisfactory 
market  conditions,  especially  those  sections  which  ship  milk  to  the 
large  cities,  where  the  farmers  are  offered  a  price  for  their  milk  on 
which  they  can  hardly  make  a  profit. 

1  Adapted  from  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Farmer's  Bulletin, 
No.  337,  pp.  7-8,  and  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry,  Circular  No.  49,  pp.  3-4,  10; 
Vermont  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bulletins  No.  17  and  No.  22,  pp.  5-8;  Maine 
Department  of  Agriculture,  Agricultural  Opportunities  in  Maine,  1917,  p.  5. 


1 82  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Outside  of  the  milk-shipping  sections  the  difficulties  mentioned  do 
not  appear,  on  careful  observation,  to  be  the  most  fundamental, 
though  they  are  the  most  obvious.  Taking  the  northeastern  states  of 
the  Union  as  a  whole,  owing  to  climate  and  topography  the  land  is 
in  general  adapted  to  the  growth  of  grass  and  trees.  The  fact  that 
grass  is  so  much  at  home  in  those  states  has  led  to  a  serious  fault  in 
New  England  dairy  farming,  namely,  the  mismanagement  of  grass 
lands.  This  consists  in  the  main  of  a  lack  of  proper  treatment  for 
permanent  grass  lands  and  of  suitable  rotations  for  other  land,  as 
well  as  the  use  for  grass  growing  of  land  which  does  not  give  profitable 
returns  from  grass  and  which  should  rightfully  be  devoted  to  tree 
growth,  either  as  woodland  or  orchards.  Another  frequent  and  wide- 
spread fault  is  the  habit  of  cutting  the  hay  crop  entirely  too  late 
in  the  season,  which  of  itself  shortens  the  life  of  the  meadow  and 
results  in  an  inferior  quality  of  hay  for  dairy  feeding. 

Closely  associated  with  poor  management  of  grass  lands  is  the 
failure  to  utilize  other  crops  available  for  this  section,  especially 
corn.  In  southern  New  England  there  is  little  difficulty  in  growing 
good  silage  corn,  but  as  one  travels  northward  there  is  evidence  of  a 
lack  of  suitable  varieties  of  corn  for  silage.  This  difficulty  is  not 
insuperable.  There  are  varieties  of  corn  that  can  be  grown  for  silage 
in  all  but  the  most  northern  counties  in  New  England.  What  is 
most  needed  is  that  sufficient  attention  be  given  to  the  selection  of 
seed  in  order  to  develop  strains  of  corn  fitted  to  the  requirements  of 
the  different  sections. 

b)  One  of  the  most  important  problems  confronting  farmers  in 
the  eastern  states  is  the  improvement  of  worn-out  pastures.  This  is 
especially  true  in  eastern  New  York  and  the  New  England  states 
which  primarily  are  regions  of  live  stock  farming,  for  the  most  part 
dairying.  The  problem  of  the  old  pastures  is  closely  associated  with 
the  general  problem  of  producing  feed  for  dairy  cows  on  the  farms  of 
those  states.  The  pastures  in  this  region  are  of  two  general  types: 
(i)  those  that  are  smooth  enough  to  permit  cultivation  and  which, 
if  so  desired,  can  be  included  in  a  rotation  system;  and  (2)  those 
that  are  too  rough  and  too  rocky  to  permit  cultivation  and  can 
only  be  utilized  as  pastures  or  allowed  to  grow  up- to  timber.  Figures 
have  not  been  obtained  to  show  the  relative  percentage  of  these  two 
types  of  pastures.     In  eastern  New  York  it  is  probable  that  the  area 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  183 

of  each  kind  is  about  the  same.  In  the  New  England  states  the 
country  is  more  broken,  and  the  rough,  broken  pasture  land  that 
must  always  remain  as  such  greatly  predominates. 

These  pastures  were  cleared  of  timber  from  forty  to  one  hundred 
years  ago,  depending  somewhat  on  the  locality  in  which  they  are 
situated.  For  the  most  part  they  were  allowed  to  sod  over  by 
natural  processes.  So  far  as  can  be  learned,  they  have  been  grazed 
continuously  from  early  spring  until  late  fall,  practically  to  their  full 
grazing  capacity,  ever  since  their  establishment.  During  this  time 
almost  no  improvement  in  the  way  of  fertilizing,  seeding,  or  keeping 
the  weeds  down  has  been  attempted.  As  a  result  many  of  these 
pastures  have  been  so  badly  overgrazed  that  at  the  present  time 
they  do  not  produce  enough  feed  to  pay  for  maintaining  the  fences, 
let  alone  the  building  of  new  ones.  In  many  cases  weeds  have  taken 
complete  possession.  In  a  number  of  instances  the  pastures  have 
been  entirely  abandoned  and  are  growing  up  to  young  timber.  Close 
grazing  leads  to  the  deterioration  of  pastures  because  (1)  it  prevents 
perennial  plants  storing  the  food  necessary  for  starting  in  spring; 
(2)  it  results  in  a  heavy  loss  of  humus;  (3)  it  makes  the  ground  too 
dry  for  the  maintenance  of  native  forage  plants;  and  (4)  it  causes 
a  considerable  loss  of  plant  food  from  the  soil. 

It  is  stated  that  this  depreciation  has  been  very  rapid  during  the 
last  twenty  years.  There  are  two  reasons  for  this:  First,  the  depre- 
ciation of  a  pasture  as  the  result  of  overgrazing  will  be  much  greater 
during  the  latter  half  or  even  quarter  of  the  period  grazed  than  in 
the  preceding  years.  Again,  with  the  increased  demand  for  dairy 
products  and  with  better  facilities  for  transportation  there  has  been 
a  decided  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  farmers  to  buy  western  grain 
and  raise  only  the  necessary  roughage  on  their  places.  This  has 
enabled  them  to  carry  much  more  stock.  With  this  increase  in 
stock  there  has  not  been  any  corresponding  increase  in  the  size  of 
the  pastures,  nor  has  there  been  any  attempt  to  increase  their  carry- 
ing capacity.  These  conditions  can  be  remedied  by  (1)  the  preven- 
tion of  overgrazing;  (2)  the  prevention  of  too  early  grazing;  (3)  fer- 
tilizing; (4)  cultivating;  (5)  reseeding;  and  (6)  the  eradication  of 
weeds. 

c)  It  has  been  apparent  for  some  time  that  the  production  and 
distribution  of  milk  in  the  New  England  states  is  not  on  a  sound 


1 84  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

economic  basis,  and  that  there  is  something  radically  wrong  with  the 
way  in  which  this  important  industry  is  now  being  conducted.  It  is 
obvious  that  the  opportunities  in  the  industry  are  far  from  being  fully 
realized  (191 5).  The  large  cities  of  southern  New  England  would 
naturally  look  to  the  adjoining  territory  for  their  supply.  This  terri- 
tory (northern  and  central  New  England)  is  well  able  to  support  a 
flourishing  dairy  industry — and  dairying  should  naturally  be  the 
largest  single  branch  of  New  England  agriculture,  our  greatest  single 
industry. 

Generally  speaking  the  per  capita  consumption  of  milk  in  the 
United  States  has  been  steadily  increasing;  but  in  certain  districts 
of  New  England  the  per  capita  consumption  has  been  decreasing  for 
the  past  ten  years,  and  the  amount  required  has  been  drawn  from  a 
larger  and  larger  territory,  and  from  districts  more  and  more  remote. 

In  short,  despite  the  increase  in  our  urban  population,  the  out- 
put of  the  principal  agricultural  industry  in  the  immediate  adjoining 
territory  has  declined  Country  districts,  which  ought  to  be  flourish- 
ing, are  at  a  standstill.  . 

Fifteen  years  ago,  Maine  had  72  creameries,  New  Hampshire  24, 
Vermont  240  (including  about  30  cheese  factories),  Massachusetts  20, 
and  Connecticut  19,  which  sent  their  entire  product  to  market  as 
butter  or  cheese.  Boston  received  its  milk  supply  from  a  radius  of 
125  to  150  miles,  and  the  other  large  cities  in  New  England  from 
their  immediate  vicinity.  The  sale  of  cream  was  only  beginning; 
previous  to  this  period  it  was  a  very  small  factor  in  the  milk  industry. 

Today  (191 5),  55  of  the  72  creameries  in  Maine  are  owned  by 
4  companies  which  ship  the  greater  part  of  their  product  as  whole 
milk,  cream,  and  skim  milk,  making  butter  in  the  surplus  season  of 
the  year  only.  In  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,  from  60  to  75  per 
cent  of  the  creameries  are  owned  by  8  or  10  dealers  who  are  shipping 
the  greater  part  of  their  product  as  whole  milk,  cream,  and  skim 
milk,  and  are  making  butter  of  the  surplus. 

In  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  there  are  about  30  creameries 
which  are  selling,  for  the  most  part,  cream  and  butter,  their  output 
being  small  in  comparison  with  the  big  dairy  sections  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, Vermont,  Maine,  and  Quebec. 

Since  1910  there  has  been  a  remarkable  increase  in  the  sale  of 
cream  not  only  for  ice-cream  but  for  general  family  use,  in  cooking. 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  185 

in  serving  fancy  dishes  in  the  hotels  and  restaurants,  and  in  candy 
manufacturing,  until  now  the  price  paid  for  cream  establishes  largely 
the  basis  for  the  price  paid  for  milk. 

Metropolitan  Boston  receives  about  20  per  cent  of  its  milk  supply 
locally,  and  80  per  cent  from  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
eastern  New  York,  and  Connecticut.  It  receives  its  cream  supply 
from  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Quebec,  and  New  York. 

Previous  to  1910  there  was  a  duty  on  milk,  cream,  and  butter 
coming  in  from  Canada.  At  present  there  is  a  duty  on  butter  only. 
Milk  and  cream  come  in  duty  free. 

d)  Since  Vermont  is  located  but  a  short  distance  from  the  large 
market  centers  of  New  England  and  New  York,  it  would  seem  that 
the  marketing  problem  for  our  producers  should  be  a  comparatively 
simple  one,  but  a  visit  to  one  of  these  markets  will  convince  a  stu- 
dent of  the  problem  that  skill  in  preparation  for  market  and  in 
transportation  has  overcome  the  handicap  of  distance  for  more  remote 
sections.  It  is  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  in  any  of  our  large  markets 
fruits,  vegetables,  poultry  products,  etc.,  shipped  for  a  distance  of 
over  a  thousand  miles  selling  for  much  better  prices  than  similar 
products  shipped  from  a  distance  of  one  to  three  hundred  miles.  The 
reason  is  that  shippers  from  a  distance,  because  of  high  transporta- 
tion charges,  have  been  forced  to  bring  their  produce  up  to  a  high 
standard.  The  citrus  fruit  growers  of  California  and  the  apple 
growers  of  Washington  and  Oregon,  through  co-operative  associations, 
have  been  able  to  standardize  their  products  to  such  a  degree  that 
a  commission  firm  in  Boston  or  New  York  feels  safe  to  order  a  car- 
load of  a  particular  brand,  guaranteed  by  one  of  these  associations, 
knowing  that  the  fruit  sent  will  be  up  to  the  standard  of  the  brand 
ordered.  Since  dealers  prefer  to  deal  in  a  wholesale  way  in  standard- 
ized goods  rather  than  in  small  lots  of  unstandardized  goods,  the  best 
trade  is  naturally  going  to  those  progressive  sections  which  have 
learned  to  co-operate  for  the  improvement  of  their  products.  This 
is  a  lesson  we  must  learn  in  Vermont  if  we  expect  to  make  the  most 
of  our  agricultural  opportunities.  There  is  an  almost  unlimited 
market  for  Vermont  butter,  cheese,  eggs,  poultry,  maple  sugar, 
fruit,  and  vegetables,  but  these  things  must  be  produced  so  that  they 
will  be  of  the  finest  quality  and  packed  and  transported  to  market 
so  they  will  arrive  in  the  finest  possible  condition. 


1 80  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

e)  Of  the  total  land  area  of  Maine,  only  9,839  square  miles  are 
devoted  to  farming  and  but  a  little  more  than  a  third  of  this,  or 
3,688  square  miles,  are  classed  as  "improved  land  in  farms."  In 
other  words,  though  the  most  remote  point  in  Maine  is  less  than 
250  miles  from  the  populous,  non-food-producing  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and  New  York  markets,  yet  only  about 
a  third  of  the  land  area  is  devoted  to  farms  and  only  a  third  of  the 
farm  land  is  cultivated.  Some  of  the  balance  is  not  suitable  for 
farming — a  great  deal  of  it  is  held  out  of  the  market  because  of  its 
timber  resources — but  there  are  still  thousands  of  acres  of  practically 
virgin  soil  that  are  not  utilized. 

3.     THE  RELATION  OF  ENVIRONMENT  TO  THE  TEXTILE  AND 
PAPER  INDUSTRIES  IN  MASSACHUSETTS' 

The  most  marked  attribute  of  Massachusetts'  chief  industry — 
manufacturing — is  the  degree  to  which  various  types  are  segregated 
or  "localized" — to  use  the  economic  term.  The  textile  industry, 
which  is  the  greatest  one  in  the  state  and  in  whose  parts  Massa- 
chusetts leads  the  nation,  shows  a  marked  tendency  to  cling  to  a  few 
places.  The  cotton  mills  are  for  the  most  part  in  four  localities, 
namely:  on  the  southeast  bays,  the  Merrimac  and  Connecticut  rivers, 
and  the  Blackstone;  the  wool  mills  are  gathered  together  on  the 
small  streams  of  the  eastern  highland;  the  shoe  factories  cling  to 
the  Boston  lowland  and  eastern  plateau;  and  the  writing-paper  plants 
are  concentrated  in  the  Connecticut  Valley.  A  similar  confinement 
to  a  narrow  region  is  true  of  the  jewelry,  whip,  horn-goods,  chair, 
tanning  and  optical  industries.  We  cannot  attribute  this  high  degree 
of  localization  to  physical  causes  entirely,  for  that  is  by  no  means 
true,  yet  the  isolation  caused  by  the  trend  of  the  valleys  has  been  a 
very  large  factor  contributing  to  the  result.  Most  industries  spread 
from  one  center  by  imitation,  so  it  is  quite  natural  that  the  com- 
munities within  easy  reach  from  the  originating  town  should  be  the 
ones  most  likely  to  copy  a  successful  enterprise,  for  the  towns  in  the 
next  valley,  though  near  at  hand  geographically,  are  far  away  socially 

*  Adapted  from  Malcolm  Keir,  "Some  Responses  to  Environment  in  Mas- 
sachusetts," Bulletin  of  the  Geographical  Society  0}  Philadelphia,  July  and  October, 
1917,  pp.  121-38,  167-85.  Mr.  Keir  is  professor  of  economics  at  Dartmouth 
College. 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  1 87 

and  industrially  because  the  lines  of  communication  are  opposed 
to  free  interchange.  We  find,  therefore,  that  the  same  industry  is 
repeated  in  nearly  every  town  in  the  same  valley,  even  when  that 
valley  crosses  two  states,  whereas  the  next  valley,  to  the  east  or 
west,  will  be  occupied  by  a  different  set  of  factories.  As  examples, 
the  Quinnebaug  and  Thames  valleys  are  full  of  woolen  mills  from 
Southbridge,  Massachusetts,  to  Norwich,  Connecticut,  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  next  large  valley  to  the  west,  the  Connecticut,  is 
just  as  characteristically  a  paper  center.  To  clinch  the  matter  yet 
closer,  we  have  but  to  point  to  the  fact  that  the  capitalists  who 
founded  Lowell  created  Lawrence  also,  both  towns  in  the  same 
Merrimac  River  Valley,  but  it  was  Hartford  money  that  built 
Holyoke,  although  Lawrence  and  Holyoke  were  started  about  the 
same  time  and  for  the  same  manufacturing  industry,  namely,  cotton. 
As  a  consequence,  the  localization  of  industry  is  more  characteristic 
of  Massachusetts  than  any  other  state,  a  condition  which  is  not  due 
to  economic  causes  entirely,  but  is  partly  based  on  the  separation  of 
each  little  section  of  Massachusetts  from  all  the  other  parts  of  the 
state. 

A  no  less  important  phase  of  the  natural  surroundings  in  Massa- 
chusetts is  the  effect  produced  upon  the  lives  and  occupations  of  the 
people  by  the  one-time  visitation  of  the  glacier,  the  most  important 
and  far-reaching  event  in  the  geological  history  of  the  state.  By 
forming  numerous  water-power  sites,  made  excellent  by  reservoir 
lakes,  the  glacier  was  directly  responsible  for  the  later  growth  of 
manufacturing  in  Massachusetts;  by  distorting  the  soil,  the  ice  sheet 
set  in  motion  those  forces  which  have  made  agriculture  in  the  state 
of  so  little  importance;  and  by  removing  the  overburden  of  rock  the 
passage  of  the  northern  invader  brought  to  light  the  underlying  stores 
of  granite,  the  chief  rock  resource  of  the  present  commonwealth; 
therefore,  manufacturing,  agriculture,  and  quarrying,  the  three  great 
industries  of  the  present,  have  grown  out  of  conditions  produced  in 
this  one  geological  era  of  the  past. 

Wherever  the  ancient  rivers  were  obstructed  by  glacial  material, 
they  were  forced  to  find  new  paths  around  the  blocked  passageway 
and  in  making  the  detour  often  flowed  over  uncut  ledges;  the  power 
at  falls  thus  created  has  been  a  source  of  wealth  that  is  difficult  to 
estimate  because  the  hundreds  of  small  places  made  available  for 


1 88  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

manufacturing  proved  a  boon  to  the  earliest  experimenters  in  factory 
enterprises  and  helped  to  establish  manufacturing  as  the  foremost 
industry  of  Massachusetts.  All  of  the  brooks  and  small  streams  of 
the  state  are  full  of  falls  and  reach  the  large  rivers  through  narrow 
canyons,  both  of  which  conditions  favored  their  early  development, 
for  the  reason  that  small  streams  were  easier  to  control  than  large 
rivers  and  the  canyons  readily  accommodated  themselves  to  dams 
and  reservoirs. 

Waterfalls  are  useless  for  power  purposes  unless  the  stream  flow 
is  maintained  with  a  high  degree  of  uniformity  throughout  the  year 
and  here  again  the  glacier  aided  the  future  commonwealth,  for  not 
only  did  the  ice  sheet  produce  falls  but  also  made  natural  reservoirs 
wherein  flood  waters  were  stored  and  streams  regulated  during  the 
dry  season.  After  the  main  body  of  ice  left  the  land,  there  remaine  1 
in  hollows  and  deep  valleys  blocks  of  ice  which,  slowly  rotting,  left 
depressions  that  formed  lakes.  In  the  course  of  time  some  of  these 
lakes  have  been  partially  filled  by  vegetation  and  are  now  swamps. 
Both  the  lakes  and  swamps  perform  the  same  function  of  accom- 
modating floods  and  holding  back  the  water  so  as  to  bring  about  a 
more  uniform  flow  in  the  stream.  It  is  the  combination  of  falls,  and 
regularity  in  the  volume  of  water,  that  makes  a  site  valuable  for 
power,  and  since  the  glacier  endowed  Massachusetts  with  both  of 
these  advantages,  it  enabled  her  to  lead  the  way  in  the  development 
of  manufactures. 

Naturally  the  most  falls  were  in  the  highlands  and  mountains  of 
Massachusetts  and  when  about  1750  water-power  commenced  to  be 
utilized  for  small  mills,  a  deflection  of  population  from  the  coastal 
plain  and  plateau  took  place,  so  that  almost  all  of  the  present  towns 
of  importance  in  the  inland  territory  began  their  history  between 
1750  and  1825.  For  the  first  time  the  domain  remote  from  salt 
water  assumed  an  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  progressive  young 
men  in  Massachusetts;  a  new  resource  was  spread  before  their  gaze. 
Mill  after  mill  was  set  up,  and  towns  consequently  appeared  where 
previously  lonely  farmers  had  led  sequestered  lives.  The  "Father 
of  the  Cotton  Industry,"  Samuel  Slater,  whose  first  factory  was  at 
Pawtucket,  Rhode  Island  (1790),  followed  the  Blackstone  River 
back  into  Massachusetts  and  established  a  new  project  in  that  part 
of  Oxford  that  is  now  Webster.     The  whole  Blackstone  Valley  from 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  189 

Worcester  to  Providence  became  virtually  one  continuous  mill  village, 
and  similarly  the  Quinnebaug  River,  from  its  diminutive  sources  above 
Southbridge  southward  to  Norwich,  Connecticut,  clattered  with  the 
activity  of  wool  mills.  The  Chicopee,  the  Westfield,  and  especially 
the  small  branches  of  all  the  streams  named,  took  on  an  importance 
that  hitherto  had  been  utterly  foreign  to  them.  In  this  manner  and 
for  the  purpose  of  developing  the  water  resources,  inland  Massa- 
chusetts was  settled  and  transformed  to  a  region  of  potential  con- 
sequence. To  the  citizen  of  181 2  who  saw  commerce  paralyzed,  and 
the  promise  of  a  rapid  rise  in  the  importance  of  manufacturing,  it 
must  have  seemed  that  the  long-neglected  interior  of  the  state  would 
soon  threaten  the  sovereignty  of  the  shore  zone,  for  the  man  of  that 
time  could  not  have  foretold  the  limitations  that  progress  in  machines 
would  place  upon  the  water-power  of  the  state;  he  could  not  have 
predicted  that  looms  and  spinning  frames  would  grow  so  large  and 
heavy  that  the  power  of  many  of  the  small  streams  would  be  inade- 
quate. The  era  of  water-power  helped  to  distribute  the  population 
over  a  wider  area  and  bring  into  usefulness  a  great  proportion  of  the 
territory  of  the  state,  and  in  its  heyday  the  textile  industry  became 
largely  fixed  as  an  inland  business.  If  the  invention  of  textile 
machinery  had  come  after  the  successful  application  of  steam  engines 
to  factory  needs  instead  of  before  it,  central  Massachusetts  would 
never  have  been  much  more  than  a  summer  resort.  How  true  this 
statement  is  may  be  gauged  by  the  shoe  industry  in  which  the  indus- 
trial revolution  did  not  take  place  until  after  1850,  with  the  result 
that  it  has  always  hugged  the  shore.  If  this  business  had  been  put 
upon  a  machine  basis  at  the  time  when  cotton  was  wrested  from 
hand  labor,  it  inevitably  would  have  been  moved  inland1  upon  power 
sites,  and  the  momentum  of  an  early  start  would  have  kept  it  there. 
Fall  River  and  New  Bedford,  located  upon  the  coast  and  using 
coal  for  power,  illustrate  what  would  have  happened  to  the  majority 
of  cotton  mills  if  they  had  succeeded  rather  than  preceded  the  steam 
engine.  We  must  attribute  the  expansion  of  inland  Massachusetts 
to  its  resource  of  glacially  derived  water-power  and  consider  it  fortu- 

1  There  is  a  tendency  on  foot  at  present  for  shoe  factories  to  move  inland  to 
textile  centers,  but  this  is  due  to  the  exactions  of  labor  upon  the  coast  and  the 
effort  of  manufacturers  to  escape  to  a  town  where  their  shops  will  be  the  most 
prized  work  places  because  their  wages  are  higher  than  in  a  cotton  or  woolen  mill. 


190  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

nate  that  its  factories  became  firmly  rooted  before  coal  was  used  for 
power  purposes. 

The  earliest  attempts  at  manufacturing  were  upon  an  exceedingly 
simple  scale,  hence  unbelievably  tiny  streams  could  be  utilized  for 
power.  For  example,  the  story  is  told  that  at  Southbridge  upon  a 
branch  of  the  Quinnebaug  River,  the  manufacturer  whose  little  shop 
has  grown  into  the  great  American  Optical  Company  was  accustomed 
to  employ  a  horse  to  furnish  power  when  the  brook  ran  dry  in  sum- 
mer; and  at  one  time  a  lusty  negro  was  hired  at  ten  cents  an  hour 
to  turn  the  wheels.  Power  requirements  so  small  as  this  did  not 
necessitate  large  streams;  therefore,  wherever  a  brook  flowed  there  a 
shop  might  be  found,  and  the  glacier  had  left  the  state  a  legacy  of 
innumerable  such  waterways.  Fire,  flood,  and  failure  wiped  out 
many  of  the  experiments  in  manufacturing  and  only  a  gaunt,  naked 
water  wheel  on  a  broken  raceway  marks  the  scene  of  former  activity; 
but  not  all  the  early  attempts  came  to  an  end  so  evil,  for  many  of 
the  first  little  shops  have  grown  into  great  plants,  such  as  the  Ameri- 
can Optical  Company  just  mentioned.  The  chief  importance  of  the 
numerous  little  falls  is  that  they  encouraged  so  many  men  to  try  their 
fortunes  in  factory  enterprises  out  of  which  the  fittest  have  survived 
and  placed  Massachusetts  among  the  leading  American  manufac- 
turing states. 

The  age  of  small-scale  operation  did  not  last  long,  especially  in 
Massachusetts'  greatest  industry,  cotton  cloth  production,  because 
improvements  in  machinery  were  made  so  rapidly  and  spinning 
frames  and  looms  became  so  much  larger  and  heavier  that  the  small 
water-powers  were  utterly  inadequate  to  drive  the  belts  and  turn 
the  shafts;  hence  cotton  manufacturing  concentrated  upon  the  large 
rivers.  A  case  in  point  is  furnished  by  the  Boston  Manufacturing 
Company,  whose  first  mill  at  Waltham,  built  in  1813,  was  the  earliest 
complete  cotton  factory  in  America,  but  which  by  1825  was  incapable 
of  expanding  to  fit  the  enlarged  requirements  of  the  business  because 
the  stream  was  too  small.  The  company  bought  a  site  on  the  Merri- 
mac,  at  a  point  where  it  drops  32  feet,  and  brings  to  the  use  of  man 
30,000  horse-power,  so  that  next  to  Holyoke  it  is  the  most  valuable 
power  in  New  England;  there  (in  1826)  out  of  the  woods  the  town 
of  Lowell  was  brought  to  life.  By  1850  Lowell  had  a  population  of 
33,000  and  was  exceeded  in  size  only  by  Boston.     Along  the  banks 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  19 1 

of  its  power  canals  there  were  33  mills,  but  since  there  seemed  to  be 
no  possibility  of  additional  expansion,  the  group  of  men  in  control 
went  farther  down  the  Merrimac  and  selected  the  location1  for  a 
new  village  where  Lawrence  now  stands.  That  city  at  present  con- 
tains the  largest  woolen  mills  in  the  world. 

At  about  the  same  time  as  the  inception  of  Lawrence,  plans  were 
matured  to  erect  on  the  Connecticut  River  within  the  confines  of 
present-day  Holyoke,  a  city  which  would  be  a  second  Lowell.  In 
furtherance  of  this  object  a  dam  was  built  across  the  state's  greatest 
river  and  when  completed  the  Lyman  Mills  were  established  on  the 
power  site  thus  brought  into  use.  Therefore,  as  the  cotton  industry 
grew,  the  wealth  of  small  power  sites  was  neglected  and  the  few  of 
the  first  magnitude  developed,  but  large  as  well  as  small  powers 
were  a  heritage  of  the  glacier. 

A  similar  advance  from  small  streams  to  a  great  river  is  shown 
by  the  paper  industry  of  the  state.  In  the  Berkshire  Valley,  where 
some  of  the  first  attempts  to  manufacture  paper  had  been  made,  mills 
became  a  most  familiar  sight,  for  between  1800  and  1850,  27  paper- 
producing  plants  were  built  there.  The  town  of  Lee  seemed  in  a 
fair  way  toward  becoming  a  paper  center  of  great  importance,  for 
there  were  no  less  than  18  mills  within  its  boundaries.  However,  a 
change  in  paper  manufacture  took  place  which  robbed  Lee  of  most 
of  its  glory.  The  mills  of  which  those  at  Lee  were  a  type  used  but 
small  amounts  of  power  to  reduce  rags  to  a  pulp.  Frequently  the 
Lee  paper-makers  formed  the  sheets  by  hand,  for  even  the  small, 
crude,  easily  operated  machines  often  were  not  installed  for  this 
second  division2  of  papermaking.  A  revolution  was  started  when 
Foudrinier  (1803)  invented  a  machine  that  turned  out  a  large  amount 
of  paper  continuously,  for  this  machine  necessitated  a  great  deal  of 
power  to  keep  it  running.  The  machine  alone  took  up  as  much 
room  as  a  whole  mill  did  previous  to  its  invention.  Furthermore, 
the  machine  called  tor  a  much  enhanced  amount  of  pulp,  so  that  the 
pulp  grinders  were  necessarily  increased  in  capacity  and  consequently 
demanded  more  power  to  operate.  The  Foudrinier  machine  there- 
fore paved  the  way  for  large-scale  production,  and  made  cheap  power 

1  Develops  11, goo  horse-power  at  26- foot  fall. 

2  Paper  manufacture  has  three  divisions:    (1)  reduction  of  raw  material  to 
pulp;   (2)  sheets,  single  or  continuous,  formed  from  pulp;   (3)  finishing. 


192  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

a  crucial  factor.  The  greatest  water-power  in  the  state  was  estab- 
lished when  the  Holyoke  dam  was  constructed,  so  the  largest  paper 
mills  were  built  along  the  canals  that  cross  the  city,  and  it  became  the 
greatest  writing-paper  center  in  the  country.  There  are  a  few 
famous  mills  in  the  Berkshire  Valley,  for  example,  the  Z.  and  W.  M. 
Crane,  Old  Berkshire  Mills,  the  Pioneer  Mills  and  the  Government 
Mills,  in  which  latter  our  paper  for  money  is  produced,  but  despite 
these  noted  exceptions  the  supremacy  in  high-grade  paper-making 
rests  with  Holyoke  and  is  founded  on  cheap  power.  Glacial  action 
turned  the  Connecticut  River  from  its  true  course  at  that  point  and 
in  endeavoring  to  get  back  to  its  former  path  the  river  has  cut  across 
intervening  ledges  and  falls  70  feet  in  2  miles.  The  volume  of  the 
river  is  so  great  that  this  fall  created  40,000  horse-power,  a  figure 
unsurpassed  in  New  England.  The  influence  of  abundant  cheap 
power  changed  the  headship  of  the  paper  industry  from  ancient  Lee 
to  upstart  Holyoke. 

The  paper  industry,  as  well  as  the  cotton,  shows  that  first  the 
small,  then  the  large,  powers  enabled  manufacturing  to  get  a  firm  hold 
upon  Massachusetts,  and  inasmuch  as  manufacturing  is  the  greatest 
wealth-producer  in  the  state  and  the  products  have  made  the  state 
famous  throughout  the  nation,  the  glacier  has  had  no  small  share  in 
shaping  the  destinies  of  the  commonwealth  and  influencing  the  lives 
of  the  people. 

4.     GEOGRAPHIC  INFLUENCES  IN  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF 

NEW  YORK  STATE1 

It  is  the  chief  purpose  of  this  paper  to  show  how  four  physio- 
graphic features,  joined  in  a  chain,  lie  at  the  foundation  of  the  com- 
mercial and  industrial  leadership  achieved  by  New  York  state. 

Aside  from  part  of  Long  Island,  New  York's  entire  coast  line  is 
comprised  within  the  limits  of  one  city.  Nearly  all  of  the  original 
colonies  have  more  shore  line.  New  York  pushes  a  wedge  of  land 
between  New  England  and  New  Jersey,  barely  gets  the  thin  edge 
down  to  the  sea,  but  that  narrow  edge  has  proved  to  be  worth  more 
than  any  strip  of  coast  on  the  seaboard  of  either  America.  A  few 
facts  may  serve  to  impress  this  point. 

1  Taken  from  R.  H.  Whitbeck,  "Geographical  Influences  in  the  Development 
of  New  York  State,"  Journal  of  Geography,  January,  ion,  pp.  119-24. 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  193 

Add  together  all  of  the  exports  from  all  of  our  ports  on  the  Pacific, 
the  Gulf,  and  the  Atlantic  (without  New  York),  and  they  about  equal 
those  of  New  York  alone.  Add  together  all  of  the  imports  that  come 
to  all  of  our  coast  cities,  except  New  York,  and  they  do  not  equal 
the  imports  through  this  one  city.  Count  all  of  the  people  who  live 
in  ten  states  in  the  western  third  of  this  country  and  they  are  less 
than  those  who  live  in  New  York  City.  Add  together  the  value  of 
all  of  the  manufactures  of  all  of  the  southern  states — n  of  them — 
and  the  total,  splendid  as  it  is,  falls  below  the  total  of  this  single  city. 
Add  together  the  clearings  of  all  of  the  reporting  banks  in  the  United 
States  outside  of  New  York,  and  they  total  but  60  per  cent  of  the 
clearings  of  this  city  (in  1909). 

At  once  the  question  arises,  Why  ? 

A  full  answer  would  be  difficult.  The  causes  that  have  brought 
it  about  are,  of  course,  intricate.  How  much  weight  we  may  properly 
give  to  purely  geographic  causes  is  impossible  to  determine.  That 
the  underlying  cause  is  to  be  found  in  a  connected  group  of  singularly 
favorable  natural  features  is  unquestionable.  However,  before  dis- 
cussing this  dominant  influence,  I  wish  to  mention  briefly  certain 
other  geographical  influences.  Two  factors  have  promoted  manu- 
facturing in  the  state:  (1)  nearness  to  the  coal  mines  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  hence  cheap  fuel;  (2)  abundant  water-power.  Around  the  falls  of 
the  Genesee  grew  up  Rochester,  once  the  greatest  flour-milling  center 
in  America.  Along  the  Mohawk  is  a  string  of  manufacturing  cities 
and  towns,  forming  the  center  of  the  knit-goods  industry  in  this 
country.  One  of  these  cities,  Cohoes,  for  years  made  half  of  the 
hosiery  annually  manufactured  in  the  United  States.  Along  the 
Black  River  and  the  Upper  Hudson  are  chains  of  paper  and  pulp 
mills,  built  to  utilize  the  water-power,  and  the  spruce  forests  of  the 
Adirondack  region.  This  region  is  still  the  largest  producer  of  wood 
pulp  and  paper.  At  Niagara  Falls  are  the  greatest  power  plants  in 
the  world.  In  the  amount  of  water-power  developed,  New  York 
leads  all  of  the  states. 

In  dairy  products  it  still  leads,  notwithstanding  the  rapid  growth 
of  dairying  in  Wisconsin.  The  latter  state  is  now  said  to  make  more 
butter  and  cheese,  but  it  does  not  closely  approach  New  York  in  the 
production  of  milk.  Three  geographical  causes  underlie  this  industry : 
(1)  the  demand  for  these  products,  especially  for  milk,  in  the  many 


194  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

cities  in  New  York;  (2)  the  preponderance  of  clay  soil  in  large  areas 
of  the  state.  Such  soil,  because  of  its  moisture-holding  quality,  sup- 
ports the  best  meadows  and  pastures;  (3)  the  hilly,  almost  moun- 
tainous, character  of  much  of  the  state.  These  hill  farms  have  much 
land  that  is  too  steep  to  till,  but  can  be  profitably  pastured.  Dairy- 
ing is  of  small  importance  on  the  Ontario  plain. 

New  York  produces  more  apples  than  any  other  state  and  more 
grapes  than  any  except  California.  The  prize  apple  orchards  are  in 
the  counties  bordering  on  Lake  Ontario.  A  yield  of  a  million  bushels 
a  year  is  nothing  unusual  in  one  of  these  counties.  Chautauqua 
County,  on  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  is  the  grape  belt;  here 
are  miles  of  vineyards.  In  case  of  both  the  apples  and  the  grapes, 
a  simple  climatic  influence  explains  the  reason.  It  is  the  influence 
of  the  lakes  in  protecting  the  fruit  from  both  spring  and  autumn  frosts. 

The  southern  part  of  New  York  belongs  to  the  Alleghany  Plateau. 
In  it  the  upper  branches  of  the  Susquehanna  have  incised  deep  valleys. 
Many  of  them  are  more  than  a  thousand  feet  deep.  The  only  pos- 
sible railway  routes  through  the  southern  counties  ase  through  these 
valleys.  By  determining  where  the  main  railways  should  run, 
these  valleys  determined  where  industrial  centers  should  be.  The 
only  two  cities  of  any  size  are  at  junctions  of  these  valleys.  Three 
important  railway  lines  connecting  New  York  and  Buffalo  traverse 
these  main  valleys,  the  Erie,  the  Lehigh  Valley,  and  the  Lackawanna. 

There  is  one  negative  geographical  influence  in  New  York  that 
is  sufficiently  interesting  to  be  mentioned.  While  Lakes  Superior, 
Michigan,  and  Erie  have  large  and  important  commercial  cities, 
Lake  Ontario  has  not  a  single  one  on  the  United  States  side.  The 
barrier  formed  by  Niagara  Falls  has  entirely  cut  off  Lake  Ontario 
from  any  considerable  participation  in  the  enormous  traffic  on  the 
Great  Lakes. 

While  each  of  the  foregoing  influences  has  been  a  factor  of  impor- 
tance in  affecting  the  economic  growth  of  the  state,  the  chief  influence 
remains  to  be  discussed. 

Without  New  York  City,  the  state  would  hold  only  a  medium 
rank  in  population,  wealth,  commerce,  and  manufacturing.  For  a 
hundred  years  Boston  was  a  more  important  port  than  New  York. 
In  1820  Philadelphia  had  about  the  same  population  as  New  York, 
and  did  an  equally  great  amount  of  business.     New  York  was  by 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  1 95 

no  means  the  leading  colony  prior  to  the  Revolution,  or  the  leading 
state  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic.  It  was  not  until  the  United 
States  began  to  grow  into  a  commercial  and  industrial  nation;  not 
until  the  great  interior,  west  of  the  Appalachians,  became  an  actual 
part  of  the  nation  that  the  exceptional  geographical  features  of  New 
York  state  were  realized.  When  people  began  to  settle  beyond  the 
Appalachians  in  large  numbers  a  new  condition  arose.  <  The  upper 
Mississippi  Valley  could  turn  its  great  resources  into  actual  wealth 
only  by  connection  with  the  eastern  states  and  Europe,  where  lay  a 
market  for  its  products.  So  long  as  it  cost  more  to  deliver  western 
wheat  or  corn  or  meat  to  the  eastern  coast  than  those  products  would 
sell  for  when  they  reached  the  East,  there  was  little  use  of  raising  a 
surplus  of  crops  in  the  West,  no  matter  how  cheap  the  land  or  how 
productive. 

In  the  first  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century,  it  cost  $100  a  ton 
to  get  freight  from  Buffalo  to  Albany.  The  development  of  the 
Middle  West  was  absolutely  dependent  upon  an  outlet  either  to  the 
east  or  to  the  south.  For  many  reasons  the  latter  was  impracticable. 
To  facilitate  the  trade  between  the  East  and  the  West,  the  famous 
Pittsburgh  turnpike  was  built  from  Philadelphia  to  Pittsburgh. 
Products  of  western  New  York  went  down  the  Susquehanna  and 
were  shipped  to  Europe  from  Baltimore,  or  down  the  St.  Lawrence 
by  way  of  Montreal.  The  lead  ore  of  Wisconsin  reached  New  York 
by  way  of  New  Orleans.  During  all  of  this  time,  New  York  state 
seemed  to  be  at  a  disadvantage.  Then  came  the  Canal  Era,  and 
New  York's  peculiar  topography  became  the  one  determining  factor 
in  the  future  growth  of  the  state. 

When  it  began  to  appear  that  a  waterway  from  the  eastern  sea- 
board to  the  West  would  so  lessen  freight  charges  to  and  from  the 
West  that  the  eastern  terminal  city  of  that  waterway  would  command 
the  vast  trade  with  the  interior,  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  and  New 
York  eagerly  turned  their  attention  to  canals.  The  day  of  canal 
traffic  has  probably  passed;  but  there  is  not  the  slightest  question 
that  the  geographical  conditions  which  made  possible  a  canal  from 
the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Atlantic  were  the  beginning  of  Jlie  phenomenal 
growth  of  New  York  and  gave  the  state  a  momenMm  which  has  con- 
tinued. A  canal  from  Baltimore  to  the  Ohio/was  attempted,  built 
up  the  Potomac  to  Cumberland,  but  there  it  stopped.     It  stopped 


196  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

because  there  was  no  gap  by  which  a  waterway  could  be  carried 
across  the  mountains.  Pennsylvania  attempted  a  canal  from  the 
Delaware  to  the  Ohio.  It  reached  the  foot  of  the  Alleghany  escarp- 
ment, but  a  canal  cannot  ascend  a  mountain  wall,  and  no  gap  led 
to  the  Ohio;  the  Portage  Railroad  was  built  to  carry  goods  over  the 
divide,  but  this  was  only  partially  successful.  To  connect  Phila- 
delphia and  Lake  Erie  by  a  waterway  was  impossible.  South  of 
New  York,  no  water  gap,  no  low  pass  leads  across  the  eastern  ranges. 
Consider,  now,  the  conditions  in  New  York. 

1.  The  mouth  of  the  Hudson  is  a  drowned  valley.  The  drowning 
has  not  only  deepened  the  bay  beyond  the  requirements  of  the  largest 
ships,  but  it  has  produced  several  islands — Long,  Staten,  Manhattan, 
and  others — which  enclose  the  bay  and  greatly  extend  its  water 
frontage.  This  made  possible  the  building  of  the  great  number  of 
piers  without  which  New  York's  present  shipping  could  not  be 
handled. 

2.  The  sinking  of  the  land  changed  a  small  Hudson  into  a  deep 
one  with  practically  no  current.  From  Albany  to  New  York,  150 
miles,  the  river  falls  only  5  feet.     It  is  really  an  arm  of  the  sea. 

3.  Westward  from  the  Hudson  extends  the  Mohawk  Valley — 
"the  Eastern  Gateway  of  the  United  States."  Here  the  Appala- 
chian Mountain  system  is  narrow  and  comparatively  low.  During 
the  close  of  the  Glacial  Period,  while  the  glacial  ice  still  blocked  the 
St.  Lawrence,  the  Great  Lakes  drained  to  the  sea  by  way  of  the 
Mohawk-Hudson  Valley,  cut  a  notch  through  the  eastern  mountain 
range  and  made  a  continuous  valley.  Thereafter  the  Mohawk 
headed  west  of  the  mountains  and  a  low  gap — the  only  one  from 
Canada  to  Alabama — had  been  opened  across  the  Appalachian 
highland. 

4.  From  the  Mohawk  westward  is  a  plain  20  to  30  miles  wide, 
leveled  by  the  scraping  and  filling  of  the  ancient  glacier.  So  level  is 
this  plain  that  one  reach  of  the  Erie  Canal  is  50  miles  long  without 
a  lock.  The  only  difficulty  was  encountered  in  rising  from  the 
Ontario  plain  to  the  higher  level  of  Lake  Erie,  necessitating  a  series 
of  locks  at  Lockport. 

For  fifty  years  the  Erie  Canal,  twice  enlarged,  carried  an  enormous 
traffic.  Freight  rates  dropped  as  low  as  a  dollar  a  ton  from  Buffalo 
to  Albany.     The  surplus  products  of  the  Middle  West  poured  through 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  197 

it  and  New  York  City  soon  outstripped  all  competitors.  Had  the 
physiography  of  Pennsylvania  or  of  Maryland,  instead  of  that  of 
New  York,  been  favorable  for  the  canal,  Philadelphia  or  Baltimore 
must,  it  seems  probable,  have  been  more  important  cities  than 
New  York. 

Not  alone  did  the  canal  (and  the  trunk  line  railroad  which  later 
followed  the  same  route)  build  up  the  city  of  New  York,  but  the  same 
influences  built  up  other  parts  of  the  state,  for  other  canals  con- 
nected Lake  Champlain,  Lake  Ontario,  the  Finger  Lakes,  the  Black 
River,  and  the  Genesee  Valley  with  the  Erie  Canal.  No  other  state 
had  such  a  system  of  inland  waterways,  because  no  other  eastern 
state  had  such  a  favorable  physiography.  The  overshadowing 
importance  of  this  trade  route  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  lakes  may  be 
seen  from  such  facts  as  these:  (1)  New  York  is  a  state  of  large  cities 
and  every  one  of  them  is  along  the  canal  route  (including,  of  course, 
the  Hudson).  The  largest  city  not  on  this  route,  Binghamton,  has 
somewhat  more  than  50,000  people.  The  population  of  the  cities  in 
the  canal  counties  is  more  than  twenty  times  as  great  as  the  city 
population  outside  those  counties;  (2)  the  population  of  the  30  canal 
counties  is  about  nine  times  as  great  as  that  of  the  30  non-canal 
counties;  (3)  the  assessed  valuation  of  these  30  canal  counties  is 
about  ten  times  that  of  the  other  30  counties;  (4)  the  excess  of  the 
value  of  manufactures  in  the  canal  counties  over  the  remaining  part 
of  the  state  is  equally  great. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood  that  the  Erie  Canal  is  the  cause  of 
all  this.  The  canal  was  a  big  factor.  The  New  York  Central  Rail- 
road, which  parallels  the  canal  with  four  tracks,  has  been  and  is  a 
large  factor.  The  noteworthy  point  is  that  a  combination  of  harbor, 
drowned  river,  low  gap  through  the  mountains,  and  level  lake  plain — 
all  physiographic  features — have  exerted  a  preponderant  influence 
in  the  making  of  the  Empire  State.  It  was  the  canal  that,  for  several 
decades,  brought  to  New  York  City  the  major  part  of  western  ship- 
ments, and  which  gave  that  city  unequaled  advantage  in  supplying 
western  trade.  It  was  the  big  export  shipments  brought  to  New 
York  by  the  canal  that  made  that  city  the  one  American  port  where 
trans-Atlantic  ships  were  most  sure  of  finding  a  cargo,  and  gradually 
made  that  harbor  the  point  on  which  railway  lines  from  all  states, 
and  steamship  lines  from  all  seas  converged  and  exchanged  traffic. 


198  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Conclusion.  A  variety  of  factors,  both  geographic  and  non- 
geographic,  have  combined  to  direct  the  economic  development  of 
New  York.  Without  any  considerable  mineral  wealth  of  its  own,  it 
fortunately  lies  next  to  the  greatest  mineral-producing  state  of  the 
Union.  The  ungraded  courses  of  many  of  its  rivers,  chiefly  due  to 
the  work  of  the  glacier,  have  supplied  water-powers  of  great  value. 
The  hilly  topography  and  clay  soil  have  favored  dairy  farming  in  a 
large  part  of  the  state  and  made  it  the  first  state  in  dairy  products. 
The  climatic  influence  exerted  by  Lake  Erie  and  Lake  Ontario  has 
resulted  in  extensive  fruit  raising,  making  New  York  first  in  the 
production  of  apples  and  second  only  to  California  in  the  production 
of  grapes. 

But  the  one  dominant  influence  which  has  promoted  the  develop- 
ment of  the  state  in  manufacturing,  in  commerce,  in  wealth,  and  in 
population  lies  in  a  chain  of  four  unique  physiographic  features. 
These  features  are  (1)  the  deep,  inclosed,  spacious  harbor  produced 
by  drowning  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River;  (2)  the  deep,  navigable 
river  itself  leading  150  miles  inland;  (3)  the  low  gap  through  the 
eastern  mountains,  cut  by  the  Mohawk;  and  (4)  the  glacially  leveled 
plain  which  joins  the  Mohawk  Valley  to  the  Great  Lakes.  Out  of 
these  four  conditions  grew  the  waterway  that  gave  the  chief  impetus 
to  the  growth  of  the  state,  and  particularly  to  the  growth  of  its  largest 
city. 

5.     GEOGRAPHIC  INFLUENCES  IN  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE 

MANUFACTURING  INDUSTRY  OF  THE  MOHAWK  VALLEY1 

A? 
The  Mohawk  Valley  is  one  of  the  busiest  manufacturing  sections 

of  our  oauntry.  From  source  to  mouth,  there  is  an  almost  continu- 
ous chain  of  bustling  mill  towns  along  its  banks.  In  these  towns  are 
produced  59  per  cent  or  more  of  the  gloves  and  mittens  made  in  the 
United  States;  nearly  half  of  all  the  knit  goods;  10  per  cent  of  the 
carpets;  and  a  large  part  of  the  cotton  goods.  Here  will  be  found 
the  largest  typewriter  works  in  the  world;  one  of  the  largest  factories 
for  the  manufacture  of  dynamos,  motors,  and  electrical  supplies; 

•Taken  from  George  B.  Roorbach,  "Geographic  Influences  in  the  Develop- 
ment of  the  Manufacturing  Industry  of  the  Mohawk  Valley,"  Journal  of  Geog- 
raphy, November,  1911,  pp.  80-86.  Mr.  Roorbach  is  professor  of  foreign  trade 
at  Harvard  University. 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  1 99 

great  establishments  for  the  manufacture  of  locomotives,  brooms 
and  broom  machinery,  firearms,  cabinets  and  furniture,  canned 
vegetables,  and  miscellaneous  wares  of  all  kinds,  not  to  mention  those 
manufactures  dependent  upon  dairying — butter,  cheese,  and  con- 
densed milk. 

A  larger  proportion  of  the  people  of  the  Mohawk  Valley  are 
engaged  in  the  manufacturing  industries  than  are  similarly  engaged 
"""in  the  city  of  New  York.  Taking  the  six  counties  that  include  most 
of  the  area  of  the  valley — Albany,  Schenectady,  Fulton,  Mont- 
gomery, Herkimer,  and  Oneida — in  1907,  out  of  a  total  population 
of  527,690  men,  women,  and  children,  there  were  110,428  wage- 
earners  in  industrial  plants,  or  nearly  21  per  cent  of  the  total  popula- 
tion. The  percentage  in  New  York  City  for  the  same  year  was  16 
while  in  the  whole  state  but  14.8  per  cent  of  the  inhabitants  were 
engaged  in  manufacturing. 

The  Beginnings  of  the  Manufacturing  Industry.  Grist  mills  for  the 
grinding  of  grain  were  in  most  cases  the  first  mills  of  any  kind  to 
be  built,  following  soon  after  houses  and  barns  had  been  erected  and 
a  season  or  two  of  crops  had  been  gathered.  In  certain  cases.saw 
mills  or  oil  mills  for  grinding  flaxseed  preceded  the  grist  mill;  often 
the  three  were  combined  in  one  mill.  Invariably  these  were  located 
on  some  tributary  stream  which  could  furnish  power;  and  such 
power  sites  were  numerous,  for  nearly  every  stream  flowing  into  the 
Mohawk  enters  the  river  with  steep  gradients,  in  narrow  valleys,  and 
in  many  cases  over  waterfalls. 

Geographic  Factors  Favoring  Manufacturing.  The  chief  geographic 
factors  that  have  determined  this  large  industrial  development  during 
the  past  century  may  be  grouped  under  three  heads: 

1.  Water-power  resources 

2.  Accessibility  to  coal 

3.  Accessibility  to  raw  materials  and  markets 

Water-Power  Resources.  The  presence  of  abundant  water-power 
was  especially  important  in  the  early  history  of  manufacturing.  With 
the  use  of  the  steam  engine  and  the  discovery  of  the  great  coal  deposits 
of  Pennsylvania,  water-power  became  of  less  relative  importance,  but 
it  is  again  beginning  to  assert  its  value  and  the  development  of  unused 
water-power  is  now  taking  place.  The  relation  of  the  earliest  mill 
sites  to  sources  of  water-power  has  already  been  mentioned. 


200  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Of  the  New  York  State  rivers  within  the  boundaries  of  the  state, 
the  Mohawk  is  exceeded  in  amount  of  water-power  development  only 
by  the  Hudson,  the  Black  and  the  Oswego  rivers,  and  in  total  power 
available  only  by  the  Hudson,  Raquette,  and  Black.  The  total  avail- 
able power  of  the  Mohawk  system  is  approximately  182,500  h.  p.  of 
which  42,698  h.  p.  is  developed  in  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
different  plants. 

The  Mohawk  River  itself — a  mature,  well-graded  stream — 
furnishes  power  at  but  two  important  localities:  at  Cohoes,  where 
the  river  enters  the  Hudson  through  a  new  channel  which  it  was 
forced  to  cut  at  the  close  of  glacial  times,  and  at  Little  Falls  where, 
also  after  the  glacial  period,  the  old  pre-glacial  river  flowing  west- 
ward from  Little  Falls,  was  compelled  to  change  its  direction  and 
join  the  Mohawk  by  flowing  over  the  cliffs  of  hard  rock  at  that  place. 
Of  these  two  localities  Cohoes  has  much  the  greater  power,  both 
because  of  the  greater  fall  and  because  of  the  increased  volume  of  the 
river  at  this  point.  The  river  here  falls  a  distance  of  105  feet  and  is 
capable  of  furnishing  from  12,000  to  150,000  h.  p.,  the  two  figures 
representing  the  minimum  and  maximum  as  determined  by  the 
volume  of  water  during  dry  or  wet  months.  The  total  minimum 
power  of  this  stream  is  now  developed,  it  being  the  largest  single 
water-power  development  in  the  Mohawk  basin.  It  was  because  of 
this  power  that  the  knit  goods  industry  was  established  at  Cohoes 
and  has  grown  to  its  present  large  proportions. 

At  Little  Falls  the  river  enters  a  narrow  gorge  and,  in  a  distance 
of  one-half  mile,  falls  about  45  feet,  making  a  possible  development 
of  from  2,000  to  40,000  horse-power,  the  present  development  being 
1,844  horse-power.  Many  of  the  knitting  mills  here  using  water- 
power  require  large  steam  auxiliary.  Water-power  at  present  fur- 
nishes much  the  smaller  amount  of  power  required  for  the  factories. 

The  total  power  developed  by  the  main  channel  of  the  Mohawk 
is  14,336  horse-power  or  33.6  per  cent  of  the  power  furnished  by  the 
entire  Mohawk  system.  Most  of  this,  as  shown  by  the  preceding 
paragraphs,  is  at  Cohoes. 

The  northern  tributaries  of  the  Mohawk  take  their  rise  in  the 
high  Adirondack  region  in  the  part  of  the  state  that  receives  the 
heaviest  rainfall  and  that  is  largely  covered  by  forests.  These 
tributaries  are  also  much  longer  than  the  southern.     Hence  it  is  that 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  201 

the  flow  of  water  in  these  streams  is  larger  and  more  regular  than  in 
the  southern  tributaries  and  that  the  largest  power  development  has 
here  taken  place.  Nearly  20,000  horse-power,  or  46  per  cent  of  the 
power  developed  in  the  Mohawk  system,  are  now  being  generated  by 
these  streams.  The  southern  tributaries  furnish  but  8,600  horse- 
power. With  the  advent  of  the  factory  system,  the  wide  distribution 
of  these  water-power  streams  greatly  encouraged  the  establishment 
of  industries  and  it  was  along  these  tributary  streams  that  most  of 
the  early  factories  were  built,  notably  along  the  Chuctanunda  (at 
Amsterdam),  the  Cayadutta  (between  Fonda  and  Gloversville) ,  the 
East  Canada  (at  Dolgeville),  the  West  Canada  (at  Herkimer),  and 
the  Saquoit  and  Oriskany  (near  Utica). 

With^the__miiltiplication  of  mills,  however,  combined  with  the 
diversion  of  water  to  the  feeders  of  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  increased 
irregularity  of  stream  flow  as  deforestation  went  on,  water-power 
became  inadequat£_to  supply  the  demand.  Either  the  streams  could 
not  furnish  power  for  projected  mills,  or  they  were  found  to  become 
increasingly  unable,  during  the  summer  months,  to  turn  the  wheels 
already  installed.  Low- water  records  became  lower  each  summer, 
while  floods  became  more  unmanageable.  If  the  Mohawk  Valley 
was  to  develop  its  manufacturing  industries,  which  it  had  begun,  a 
new  source  of  power  was  imperative.  Fortunately,  such  new  and 
auxiliary  power  was  near  at  hand  in  the  form  of  coal. 

Accessibility  to  Coal.  The  anthracite  coal  fields  of  Pennsylvania 
lie  but  a  short  distance  to  the  south  of  the  Mohawk  Valley  and  are 
readily  accessible  by  way  of  the  Susquehanna  River  and  its  tribu- 
taries. The  distance  from  Scranton  to  Utica  is  about  125  miles,  as 
compared  with  100  miles  to  either  New  York  or  Philadelphia.  From 
the  Scran  ton- Wilkesbarre  coal  fields,  the  railroads  bring  the  coal  up 
the  Susquehanna  Valley  and  there,  like  the  fingers  of  a  hand,  they 
reach  into  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk.  In  the  western  part  the 
Ontario  and  Western  reaches  Rome  and  Utica  via  the  Chenango 
and  the  Oriskany  valleys,  while  the  Delaware,  Lackawanna  and 
Western  comes  into  Utica  via  the  Unadilla  and  Saquoit  valleys.  In 
the  eastern  end  of  the  valley,  the  Delaware  and  Hudson  reaches 
Schenectady  via  the  Susquehanna  and  Cobleskill  valleys.  The 
Lehigh  Valley  Railroad  also  reaches  the  Mohawk  Valley  lowland 
just  west  of  the  low  divide  at  Canastota.     Thus,  nearly  all  the  great 


202  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

anthracite  railroads  closely  connect  the  factories  of  the  Mohawk 
with  the  potential  energy  of  the  Pennsylvania  coal  fields,  through 
the  passes  afforded  by  these  valleys. 

Likewise  the  soft  coal  of  western  Pennsylvania  is  brought  to  the 
Mohawk  Valley  wholly  by  rail  or  by  rail  to  junction  points  of  the  coal- 
carrying  roads  with  the  Erie  Canal,  and  thence  by  barge  to  the  very 
doors  of  the  factory. 

With  the  development  of  electrical  transmission  of  power,  the 
Mohawk  Valley  is  entering  a  third  stage  of  power  utilization  in  which 
water,  as  the  ultimate  source  of  power,  is  regaining  its  former  place. 
The  northern  tributaries  are  a  great  asset  to  the  industry,  coming  as 
these  streams  do  from  the  high,  forest-covered  Adirondack  region 
with  its  abundant  rainfall.  The  creation  of  the  great  Adirondack 
preserve  means  the  perpetuation  of  the  flow  of  the  streams  having 
their  sources  there;  the  many  lakes  act  as  natural  reservoirs,  and  the 
topography  offers  many  opportunities  for  the  cheap  construction  of 
artificial  reservoirs.  The  nearness  of  the  Mohawk  to  these  mountains 
means  rapid  fall  of  the  streams  as  they  cross  the  valley  and  hence 
power  sites  near  at  hand  from  which  electric  power  can  be  distributed 
up  and  down  the  valley.  Already  east  and  west  Canada  creeks 
and  other  streams  have  been  harnessed  for  this  purpose  furnishing 
power  and  light  to  Utica,  Little  Falls,  Gloversville,  and  many  other 
manufacturing  towns. 

Electric  power  can  also  be  brought  to  the  Mohawk  from  the  large 
power  sites  on  the  Upper  Hudson.  The  cities  of  the  eastern  end  of 
the  valley  are  very  near  these  power  centers  and  even  the  bringing 
of  such  power  to  a  city  as  far  distant  from  the  Hudson  as  Utica  has 
been  seriously  considered.  The  western  part  of  the  valley  is  also 
well  within  reach  of  the  power  generated  at  Niagara  Falls,  Utica,  for 
example,  being  less  than  200  miles  from  this  center. 

A  possible  future  source  of  electric  power  is  offered,  furthermore, 
by  the  nearness  of  the  coal  fields  of  Pennsylvania.  With  the  genera- 
tion of  electric  power  at  the  mine  mouth  (a  development  which  is 
already  assuming  importance),  Mohawk  Valley  towns  lie  well  within 
the  radius  of  economical  distribution  of  such  power. 

■  Judged  by  power  available,  the  continued  growth  of  manufactur- 
ing industries  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  seems  assured. 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  203 

Access  to  Raw  Materials  and  Markets.  The  third  factor  that  has 
insured  the  industrial  development  of  the  Mohawk  Valley  is  the  ease 
of  transportation,  opening  the  valley  to  the  ingress  of  raw  materials 
and  offering  ready  means  of  marketing  manufactured  goods.  The 
navigable  Hudson  has  brought  the  sea  to  the  very  mouth  of  the 
valley,  connecting  the  great  harbor  of  New  York  with  Troy  and 
Albany.  From  the  head  of  navigation  on  the  Hudson,  access  to  the 
interior  has  been  easy,  Jirst  by  river  and  road,  later  by  canal  and 
lastly  by  two  great  railroads  and  an  enlarged  canal.  Thus,  even 
points  as  far  distant  as  Utica  and  Rome,  in  the  western  part  of  the 
valley,  250  and  more  miles  from  the  sea,  are  so  connected  by  land 
and  water  with  the  great  seaport  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  that  ' 
it  has  little  disadvantage  from  its  inland  position.  Likewise  to  the 
west,  with  the  great  interior  of  the  continent,  connection  is  almost 
equally  easy,  bringing,  via  the  Great  Lakes,  the  Erie  Canal  and  the 
great  railroads,  the  supplies  of  food  and  raw  materials  from  that 
region  and  furnishing  access  to  a  market  of  unsurpassed  excellence. 
To  the  north  also,  via  the  Black  River  Valley  and  the  St.  Lawrence 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Champlain  lowland  on  the  other,  communi- 
cation with  the  northern  part  of  the  state  and  with  Canada  is  almost 
equally  easy. 

Thus  the  Mohawk  Valley  is  not  simply  a  great  highway.  It  is  a 
center  possessing,  by  virtue  of  its  own  resources  and  its  connection 
with  surrounding  sections,  the  conditions  that  favor  manufacturing 
development.  These  factors  would  inevitably  have  favored  some 
kind  of  manufacturing.  In  many  instances  the  particular  kind  of 
industry  has  been  determined  by  some  factor  other  than  geographic. 
Thus  the  establishment  of  the  glove  industry  was  due  largely  to  the 
presence  of  Scotch  "glovers"  among  the  early  settlers  in  Fulton 
County;  the  knitting  goods  industry  received  its  start  in  the  Mohawk 
Valley  because  of  the  inventive  genius  of  an  inhabitant  of  Albany; 
the  gun  factory  at  Ilicn,  because  a  country  boy,  unable  to  buy  a  gun, 
succeeded  in  making  a  gun  barrel  at  a  small  village  forge.  Other 
industries,  as  the  manufacture  of  brooms,  of  lumber,  of  glass,  and 
the  canning  of  vegetables,  have  developed  because  of  the  presence  of 
raw  materials  in  the  valley.  Such  industries,  however,  are  relatively 
insignificant  compared  with  those  which  receive  many,  if  not  all,  of 
the  materials  of  manufacture  from  distant  points.     Manufacturing 


204  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

industries  have  developed  in  the  Mohawk  Valley  because  of  unusual 
advantages  of  location  combined  with  her  own  power  resources  and 
ready  accessibility  to  the  power  locked  up  in  the  coal  of  Pennsylvania. 

6.    THE  RELATIVE  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  NEW  YORK  CITY 
METROPOLITAN  DISTRICT' 

New  York  City  Metropolitan  District.  The  New  York  City  metro- 
politan district  embraces  616,928  acres  of  territory,  of  which  183,555 
acres  constitute  the  area  of  New  York  City,  and  433,373  acres  the 
area  of  the  outside  territory.  The  estimated  population  of  New  York 
City  in  1014  was  5,333,539  and  that  of  outside  territory  1,923,846, 
the  total  for  the  district  being  7,257,385. 

In  1914  the  New  York  City  metropolitan  district  had  36,410 
manufacturing  establishments,  which  gave  employment  to  an  average 
of  1,031,815  persons  during  the  year,  842,103  being  wage-earners,  and 
paid  out  $711,085,669  in  salaries  and  wages.  These  establishments 
manufactured  products  to  the  value  of  $3,428,223,150,  to  produce 
which  materials  costing  $1,984,842,079  were  utilized.  The  value 
added  by  manufacture  was  $1,443,381,071.  The  district  ranked 
first  in  1914  among  the  metropolitan  districts  of  the  United  States 
in  the  value  of  its  products.  It  represented  12  5  per  cent  of  the 
persons  employed,  n. 5  per  cent  of  the  capital,  and  14. 1  per  cent  of 
the  value  of  products  reported  for  the  entire  country. 

The  greater  part  of  the  value  of  the  manufactured  products  of 
the  district  was  reported  by  factories  within  the  central  city.  New 
York  City  contains  nearly  three-fourths  (73.5  per  cent)  of  the 
estimated  population  of  the  district,  and  contributed  more  than 
two-thirds  (66.9  per  cent)  of  the  value  of  products  in  1914.  The 
corresponding  percentages  for  1909  were  73.6  and  68.3,  respectively, 
which  indicates  that  the  increase  in  population  and  in  the  manu- 
factures of  the  central  city  have  not  kept  pace  with  the  growth  of 
the  district  as  a  whole.  In  1914  the  manufacturing  establishments 
of  New  York  City  constituted  over  four-fifths  (81.4  per  cent)  of  all 
in  the  district,  and  gave  employment  to  nearly  seven-tenths  (69.5 
per  cent)  of  the  wage-earners.  Outside  of  New  York  City,  Newark 
was  the  leading  city  within  the  district  both  in  value  of  products 

1  Adapted  from  Census  of  Manufacturers,  I  (1914),  989-90. 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES 


205 


and  in  population,  its  products  representing  6 . 1  per  cent  and  its 
population  5.4  per  cent  of  the  total  for  the  metropolitan  district. 

The  population  of  the  district,  outside  the  cities  and  towns  for 
which  separate  figures  are  given,  was  4.7  per  cent  of  the  total  for 
the  district,  and  the  value  of  manufactures  produced  in  this  territory 
formed  4.9  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the  products  for  the  district. 


7.  THE  RELATION  OF  THE  PORT  OF  NEW  YORK  TO  THE  FOREIGN 
COMMERCE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES' 

New  York  district's  share  of  the  total  foreign  commerce  of  the 
United  States  in  1918  was  42.36  per  cent.  In  1917  the  correspond- 
ing proportion  was  44.69  per  cent,  as  compared  with  52.76  per  cent 
in  1916,  46.59  in  1915,  45.98  in  1914,  49.15  in  1913,  46.99  in  1912, 

and  46.12  in  1911. 

TABLE  XXX 

The  Export  and  Import  Movements  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  District 

of  New  York  by  Ten- Year  Periods  from  1870  to  1910  and  for  Each 

Year  from  1915  to  1918* 


New  York's 

New  York 

United  States 

Percentage  of 

Whole 

Year 

Imports 

Exports 

Imports 

Exports 

Imports 

Exports 

1870 

$     281,000,000 

$      197,000,000 

$     436,000,000 

$     393,000,000 

64.4 

50.0 

1880 

460,000,000 

392,000,000 

668,000,000 

836,000,000 

68.8 

46.9 

1890 

516,000,000 

349,000,000 

789,000,000 

858,000,000 

65-4 

40.6 

1900 

537,000,000 

519,000,000 

850,000,000 

1,394,000,000 

63.2 

37-2 

1910 

936,000,000 

652,000,000 

!>55  7,ooo,ooo 

1,745,000,000 

60. 1 

37-3 

1915 

931,000,000 

1,193,000,000 

1,674,000,000 

2,769,000,000 

55-6i 

43- 11 

1916 

1,192,000,000 

2,332,000,000 

2,198,000,000 

4,339>00°,°°° 

54.22 

53-8 

1917 

1,338,000,000 

3,053,000,000 

2,659,000,000 

6,290,000,000 

50-32 

48.53 

1918 

$1,251,000,000 

$2,613,000,000 

$2,946,000,000 

$5,920,000,000 

42.48 

44.14 

*  Figures  do  not  include  specie.     Exports  include  foreign  as  well  as  domestic  merchandise. 

8.    THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  POSITION  OF  NEW  JERSEY' 

One  who  studies  the  industrial  development  of  Pennsylvania  sees 
a  single  geographical  influence  which  overshadows  all  others.  It  is 
the  influence  of  her  mineral  wealth — five  times  as  great  in  value  of 
yearly  output  as  that  of  her  nearest  rival. 

1  Adapted  from  Sixty-First  A  nnual  Report  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  Part  II,  pp.  128,  35. 

3  Adapted  from  R.  H.  Whitbeck,  "  Geographical  Influences  in  the  Develop- 
ment of  New  Jersey,"  Journal  of  Geography,  January,  1908,  pp.  177-82. 


206  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

One  who  studies  the  industrial  development  of  New  York  sees 
again  a  single  dominant  geographical  influence.  He  finds  eight- 
tenths  of  her  people  and  nine-tenths  of  her  wealth  in  the  row  of  counties 
touched  by  the  Erie  Canal  and  the  lower  Hudson.  The  influence  of 
this  waterway,  terminating  in  a  splendid  ocean  harbor,  has  been  the 
paramount  geographical  condition  in  the  making  of  New  York  City 
and  New  York  state. 

One  who  studies  the  industrial  development  of  New  England 
sees  the  far-reaching  influence  of  her  waterfalls.  Even  as  recently  as 
1870,  72  per  cent  of  New  England's  manufacturing  was  done  by 
water-power. 

In  each  of  these  cases  and  many  others  the  molding  influence  in 
building  up  a  state  has  been  something  within  the  state  itself;  its 
minerals,  its  physiography,  its  soil,  or  its  water-power.  Not  so  with 
New  Jersey.  It  has  but  limited  mineral  wealth  and  little  water- 
power.  Three-fifths  of  its  soil  is  now  yielding  little  of  commercial 
value.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  its  coast  have  no  commercial 
harbor  and  no  commercial  town  with  much  more  than  local  interests. 
Yet,  with  all  of  these  seeming  handicaps,  New  Jersey  stands  among 
the  foremost  industrial  states,  it  ranks  sixth  in  the  total  value  of  its 
manufacturing  (1914).  Strangely  enough,  this  industrial  develop- 
ment goes  on  with  very  little  dependence  upon  the  natural  resources 
of  the  state.  In  this  growth,  one  geographical  influence  overshadows 
all  others  and  intensifies  all  others. 

The  capital  invested  in  manufacturing  in  this  small  state  at  the 
present  time  is  far  greater  than  was  so  invested  in  the  entire  United 
States  fifty  years  ago.  That  a  state's  manufacturing  should  be  so 
great  and  at  the  same  time  so  independent  of  its  own  production 
of  raw  materials,  fuel  supply,  and  water-power,  is  noteworthy. 

According  to  the  federal  census  of  1900,  the  smelting  and  refin- 
ing of  copper  was,  in  point  of  value  of  product,  the  greatest  manu- 
facturing industry  in  the  state.  This  is  practically  all  done  in  a 
single  plant  near  New  York  Bay.  The  ore  comes  from  nearly  every 
copper-producing  region  in  the  world,  yet  not  an  ounce  of  the  ore  or 
of  the  coal  for  smelting  it  comes  from  New  Jersey.  Second  in  rank 
among  the  manufactures  are  iron  and  steel  products.  Yet  only  a 
small  fraction  of  the  iron  ore  used  comes  from  the  state.  Third  in 
rank  is  the  refining  of  petroleum  (second  in  1914),  not  one  drop  of 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  207 

which  was  produced  in  New  Jersey.  Fourth  in  rank  by  the  census 
grading,  but  really  first  in  importance,  is  the  manufacture  of  silk 
(third  in  1914).  This  industry,  centering  in  the  city  of  Paterson, 
employs  nearly  30,000  people,  and  represents  an  invested  capital 
more  than  ten  times  as  great  as  was  invested  in  this  industry  in  the 
entire  United  States  in  i860.  Yet  every  fibre  of  the  raw  silk  is 
imported  into  the  state.  The  manufacture  of  leather  and  leather 
goods  is  fifth  in  importance  (tenth  in  19 14).  Then  follows  malt 
liquors  (fourteenth  in  1914)  and  slaughtering  and  meat  packing 
(sixth  in  19 14).  It  is  not  until  we  reach  brick,  tile,  pottery,  and 
other  clay  products  and  glass,  respectively  fourteenth  and  twenty- 
fourth  in  rank  among  the  state's  manufactures  (sixteenth  and  forty- 
third  in  19 14),  that  we  find  any  close  relation  between  the  natural 
resources  of  New  Jersey  and  her  manufacturing  industries.  Why, 
then,  are  these  plants  located  there  ?  Let  us  see.  Fully  70  per  cent 
of  the  capital  invested  is  in  plants  located  close  to  New  York.  Some 
are  on  the  water  front.  All  are  close  to  the  great  coal-carrying  rail- 
roads. It  is  evident  that  New  Jersey  is  undergoing  its  remarkable 
industrial  growth,  not  because  of  its  own  natural  resources,  but 
because  of  its  unique  situation  between  two  great  markets,  two  great 
ports,  and  within  a  short  distance  of  coal. 

New  Jersey's  situation  has  given  her  unequalled  transportation 
facilities,  both  by  rail  and  by  water.  At  her  water  front  on  the 
lower  Hudson  nearly  all  of  the  eastern  trunk  lines  and  ocean  routes 
to  all  the  world  meet. 

The  Manufacturing  District  of  Northern  New  Jersey.  Here  in 
northern  New  Jersey  is  one  of  the  clearest  examples  of  the  influence 
of  topography.  Running  north  and  south  on  the  Jersey  side  of 
the  Hudson  is  the  Palisade  Ridge.  About  ten  miles  farther  west 
and  nearly  parallel  to  the  Palisades,  is  another  massive  ridge  of 
trap  rock  some  three  or  four  hundred  feet  high,  very  steep  on  the 
eastern  side  and  not  cut  by  any  low  gap  for  a  distance  of  about 
eighteen  miles.  No  main  lines  of  travel  have  found  it  practicable  to 
cross  the  barrier  within  this  distance.  Westward  from  the  Hudson 
the  expanding  population  has  pushed  its  way.  Here  are  large  areas 
of  swamp  locally  called  meadows.  A  generation  ago  they  were 
worse  than  worthless.  Today  they  are  being  purchased,  or  already 
have  been  purchased,  at  fabulous  prices,  and  are  being  filled  in  at 

8 


208  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

l 
enormous  cost,  to  be  used  as  sites  for  manufacturing  and  commercial 
establishments.  Farm  lands  in  this  valley  have  passed  into  towns  and 
towns  have  grown  into  cities  and  cities  have  grown  together  so  that 
only  a  line  separates  them.  The  wave  of  urban  population  has  rolled 
westward  to  the  foot  of  First  Mountain;  it  has  pushed  northward 
and  southward  along  the  valley  and  through  the  gaps  at  either  end, 
but  where  it  struck  the  steep  face  of  First  Mountain,  there  it  stopped. 
This  mountain  cuts  Essex  County  into  two  nearly  equal  parts,  one- 
half  lying  toward  New  York,  the  other  half  toward  the  west.  On 
the  east  is  a  swarming  population,  and  all  that  goes  to  make  up  a 
metropolitan  district.  On  the  western  side  of  the  ridge  the  farmer 
tills  his  acres  and  cows  roam  over  the  pastures.  In  this  half  of 
Essex  County  live  3  per  cent  of  its  people.  In  the  other  half  live 
97  per  cent.  And  the  barrier  that  divides  the  halves  is  less  than 
400  feet  high. 

In  a  narrow  strip  of  land  extending  from  the  lower  Hudson  to 
the  lower  Delaware,  and  comprising  one-sixth  of  the  area  of  the 
state,  live  four-fifths  of  the  people  of  New  Jersey.  In  this  limited 
area  is  concentrated  nearly  all  of  the  manufacturing  of  the  state. 
Outside  of  this  narrow  strip  there  is  no  important  business  city. 
There  must,  of  course,  be  some  geographical  reason  for  this.  Through 
the  middle  of  this  strip  of  land  ran  the  ancient  trail  of  the  Lenni- 
Lenape;  ran,  a  little  later,  the  old  Dutch  road;  ran,  still  later,  the 
King's  Highway  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia,  over  which  famous 
road  the  flying  mail  coaches  carried  passengers  in  the  brief  period  of 
three  days.  Along  this  same  course  goes  the  Delaware  and  Raritan 
Canal,  which  may  ere  long  be  a  link  in  our  projected  inshore  water- 
way along  the  Atlantic  Coast.  And  along  this  same  narrow  strip 
run  the  four  tracks  of  the  main  line  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad. 
This  route  has  been  from  the  days  of  the  red  man  a  main  artery  of 
travel,  for  it  furnishes  an  almost  perfectly  level  path  across  the 
state.  This  route  is,  and  is  destined  to  be  increasingly  more,  a 
link  in  America's  chief  highway  of  transportation. 

The  Pine  Belt.  New  Jersey  presents  some  interesting  and 
striking  contrasts.  You  may  live  in  Lakewood  in  the  Pine  Belt  at 
one  of  the  most  sumptuous  hotels  in  the  world;  mingle  with  the 
most  fashionable  society  in  America;  in  fact,  be  among  the  social 
refinements  which  belong  only  to  the  centers  of  wealth  and  cultiva- 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  209 

tion.  Yet,  a  few  miles  away  you  will  find  people  almost  as  primitive 
as  the  mountaineers  of  the  South;  dwellers  in  cabins  that  know  not 
carpets  or  paint,  and  whose  adult  occupants  not  infrequently  go 
barefooted.  Here  in  the  Pine  Belt  of  New  Jersey,  not  far  from  the 
great  city  of  New  York,  live  the  huckleberry  pickers  of  the  pines;  yet 
they  are  seemingly  untouched  by  the  influence  of  urban  civilization. 

The  Coast.  Along  the  shallow  bays  that  fringe  the  coast  between 
Point  Pleasant  and  Atlantic  City  live  another  type  of  people,  locally 
called  the  Baymen.  This  stretch  of  coast  has  as  yet  been  but  slightly 
invaded  by  the  summer  resorts.  The  bays  are  shallow  and  are 
visited  only  by  fishing  craft  and  small  coasting  vessels.  On  such  a 
coast  no  trunk  line  terminates.  No  ships  sail  in  and  out  to  foreign 
ports.  The  shallow  water  and  the  hidden  bars  have  left  the  fishing 
villages  to  work  out  alone  their  own  peculiar  type  of  men.  And 
they  are  indeed  the  product  of  their  environment.  The  wealth  of 
the  sea  lies  at  their  very  doors.  They  know  that  there  is  no  danger 
of  hunger.  They  can  go  to  the  bay  at  any  time  and  in  a  few  hours 
capture  clams  or  oysters  for  their  own  food  and  find  a  cash  market 
for  the  surplus.  The  bay  has  never  failed  them  and  they  have  no 
fear  that  it  ever  will.  Why  should  they  take  thought  of  the  morrow  ? 
Tomorrow  will  take  care  of  itself  as  it  always  has  done.  Such  a 
condition  must  make  and  does  make  men  thriftless  and  improvident. 
It  must  and  does  encourage  idleness,  and  make  steady  labor  irksome. 

But  conditions  along  a  part  of  this  coast  are  rapidly  changing. 
The  type  of  coast  which  has  repelled  oversea  commerce  and  has 
left  the  oysterman  and  clammer  unmolested  is  exerting  its  influence 
in  quite  a  different  direction.  In  and  near  New  Jersey  has  grown 
up  a  dense  and  wealthy  urban  population,  a  class  of  people  who  seek 
summer  homes  and  summer  hotels  within  easy  reach  of  the  cities. 
Those  very  conditions  which  unfit  the  Jersey  coast  for  commerce 
are  the  conditions  which  qualify  it  for  summer  homes  and  hotels. 
Along  this  coast  for  miles  extends  an  almost  unbroken  line  of  palatial 
residences,  clubhouses,  and  resort  towns.  Further  south  are  the 
fishing  villages,  and  Atlantic  City,  the  city  of  a  thousand  hotels. 
This  notable  expansion  of  seaside  resorts  is  due  to  two  geographical 
influences:  the  type  of  coast;  and,  more  important  still,  the  nearness 
of  that  coast  to  the  great  centers  of  wealth  and  population.  To 
these  resorts  come  visitors  by  the  tens  of  thousands.     Their  demand 


210  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

for  products  fresh  from  the  farm  and  dairy  is  one  of  the  potent 
influences  that  stimulate  farming  in  New  Jersey  and  make  it  a 
Garden  State. 

Agriculture  in  New  Jersey.  It  cannot  be  maintained  that  nature 
designed  New  Jersey  for  an  agricultural  state.  With  all  its  advan- 
tages of  markets  and  transportation,  one-half  of  the  state  is  still 
covered  with  forest  and  underbrush.  The  southern  three-fifths  of 
the  state  is  coastal  plain;  low,  sandy,  half-covered  with  pine  and. 
oak,  thinly  peopled,  and  without  cities  of  any  size  except  on  the 
outer  margins.  Half  of  North  Jersey  is  rough,  thin-soiled,  and  con- 
siderably forested.  Nevertheless,  in  the  value  of  farm  crops  per 
acre,  New  Jersey  leads  all  of  the  states. 

The  general  character  of  New  Jersey  agriculture  is  indicated  by  the 
fact  that  more  than  one-third  (34.9  per  cent)  of  the  total  value  of  crops  in 
1909  was  contributed  by  potatoes  and  other  vegetables,  while  about  one- 
fourth  (24.3  per  cent)  was  contributed  by  the  cereals,  and  less  than  one- 
fifth  (18.9  per  cent)  by  hay  and  forage.  The  remainder  representing  in 
value  about  22  per  cent  of  the  total,  consisted  mostly  of  flowers  and  plants, 
nursery  products,  orchard  and  nuts,  and  small  fruits  (Thirteenth  Census  of 
the  United  States,  VII,  130). 

The  reason  for  this  specialization  in  truck  and  garden  crops  is  in 
part  due  to  the  character  of  the  soil  but  largely  it  is  the  same  one 
that  explains  the  industrial  development  of  the  state  generally;  the 
influence  of  geographical  position. 

9.    THE  NORTHERN  APPALACHIAN  COAL   FIELD1 

Geographic  Relations.    The  Appalachian  coal  field  extends  from 

the  northern  border  of  Pennsylvania  southwestward,  a  distance  of 

800  miles,  to  central  Alabama.     Its  greatest  width  is  about  180  miles 

near  its  northern  end,  from  which  it  tapers  gradually  southward  to 

less  than  20  miles  in  Tennessee,  and  then  expands  to  about  80  miles 

in  Alabama.     It  embraces  portions  of  nine  states,  and  has  a  total 

estimated  area  of  70,000  square  miles.     It  is  by  far  the  most  important 

of  the  bituminous  coal  fields  of  the  United  States  in  extent,  in  the 

quality  of  its  coal,  the  number  and  thickness  of  workable  beds,  the 

'Adapted  from  David  White,  M.  R.  Campbell,  and  R.  M.  Haseltine,  "The 
Northern  Appalachian  Coal  Field,"  Twenty-Second  Annual  Report  of  the  United 
States  Geological  Survey,  pp.  125-226;  Mineral  Resources  of  the  United  States, 
I9I5,  PP-  367-7o,  453,  455,  457,  461;  J.  A.  Bownocker,  "The  Coal  Fields  of  Ohio," 
United  States  Geological  Survey,  Professional  Paper  100-B,  pp.  35-36,  86. 


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Map  g. — Production  of  Coal  in  North  America  in  1913' 

Each  •  represents  1  per  cent  of  world's  production 
Each  x  represents  J  to  -fa  per  cent  of  world's  production 
Each  v  represents  less  than  iV  per  cent  of  world's  production 
Coal  fields  other  than  lignite  are  outlined 
'Reproduced  from  World  Atlas  ol  Commercial  Geology.  Uniud  Statu  ftafoffcal Sunty,  1921,  Port   1,   Plate 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  21 1 

State  of  development,  and  in  importance  and  accessibility  of  its 
markets.  While  this  field  is  a  unit  in  respect  to  its  chief  geological 
characteristics,  usually  it  is  subdivided  for  convenience  of  treatment 
into  a  northern  and  southern  field.  The  northern  Appalachian  coal 
field  embraces  that  portion  of  the  whole  field  which  lies  in  Ohio, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  West  Virginia.1 

Geologic  Relations.  The  coal-bearing  formations  of  the  northern 
Appalachian  field  belong  to  the  Carboniferous  system.  They  con- 
sist for  the  most  part  of  shales,  sandstones,  and  conglomerates,  with 
occasional  beds  of  limestone,  fireclay,  and  coal.  In  general,  the 
formations  show  a  gradual  thinning  from  the  eastern  margin  of  the 
field  westward,  and  there  is  also  a  decrease  in  the  number  and  thick- 
ness of  the  coal  beds  in  the  same  direction.  This  westward  thinning 
of  both  rock  formations  and  coal  is  observable  only  in  a  general  way, 
however,  and  many  local  exceptions  are  found.  The  eastern  margin 
of  the  field  borders  upon  the  belt  of  steeply  folded  strata  that  forms 
the  Appalachian  Valley,  and  along  this  margin  the  coal-bearing 
formations  have  also  been  considerably  folded.  The  folding  becomes 
less  pronounced  toward  the  west,  and  in  the  central  and  western  por- 
tions of  this  field  the  strata  are  either  practically  horizontal  or  occur 
in  very  gentle  undulations. 

The  Pittsburgh  Bed.  The  Pittsburgh  bed  or  seam  is  the  most 
uniform  in  quality  and  thickness  and,  for  a  given  area,  the  most 
valuable  coal  bed  in  the  bituminous  coal  field  of  Pennsylvania.  It 
occupies  an  area  in  this  state  of  about  50  miles  in  length  and  breadth, 
with  an  average  thickness  of  presumably  about  6  feet.  On  this  basis 
it  is  estimated  that  the  Pittsburgh  coal  bed  originally  contained  more 
than  10,000,000,000  tons  of  available  coal.  In  quality  the  coal  of  the 
Pittsburgh  bed  is  for  many  purposes  equal  if  not  superior  to  the  best 
bituminous  coal  found  elsewhere  in  the  Appalachian  field  or  in  the 
world.  It  is  an  excellent  domestic  and  steam  fuel.  It  mines  in  large 
blocks,  which  withstand  the  rough  usage  incident  to  long  shipments 
and  frequent  breaking  of  bulk,  and  consequently  is  well  adapted  for 

1  [Most  of  the  coal  in  this  field  is  in  the  Allegheny  Plateau  which  lies  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  Ohio  drainage  basin.  The  area  of  largest  production  is  in 
southwestern  Pennsylvania  and  is  drained  by  the  Allegheny  and  Monongahela 
rivers.  The  area  second  in  importance  is  in  southern  West  Virginia  in  the  basins 
of  the  Kanawha,  New,  and  Big  Sandy  rivers. — C.CC] 


212  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

export  and  the  more  distant  home  markets.  It  is  a  high-standard 
producer  of  illuminating  gas,  containing,  in  portions  of  the  field,  from 
36  to  38  per  cent  of  volatile  combustible  matter.  For  the  manufac- 
ture of  coke  the  Pittsburgh  has  few  if  any  equals  in  the  United  States, 
in  fact  it  is  the  standard  gas  and  coking  coal  in  North  America. 

The  Pittsburgh  bed  extends  southward  into  northern  West 
Virginia  and  westward  into  southeastern  Ohio.  In  1918,  53  per  cent 
of  the  bituminous  coal  in  Pennsylvania  and  38.6  and  15  per  cent 
respectively  of  all  the  coal  in  Ohio  and  West  Virginia  was  produced 
from  this  bed. 

Methods  of  Mining.  All  but  a  small  percentage  of  the  bituminous 
coal  mines  in  Pennsylvania  are  worked  by  drift  on  the  outcrop  or 
by  gentle  slope  down  the  dip  of  the  bed.  Deep  mining,  as  the  term 
is  employed  in  Europe  or  in  the  exploitation  of  metalliferous  deposits, 
is  practically  unknown  in  this  territory.1 

At  the  greater  number  of  the  large  mines,  in  all  portions  of  the 
field,  rope,  electric,  compressed  air,  or  steam  haulage  has  been  intro- 
duced, and  machine  mining  by  electricity  or  compressed  air  is  now 
extensively  employed.  In  fact,  55.6  per  cent  of  the  bituminous 
coal  produced  in  Pennsylvania  in  19 15  was  mined  by  machines. 

Mining  conditions  in  the  greater  part  of  the  bituminous  regions, 
where  the  beds  are  quite  regular  and  approximately  horizontal,  are 
quite  different  from  those  in  the  Pennsylvania  anthracite  region, 
where  the  beds  are  steeply  inclined,  faulted,  and  folded,  and  the 
methods  pursued  in  recovering  the  coal  are  therefore  quite  different 
in  the  two  areas.  Machine  mining  in  the  anthracite  region  has  not 
been  developed  to  any  great  extent,  and  less  than  2  per  cent  of  the 
total  product  is  recovered  in  that  manner. 

Distribution  of  Coal.  The  distribution  of  the  production  of  the 
bituminous  coal  mines  in  the  northern  Appalachian  field  is  governed 
largely  by  the  geographic  positions  of  the  mines  with  reference  to 
the  main  body  of  the  field  and  to  the  direction  of  the  communicating 
railways.    To  a  certain  extent  the  distribution  is  especially  adjusted 

'  [As  the  surface  of  the  Allegheny  Plateau  is  characterized  by  numerous  deep 
valleys  developed  by  the  complex  network  of  streams  which  drain  it,  and,  as  most 
of  the  coal  beds  lie  within  a  few  hundred  feet  of  the  surface,  the  upper  coal  beds 
outcrop  along  many  of  the  valleys  slopes  and  coal  is  mined  extensively  along  such 
exposures.  Moreover,  these  valleys  make  the  lower  coal  beds  accessible  by  rela- 
tively short  shafts.— C.CC] 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  213 

to  the  qualities  of  the  fuel;  but  ordinarily,  unless  the  product  has 
some  special  or  important  adaptation,  the  markets  are  so  favorably 
situated  that  the  coal  is  apt  to  move  east  or  west  or  north  according 
to  its  initial  geographic  position.  The  southward  movement  is  to  a 
great  degree  an  exception  to  this  rule. 

Pennsylvania.  The  greatest  coal-producing  state,  Pennsylvania, 
is  also  the  greatest  coal-consuming  state.  Doubtless  other  factors 
than  the  quantity  and  accessibility  of  its  coal  have  influenced  to 
some  degree  the  location  within  its  boundaries  of  the  countless 
industries  that  now  add  to  its  wealth,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether 
any  other  factor  has  been  so  potent.  In  1915  nearly  60,000,000  net 
tons  of  bituminous  coal — 38  per  cent  of  the  output  of  Pennsylvania 
in  that  year — were  consumed  within  the  state  in  making  coke 
and  in  manufacturing  and  mining.  More  than  40,000,000  tons,  or 
26  per  cent  of  the  total,  were  shipped  to  other  states  by  rail  for  uses 
other  than  as  railroad  fuel.  About  14,400,000  tons  were  used  in 
New  York;  7,200,000  tons  in  Ohio;  6,500,000  tons  in  New  England; 
and  nearly  3,500,000  tons  in  New  Jersey.  Between  1,000,000  and 
2,000,000  tons  each  were  shipped  to  Maryland,  Illinois,  and  Michigan, 
and  the  remainder  was  used  in  25  other  states,  from  the  Pacific  Coast 
to  the  South  Atlantic  states.  In  191 5  the  shipments  to  the  Great 
Lakes  for  cargo  were  more  than  9,600,000  tons,  or  6  per  cent  of  the 
output,  the  shipments  to  tidewater  were  13,960,000  tons,  or  9  per 
cent,  and  the  exports  by  rail  to  Canada  were  3,866,406  tons,  or 
2  per  cent.  Nearly  34,200,000  net  tons  were  used  by  railroads,  of 
which  3,436,000  tons  were  consumed  in  the  Great  Lakes  region  and 
shipped  by  the  Lakes.  Nineteen  per  cent  was  shipped  by  rail  for 
use  of  railroads.1 

West  Virginia.  The  coal  industry  of  West  Virginia  has  been 
developed  under  unique  conditions.  There  has  been  little  home 
market,  so  the  operators  had  to  seek  markets  for  their  coal  in  other 
parts  of  the  United  States  and  in  foreign  countries.  Immense 
reserves  of  high-grade  coal  in  easily  workable  beds  have  permitted 
mining  on  a  large  scale  and  at  low  cost.     Proximity  to  the  Atlantic 

1  [The  bituminous  coal  fields  of  Pennsylvania  are  penetrated  by  the  numerous 
lines  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  New  York  Central,  and  Erie 
systems,  as  well  as  by  a  number  of  less  important  railroads.  Because  of  the  com- 
plex relief  of  the  Appalachian  Highland  these  railroads  reach  the  coal  districts 
by  following  the  river  valleys.     The  main  line  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad 


214  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

seaboard,  where  good  harbors  afford  opportunity  for  foreign  and 
coastwise  shipments,  and  excellent  railroad  outlets  to  the  markets  of 
the  West  and  Northwest  have  enabled  the  coal  industry  of  the  state 
to  develop  at  a  rapid  rate. 

Including  the  coal  made  into  coke  at  the  mines  and  that  used 
for  steam  and  heat  at  the  mines,  the  consumption  of  West  Virginia 
coal  in  that  state  in  191 5  was  but  6,000,000  net  tons,  or  8  per  cent 
of  the  total  output.  More  than  32,500,000  net  tons,  or  42  per  cent 
of  the  output,  was  shipped  to  other  states  by  rail  or  by  river,  for  use 
other  than  as  railroad  fuel.  The  shipments  to  the  Great  Lakes  for 
cargo  were  8,700,000  net  tons,  or  11  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  ship- 
ments to  tidewater  were  more  than  20,400,000  tons,  or  27  per  cent 
of  the  output.  The  Lake  cargo  shipments  included  800,134  tons  for 
railroad  use  in  the  Northwest,  and  the  tidewater  shipments  included 
1,776,419  tons  sent  by  vessels  coastwise  to  New  England  and  used 
there  by  the  railroads.  The  quantity  of  railroad  fuel  that  reached 
its  destination  by  all-rail  routes  was  9,478,401  net  tons,  or  12  per 
cent  of  the  production  in  191 5. 1 

Ohio.  Ohio  uses  large  quantities  of  coal  and  in  1915  ranked 
fourth  in  the  production  of  coal.  Between  9,000,000  and  10,000,000 
tons,  or  about  43  per  cent  of  the  coal  produced  in  Ohio  in  1915,  was 
used  in  the  state,  so  it  is  evident  that  the  local  markets  are  the  most 
favorable  for  Ohio  coal  producers.  The  railroads  used  about  7,900,000 
tons,  or  35  per  cent  of  the  output  in  191 5,  and  75,000  tons,  or  1  per 
cent,  was  shipped  to  tidewater  or  exported  to  Canada  by  rail.  The 
coal  shipped  from  mines  in  Ohio  to  other  states  in  191 5  for  use  other- 
wise than  as  railroad  fuel  amounted  to  2,317,036  tons,  or  10  per  cent 
of  the  output  in  191 5.    More  than  half  this  quantity  went  to  Michigan 

follows  the  valley  of  the  Juniata,  a  tributary  of  the  Susquehanna,  across  the 
ridges  and  valleys  of  central  Pennsylvania,  climbs  the  Allegheny  Front  by  means 
of  its  famous  horseshoe  curve  and  crosses  the  plateau  to  Pittsburgh,  following 
for  a  considerable  distance  the  valley  of  the  Conemaugh.  The  main  line  of  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  crosses  the  highland  by  utilizing  the  valleys  of  the  upper 
Potomac  and  the  Youghiogheny,  a  tributary  of  the  Monongahela. — C.C.C.] 

1  [The  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  and  the  Norfolk  and  Western  are  the  principal 
railroads  serving  the  coal  districts  of  southern  West  Virginia.  These  roads  cross 
the  divide  between  the  James  and  Ohio  drainage  basins  at  a  point  where  the  head 
streams  of  the  James  are  near  the  upper  reaches  of  the  New  River,  one  of  the 
upper  tributaries  to  the  Ohio. — C.CC] 


NORTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  215 

and  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder  to  Illinois  and  Indiana.  Little 
coal  goes  from  Ohio  to  market  by  all-rail  routes,  except  to  these 
three  states.  Ohio  is  one  of  the  four  states  that  ship  coal  to  market 
northwestward  by  the  Great  Lakes.  The  lake  shipmerts  from  this 
state  in  1915  were  2,482,615  tons,  or  11  per  cent  of  the  output. 

.he  coal  fields  of  Ohio  are  well  supplied  with  railroads,  being 
crossed  by  several  of  the  large  east-west  systems  and  by  other  roads, 
which  lead  directly  to  the  Great  Lakes.  These  main  lines,  together 
with  their  many  branches,  make  accessible  almost  all  parts  of  this 
large  region.  Further,  the  area  is  not  far  from  the  center  of  popu- 
lation of  the  United  States.  These  facts  have  made  Ohio  one  of  the 
large  coal-producing  states.  In  1915  it  ranked  fourth  in  coal 
mined,  and  its  output  was  over  6  per  cent  of  the  total  for  the  United 
States.  The  Ohio  River,  which  has  trenched  its  way  through  the 
coal  fields  from  Pittsburgh  to  a  point  below  Ironton,  should  be  one  of 
the  great  highways  for  the  movement  of  heavy  freight,  such  as  coal, 
but  the  shallowness  of  its  water  during  the  summer  has  prevented 
the  development  of  such  a  trade.  The  government  is,  however, 
engaged  in  building  locks  and  dams  to  produce  slack  water  deep 
enough  for  navigation,  and  when  all  these  are  completed  it  is  sup- 
posed that  much  freight  originating  in  this  inland  region  will  be 
shipped  via  the  Ohio. 

Maryland.  The  coal  from  the  fields  of  Maryland  is  all  of  high 
rank,  and  what  is  termed  the  Georges  Creek  coal  is  widely  known  as 
one  of  the  best  blacksmithing  coals  mined  in  the  country.  Ship- 
ments by  rail,  other  than  for  railroad  fuel,  were  made  to  seventeen 
states  and  to  New  England  and  amounted  to  nearly  1,900,000  tons, 
or  45  per  cent  of  the  output.  Twenty  per  cent  of  the  coal  was  used 
in  Maryland  and  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  largest  shipments  were  made  to  New  England  (600,000  tons), 
New  York  (567,000  tons),  and  Pennsylvania  (506,000).  About 
10,000  tons  of  Maryland  coal  were  used  on  the  Pacific  coast  in  Cali- 
fornia and  Washington,  and  Maryland  coal  was  used  in  several 
states  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  More  than  1,000,000  tons  reached 
tidewater  at  Baltimore  and  New  York  for  foreign  export,  for  use  as 
bunker  fuel,  and  for  shipment  by  water  to  ports  in  New  England 
states  (25  per  cent  of  the  total).  Only  387,000  tons,  or  10  per  cent 
of  the  output,  was  used  for  railroad  fuel  in  191 5. 


CHAPTER  X 

SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES 
1.     SOILS  OF  THE  ATLANTIC  AND  GULF  COASTAL  PLAINS1 

The  soils  of  this  province  are  highly  differentiated  and  pre- 
eminently special-purpose  soils  adapted  in  general  to  highly  specialized 
industries  requiring  the  most  intensive  and  expensive  methods  of 
cultivation.  For  the  most  part,  the  soils  are  light  in  texture  and 
admirably  adapted  to  early  spring  vegetables  of  various  sorts.  They 
exteni  through  a  range  of  climate  from  the  subtropical  immediately 
along  the  Gulf  Coast  to  that  of  the  latitude  of  New  York,  and  have 
the  advantage,  at  least  when  trucking  is  concerned,  of  low  elevation 
and  a  nearly  level  surface.  They  are  likewise  favored  in  their 
proximity  to  the  ocean  and  Gulf,  which  insures  a  warmer  and  more 
equable  winter  and  spring  climate  than  is  found  in  other  parts  of 
the  eastern  half  of  the  United  States.  For  these  reasons  they  have 
a  monopoly  of  the  markets  of  a  very  large  part  of  the  country  for 
fresh  vegetables  and  fruits  for  six  months  of  the  year  or  from  about 
January  i  to  July  i.  On  account  of  the  great  range  in  latitude — 
over  a  thousand  miles  in  actual  distance — and  the  rather  slow 
advance  of  spring  northward,  as  well  as  the  difference  in  time  of 
maturity  of  crops  on  the  different  grades  of  soil,  a  constant  daily 
supply  of  fresh  perishable  vegetables  and  fruits  is  poured  into  the 
northern  markets  during  the  first  half  of  the  year.  After  this  period, 
the  season  has  advanced  to  a  point  where  the  supply  is  drawn  in  a 
similar  progressive  manner  from  the  various  types  of  soil,  mainly  of 
the  Glacial  soil  provinces. 

An  idea  of  this  progressive  movement  of  the  sources  of  supply 
of  vegetables,  due  both  to  the  advance  of  the  season  from  south  to 

'  Adapted  from  Milton  Whitney,  "The  Use  of  Soils  East  of  the  Great  Plains 
Region,"  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bureau  of  Soils,  Bulletin  78, 
PP-  15-17- 

216 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES 


217 


north  and  to  the  influence  of  soil  texture,  is  given  in  the  following 

table: 

TABLE  XXXI 

Market  Periods  for  Fresh  Vegetables  for  the  Srx  Months,  January  to 

June,  and  the  Relative  Order  of  the  Supply  from  Localities 

and  from  Different  Types  of  Soil  in  Each  Locality 


Locality 

First 
Period 

Second 
Period 

Third 
Period 

Fourth 
Period 

Fifth 
Period 

Sixth 
Period 

Sand 

Ma  rylandaDd  Delaware 

Sand 

Fine  sand 

Sandy  loam 

Fine  sandy 
loam 
Loam 

Fine  sand 

Sand 
Fine  sand 

Sandy  leam 

Fine  sandy 
loam 

Sandy  loam 

Sand 

Fine  sand 

Sandy  loam 

Fine  sandy 

South  Carolina 

Sand 
Fine  sand 

loam 
Loam 

Georgia  and  Florida. . . . 

Sand 

Silt  loam 

Each  of  the  localities  named  can  in  normal  seasons  count  on 
from  two  to  three  weeks  advance  in  crop  maturity  over  the  locality 
north,  and  this  is  the  period  in  which  they  can  market  their  crops 
at  the  greatest  profit.  Furthermore,  there  is  about  the  same  interval 
of  two  or  three  weeks  in  the  time  of  maturity  of  crops  on  the  several 
grades  of  soil.  The  very  earliest  crops  of  vegetables  come  from  the 
light,  porous,  well-drained,  warm,  dry  sands.  The  yields  from  such 
very  early  soils  are  light;  the  quality  of  the  vegetables  is  not  as  a 
rule  the  best;  they  are  very  perishable  and  do  not  stand  transpor- 
tation well.  They  usually  bring  high  prices,  however,  because  of 
the  great  demand  and  the  limited  supply  on  the  markets. 

The  crop  from  the  fine  sand  maturing  about  two  weeks  later 
gives  a  larger  yield  of  better  quality  in  every  way,  which  compen- 
sates for  the  lower  market  price  and  for  the  competition  from  the 
more  sandy  soils  of  the  next  northern  locality.  Georgia,  for  example, 
cannot  compete. in  the  northern  markets  with  truck  grown  on  her 
heavier  soils,  simply  because  at  the  time  it  matures  there  is  such  a 
wide  range  of  soils  in  more  northern  localities  rushing  vegetables 
over  an  ever-decreasing  length  of  haul  to  the  great  markets. 

The  conditions  with  respect  to  the  soils  of  Texas  and  Louisiana 
are  somewhat  different  in  that  they  can  continue  for  a  longer  time 
to  supply  the  great  markets  of  the  Middle  West,  including  Chicago, 
St.  Louis,  Kansas  City,  Omaha,  St.  Paul,  and  Minneapolis,  as  there 


2l8  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

is  less  competition  from  more  northern  localities,  and  of  soil  types  a 
wider  textural  range  can  be  used  for  early  vegetables  than  can  profit- 
ably be  used  in  the  more  eastern  and  northern  parts  of  the  province. 
While  the  general  character  of  the  soils  of  this  province,  their 
variation  and  extent  north  and  south,  adapt  them,  as  has  been  said, 
pre-eminently  to  early  trucking  and  fruit  industries,  they  also  have 
an  important  place  in  general  agriculture,  particularly  in  the  pro- 
duction of  cotton,  sugar  cane,  rice,  tobacco,  and  corn. 

2.    THE  CHESAPEAKE  BAY  SECTION  OF  THE  COASTAL  PLAIN1 

The  coastal  plain  in  Maryland  and  Delaware  consists  of  two 
peninsulas.  The  first  lies  between  the  Lower  Potomac  River  and 
Chesapeake  Bay  and  locally  is  called  the  Western  Shore.  The 
second  lies  between  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  bays  and  includes 
that  part  of  Maryland  known  as  the  Eastern  Shore  and  the  state  of 
Delaware. 

In  this  part  of  the  Coastal  Plain  there  are  to  be  found  broad 
fields  of  corn  and  tobacco,  of  wheat  also,  with  fields  of  strawberries 
and  sweet  potatoes  in  the  warm  loamy  areas.  In  the  vicinity  of 
Baltimore  the  area  of  the  single  fields  of  the  general  crops  becomes 
smaller,  and  the  various  special  crops  included  under  the  general 
term  "truck"  become  more  prominent.  Tomatoes,  sweet  corn,  peas 
for  canneries  and  market,  with  all  the  different  crops  that  contribute 
to  the  supply  of  the  city  dweller,  are  found  in  more  abundance  as 
the  hauling  distance  becomes  less.  On  the  Western  Shore  the  dis- 
tance from  the  city  at  which  truck-growing  is  profitable  is  in  a  general 
way  found  to  be  closely  related  to  the  distance  easily  covered  by 
wagon  hauling  in  marketing  the  produce.  Such  produce  as  melons 
which  are  brought  to  the  wharves  in  the  quick-sailing  boats  of  the 
bay  are  grown  at  a  much  greater  distance,  and  the  staple  canning 
crop  (the  tomato)  is  extensively  grown  on  the  Eastern  Shore  and 
shipped  to  the  city  by  steamer. 

The  Eastern  Shore,  as  a  whole,  is  much  more  of  a  small  fruit  or 
truck  region  than  the  Western  Shore,  for  the  presence  of  good  rail- 
road transportation  to  the  northern  markets,  in  addition  to  the  steam 

1  Adapted  from  Report  of  the  Conservation  Commission  of  Maryland  for  1908- 
1909,  pp.  94-97. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  219 

and  sailing  vessels  assure  the  grower  probability  of  prompt  marketing. 
The  water-carried  produce  usually  goes  to  Baltimore;  the  railroad 
transportation  is  mostly  to  the  cities  farther  north  (Philadelphia  and 
New  York).  The  commission  merchants  of  these  cities  send  their 
buyers  into  the  truck  and  especially  the  fruit  regions  of  the  state, 
and  buy  the  crops  of  the  growers  at  the  farm  in  many  instances. 
This  is  quite  commonly  done  upon  the  Eastern  Shore,  and  in  the 
apple  area  of  the  western  part  of  the  state,  and  is  of  benefit  to  the 
grower  in  that  he  has  his  market  come  to  his  goods  instead  of  having 
to  send  the  goods  to  the  market.  The  level  nature  of  the  Coastal 
Zone,  and  the  deep  rivers  penetrating  the  land  far  back  from  the 
bay,  assist  materially  in  the  development  of  the  region  as  a  truck 
and  fruit  section. 

Of  the  truck  crops,  tomatoes  lead  in  acreage  and  yield,  with 
sweet  corn  second.  Cabbage  and  melons  are  next  in  importance, 
but  the  method  of  recording  the  crop  is  quite  different  in  the  two 
groups.  The  first  group,  tomatoes  and  corn,  are  recorded  in  bushels; 
the  second,  by  the  individual  unit,  head  of  cabbage  or  single  melon. 
Peas  and  beans  are  quite  important  as  truck  crops,  but  just  what 
proportion  of  the  yield  should  be  credited  to  the  truck  and  which 
to  the  canning  list  is  difficult  to  determine.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
any  given  load  of  produce  might  be  raised  as  a  truck  crop,  but 
through  the  various  channels  of  trade  finally  reach  the  consumer  as 
canned  goods. 

Strawberries  may  be  discussed  as  a  truck  crop  more  conveniently 
than  as  a  fruit,  since  it  is  also  a  canning  crop.  The  chief  strawberry 
areas  are  on  the  sandy  soil  of  the  Coastal  Zone.  The  crop  from  the 
Eastern  Shore  is  delivered  to  the  northern  cities,  Philadelphia  and 
beyond,  while  the  Western  Shore  berries  more  largely  supply  Balti- 
more and  Washington  and  Pittsburgh.  This  is  the  direct  relation  to 
the  lines  of  communication  established  in  the  respective  areas.  The 
markets  are  in  ger  eral  supplied  from  the  nearest  source  of  straight 
shipment,  as  every  handling  adds  to  the  cost  of  transportation,  and 
to  the  risk  of  loss  to  the  grower.  Together  these  add  to  the  price 
which  the  consumer  pays  for  his  berries  under  normal  conditions. 

Canning  crops.  The  canning  industry  is  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant branches  or  adjuncts  of  Maryland  agriculture.  The  farmer  in 
the  Coastal  Zone,  by  his  contracts  for  tomatoes,  knows  his  possible 


220  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

income  in  advance,  and  does  not  have  to  seek  an  uncertain  market. 
The  contracting  feature  does  not  assume  so  prominent  a  factor  in 
regard  to  the  pea  and  corn  canning,  but  in  each  of  these  there  is  a 
nearby  market  assured  the  producer  who  supplies  the  canning  fac- 
tory. The  chief  corn-canning  area  is  in  the  central  Midland  Zone; 
the  other  two  crops,  tomatoes  and  peas,  are  characteristic  of  the 
warmer  soils  of  the  Coastal  Zone. 

Baltimore  being  a  market  center  draws  upon  distant  as  well  as 
local  sources  of  supply.  This  is  noticeable  in  the  canning  industry. 
Peaches  form  an  important  part  of  the  year's  output  from  the  city 
factories,  the  fruit  being  either  consigned  to  the  canneries,  or  bought 
in  the  open  market.  Strawberries  are  not  regularly  canned  to  an 
important  degree,  but  at  times  of  glutted  markets  they  are  so  treated. 
A  modification  of  ordinary  canning  is  found  in  the  preparation  of 
fruit  juices  for  use  in  summer  drinks.  Much  of  the  strawberry  fruit 
juice  so  used  is  secured  in  the  Baltimore  markets  through  the  canning 
factories. 

3.     SOILS  OF  THE  PIEDMONT  PLATEAU1 

Lying  between  the  Atlantic  Coastal  Plain  and  the  Appalachian 
Mountains  and  extending  from  the  Hudson  River  to  ^east>central 
Alabama  is  an  area  of  gently  rolling  to  hilly  country  known  as  the 
Piedmont  Plateau,  in  which  the  soils  are  derived  directly  from  the 
disintegration  in  place  of  igneous  and  metamorphic  rocks.  On  the 
Atlantic  side  of  the  plateau  it  is  closely  defined  by  the  "fall  line"  of 
the  rivers  where  they  flow  over  the  eastern  edges  of  the  consolidated 
rocks  into  the  unconsolidated  material  of  the  Coastal  Plains,  as 
seen,  for  example,  at  Baltimore,  Washington,  Richmond,  Columbus, 
and  Augusta,  but  on  the  northwestern  side  the  boundary  is  not 
sharp,  although  recognizable.  In  its  northern  extension  the  Pied- 
mont Plateau  is  quite  narrow,  but  broadens  toward  the  south, 
attaining  its  greatest  width  in  North  Carolina. 

The  surface  features  are  those  of  a  broad,  rolling  plain  that  has 
been  deeply  cut  by  an  intricate  system  of  small  streams,  whose  valley 
walls  are  rounded  and  covered  with  soil,  although  many  small  gorges 
and  rocky  areas  occur.  The  altitude  varies  from  about  300  feet  to 
more  than  1,000  feet  above  sea-level. 

1  Adapted  from  Milton  Whitney,  Bureau  of  Soils,  Bulletin  78,  p.  73. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  221 

The  extreme  northern  part  of  the  Piedmont  region,  in  New 
Jersey,  has  been  glaciated,  but  elsewhere  the  soils  are  purely  residual 
in  origin  and  have  been  derived  almost  exclusively  from  the  weather- 
ing of  igneous  and  metamorphic  rocks.  The  chief  exception  is  the 
detached  areas  of  sandstone  and  shales  of  Triassic  age.  Marked  dif- 
erences  in  the  character  of  the  rock  and  the  method  of  formation 
have  given  rise  to  a  number  of  soil  types. 

The  northern  portion  of  the  Piedmont,  north  of  an  irregular  line 
running  in  a  general  diagonal  direction  across  northern  Virginia, 
being  narrow,  has  been  subjected  to  the  greatest  erosion,  as  the 
drainage  courses  have  been  steeper.  As  a  result  the  present  level  of 
the  land  surface  is  considerably  lower  than  the  southern  Piedmont. 
The  open  season  is  shorter — about  three  months — and  erosion  has  so 
nearly  kept  pace  with  rock  disintegration  that  the  soil  cover  is 
relatively  shallow  and  the  rocks  as  a  rule  are  not  far  below  the  sur- 
face of  the  ground.  In  the  southern  Piedmont  over  most  of  the 
area  the  rocks  have  disintegrated  to  a  depth  of  50  feet  or  more. 

4.     GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  VIRGINIA1 

Five  distinct  geographic  divisions  can  be  recognized  in  Virginia, 
each  of  which  has  a  general  northeast  and  southwest  direction,  as 
fixed  by  the  Atlantic  Coast  line  on  the  east,  and  the  Appalachian 
Mountain  system  on  the  west. 

Natural  Divisions  Area  in  Square  Miles 

i.  Tidewater 11,000 

2.  Piedmont 18,000 

3.  Blue  Ridge 2,500 

4.  Valley 5,ooo 

5.  Appalachian 5, 400 

These  divisions  succeed  each  other  in  parallel  order,  and  are 
characterized  by  a  general  increase  in  elevation  from  the  sea  west- 
ward. 

Tidewater.  As  the  name  would  indicate,  this  is  that  portion  of 
Virginia  territory  which  constitutes  a  part  of  the  Atlantic  Coastal 
Plain.     The  western  boundary  is  marked  by  that  line  of  sudden 

1  Adapted  from  G.  T.  Surface,  "Geography  of  Virginia,"  Bulletin  of  the  Geo- 
graphical Society  of  Philadelphia,  October,  1907,  pp.  211-60. 


222  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

topographic  change  known  as  the  "fall  line,"  where  the  streams 
emerge  from  the  hard  crystalline  rocks  of  Piedmont,  on  to  the  soft 
sedimentary  deposits  of  the  Coastal  Plain.  The  great  number  of 
bays  and  estuaries  are  of  comparatively  recent  origin,  having  been 
formed  by  the  gradual  subsidence  of  the  Coastal  Plain  region,  by 
which  the  rivers  are  drowned  in  their  lower  course  through  the  trans- 
gression of  the  ocean.  The  Susquehanna  River  formerly  entered 
the  ocean  east  of  Cape  Henry,  and  the  Potomac,  James,  York,  and 
Rappahannock  were  its  important  tributaries.  The  continued 
depression  converted  the  lower  Susquehanna  Valley  into  the  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  and  embayed  the  mouths  of  the  lower  tributaries,  making 
them  tidal  streams.  The  effect  was  to  make  all  of  the  important 
streams  navigable  in  the  Coastal  Plain  part  of  their  course,  and  it 
gave  to  the  state  in  the  formation  of  Hampton  Roads  (estuary  at 
the  mouth  of  the  James  River)  the  finest  American  harbor. 

The  elevation  increases  from  sea-level  to  150-300  feet  on  the 
western  border.  From  the  surface  configuration  the  land  is  com- 
monly designated  as  first  and  second  bottom,  and  the  ridge  country. 
The  first  bottom,  where  protected  from  the  tide,  is  very  productive. 
It  is  in  this  portion  that  most  of  the  swamp  and  marsh  lands  occur, 
all  of  which  are  covered  with  a  variety  of  swamp  and  marsh  grasses, 
which  are  partially  utilized  for  grazing.  Wherever  this  has  been 
reclaimed  it  is  exceedingly  productive,  Dismal  Swamp  being  the 
most  notable  example.  No  survey  or  special  study  has  been  made 
of  these  wild  lands,  but  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  hundreds  of  square 
miles  could  be  reclaimed  at  a  cost  which  would  leave  a  wide  margin 
of  profit. 

The  second  bottom  is  also  alluvial,  and  is  the  most  valuable  part 
of  Tidewater.  The  subsoil  is  a  dark  red  or  yellow  clay,  with  a 
moderate  mixture  of  sand.  The  surface  soils  consist  of  sandy  loams, 
which  vary  in  color  and  consistency  according  to  the  mineral  and 
vegetable  matter  predominating.  The  ridge  country  has  an  eleva- 
tion of  90-300  feet  above  sea-level.  The  soil  is  a  light  sand,  easily 
eroded,  and  intractable  to  most  methods  of  improvement.  This  sec- 
tion involves  one  of  the  most  important  economic  problems  in  the 
state.  Calcareous  marls  have  proved  very  beneficial,  and  it  is 
believed  by  some  fertilizer  authorities  that  most  of  the  area  can  be 
brought  into  a  state  of  at  least  fair  productivity. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  223 

The  soil  of  the  Coastal  Plain  is  universally  sandy  or  a  sandy 
loam,  and,  with  a  limited  rainfall,  or  cold  climate,  would  be  of  little 
economic  value.  Having  an  adequate  rainfall  and  a  long  growing 
season,  it  becomes  ideally  adapted  to  the  profitable  industry  of 
trucking,  and  holds  first  rank  in  this  line  of  production.  The 
average  growing  season  is  from  seven  to  seven  and  one-half  month's 
duration.  The  winters  are  short  and  mild;  the  snowfall  light;  and 
the  freezing  never  extreme  or  protracted.  The  summer's  heat  is  so 
tempered  by  the  sea  breezes  as  to  seldom  become  oppressive. 

Piedmont.  The  "fall  line,"  previously  mentioned,  which  marks 
the  western  boundary  of  the  Coastal  Plain,  is  the  eastern  boundary 
of  Piedmont.  The  Piedmont  area  consists  for  the  most  part  of 
crystalline  rocks  and  varies  in  elevation  from  150-300  feet  on  the 
east,  to  700-1,200  feet  along  the  Blue  Ridge  border.  Streams  cross 
it  almost  at  right  angles,  in  a  general  southeastern  direction. 

Blue  Ridge.  This  stands  out  as  the  most  conspicuous  and  per- 
sistent of  the  natural  divisions  in  the  state,  being  a  continuous 
barrier  from  the  Maryland  boundary  to  the  North  Carolina  boundary, 
excepting  an  occasional  water  or  wind  gap.  With  an  elevation  of 
1,460  feet  at  Harper's  Ferry,  where  the  Potomac  River  breaks  through 
the  Blue  Ridge,  it  increases  southwestward  to  4,001  feet  in  Bedford 
County  (Peaks  of  Otter),  and  reaches  a  maximum  of  5,700  feet  in 
Mount  Rogers,  Grayson  County,  Virginia.  It  is  three  to  twenty 
miles  in  width.  The  southern  portion  expands  into  a  fan-like  plateau, 
which  is  the  watershed  for  the  waters  flowing  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean 
and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

The  Blue  Ridge,  together  with  that  part  of  Piedmont  adjacent 
to  it,  is  peculiarly  adapted  to  apple  culture.  The  most  successful 
growers  plant  their  orchards  on  the  mountains,  because  the  valleys 
are  not  only  more  subject  to  frost,  but  the  winter  temperature  is 
lower  than  for  the  mountain,  up  to  a  greater  elevation  than  is  repre- 
sented by  most  of  thi  mountains  of  Virginia. 

The  Valley.  This  is  a  continuation  of  the  Great  Valley  of  east 
Tennessee,  and  becomes  the  Cumberland  Valley  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania,  the  Kittatinny  Valley  of  New  Jersey,  and  the  New- 
burg  part  of  the  Hudson  River  Valley  in  New  York.  The  Valley 
region  is  that  which  lies  between  the  western  base  of  the  Blue  Ridge 
and  the  eastern  base  of  the  Alleghany  Front.     In  Virginia  it  is 


224  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

15-40  miles  in  width,  and  230  miles  in  length.  For  the  purposes  of 
convenience  we  may  recognize  three  general  sections:  the  northern, 
or  Shenandoah  Valley  section;  the  central,  embracing  that  region 
between  the  headwaters  of  the  Shenandoah  and  the  Holston  rivers, 
which  is  cut  by  the  transverse  valleys  of  the  James,  Roanoke,  and 
New  rivers;  and  the  southern  section,  that  part  drained  by  the 
Holston  River. 

Viewed  topographically,  it  is  a  broad,  gently  rolling  plain,  with 
the  floor  dissected  by  minor  drainage  systems.  The  elevation 
increases  southwestward  and  westward,  being  242  feet  above  tide 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  1,687  feet  where  the  Holston 
River  crosses  the  state  line.  The  soil  of  the  Valley  is  prevailingly 
limestone,  and  it  is  by  far  the  most  productive  of  the  natural  divisions. 

The  position  of  the  Valley  topographically  marks  it  out  as  a 
natural  transportation  route  from  Birmingham  and  Chattanooga  at 
the  south  to  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  and  New  York  at  the  north. 

Virginia  as  a  whole  consumes  more  cereals  than  it  produces; 
but  the  Valley  produces  a  surplus  of  wheat  and  corn,  the  wheat  sur- 
plus being  the  larger.  Of  the  total  wheat  production  in  the  state 
more  than  one-half  is  grown  in  the  Valley.  The  adequate  and  well- 
distributed  water-power  is  utilized  in  manufacturing  flour.  As  a 
result  of  the  special  attention  given  to  the  live-stock  industry 
throughout  the  Valley,  the  cultivation  of  corn  is  general.  It  is 
naturally  somewhat  concentrated  on  the  alluvial  bottom  lands,  but 
not  to  the  extent  practised  in  the  other  divisions.  Since  farming  has 
been  more  profitable  in  the  Valley  than  in  other  portions  of  the 
state,  the  methods  of  cultivation  are  proportionately  more  advanced. 

Appalachia.  This  is  the  most  irregular  of  the  natural  divisions 
both  in  boundary  and  physical  features.  It  consists  of  a  series  of 
ridges  of  northeast-southwest  direction,  alternating  with  narrow 
trough-like  valleys.  In  Virginia  this  irregular  belt  is  260  miles  in 
length  and  10  to  50  miles  in  width.  The  soils  of  the  upper  slopes 
of  the  ridges  are  usually  sandy  and  sterile,  being  derived  from  heavy 
siliceous  sandstones  and  conglomerates.  Those  of  the  lower  slopes 
are  fairly  productive  as  they  are  formed  from  softer  shales.  The 
narrow  valleys  are  made  up  of  sandy  calcareous  alluvium,  with  often 
a  strong  impregnation  of  iron,  and  are  productive.  Cultivation  is 
concentrated  on   the  valleys  and  lowlands.      Because  of  the  very 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  225 

broken  topography  common  to  the  region,  it  is  best  adapted  to 
grazing.  More  virgin  forests  survive  in  this  belt  than  in  any  other 
part  of  the  state,  because  of  its  inaccessibility.  With  the  superior 
water-power,  which  abounds  throughout  the  region,  the  manufac- 
ture of  hardwood  products  should  become  an  important  indus- 
try. This  is  the  most  productive  region  of  the  state  in  mineral 
resources. 

5.    THE  COTTON  BELT' 

Cotton  ranks  second  in  value  among  the  crops  of  the  United 
States  and  occupies  fifth  place  in  acreage.  It  is  the  most  important 
commercial  crop  of  this  country,  and  within  the  "Cotton  Belt"  has 
a  value  exceeding  that  of  all  other  crops  combined.  The  area  of  the 
Cotton  Belt  is  about  300,000,000  acres,  of  which,  in  19 10,  65  per 
cent  was  in  farms,  30  per  cent  was  improved  land,  22  per  cent  was 
in  crops,  and  n  per  cent  was  in  cotton. 

About  two-thirds  of  the  Cotton  Belt  consists  of  a  broad  coastal 
plain  composed  principally  of  sedimentary  material,  bordering  and 
largely  derived  from  two  ancient  and  much  eroded  mountain  masses, 
the  Appalachian  Highlands  (including  the  Piedmont)  in  the  East 
and  the  Ozark  Highlands  in  the  West.  From  these  highland  areas 
rivers  radiate  across  the  Coastal  Plain,  bordered,  especially  along 
their  lower  courses,  by  swampy  flood  plains  in  many  places  several 
miles  in  width ;  and  in  the  broad  depression  between  these  two  high- 
lands the  MississippLJviyer  flows  southward,  dividing  the  Cotton 
Belt  into  an  eastern  and  a  wesiern^section  approximately  equal  in 
area,  in  acreage  of  improved  land,  and  in  production  of  cotton. 
Beyond  the  boundary  of  the  Coastal  Plain  the  Cotton  Belt  includes 
northern  and  western  marginal  regions,  comprising  a  portion  of  the 
Piedmont  Plateau  and  of  the  valleys  associated  with  the  Cumber- 
land Plateau  and  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  in  the  East,  together  with 
the  valleys  of  the  southern  Ozarks  (Ouachita  and  Boston  Mountains) 
and  a  portion  of  the  prairies  and  great  plains  of  Texas  and  Oklahoma 
in  the  West. 

1  Adapted  from  O.  C.  Stine  and  O.  E.  Baker,  "Cotton,"  Atlas  of  American 
Agriculture,  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Office  of  Farm  Manage- 
ment, Part  V,  Sec.  A,  pp.  8-28.  Mr.  Stine  is  assistant  in  farm  economics,  Office 
of  Farm  Management. 


226  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  northern  limit  of  commercial  cotton  production  in  the 
United  States  follows  closely  the  average  summer  temperature  line 
of  770,  or  that  of  700  for  the  growing  season,  and  very  little  cotton 
is  grown  where  the  average  season  between  killing  frosts  is  less  than 
200  days.  The  western  limit  is  approximately  the  line  of  23  inches 
average  annual  precipitation.  Very  little  cotton  is  grown  along  the 
Gulf  Coast  east  of  Galveston  and  practically  non^jn^ojitlieni_Florida, 
owing  partly  to  the  swampy  or  sandy  soils  and  partly  to  the  greater 
autumn  rainfall  which  interferes  with  picking  and  injures  the  quality 
of  the  lint.  The  areas  of  greater__production  are  regions  of  more 
fertile  soils-Hhe  PiedmpjxL£lateau  ana  Upper  Coastal- Plain  (which 
are  separated  by  the  less  fertile  belt  of  Sand  Hills)f  the  Black  Prairie 
of  Alabama  and  Mississippi,  the  Yazoo-Mississippi  Delta,  the  Red 
River  Valley,  and,  most  important  of  all,  the  Black  Waxy  Prairies 
of  Texas.  In  the  first  two  regions  the  use  of  fertilizers  has  greatly 
increased  the  productivity  of  the  soil.  Cotton  is  a  new  crop  in  the 
southwest.  In  1909  there  were  only  324  acres  in  California  and 
19  in  Arizona,  but  by  19 16  the  area  had  increased  to  98,000  acres  in 
the  Imperial  Valley,  including  both  the  California  and  Mexican  por- 
tions, and  15,000  acres  in  Arizona,  all  grown  under  irrigation. 

Cotton  is  the  great  crop  of  the  South.  It  occupies  the  best  land 
and  is  the  chief  source  of  the  farmer's  income.  Through  the  center 
of  the  Cotton  Belt,  cotton  occupies  one-half  or  more  of  the  cropped 
land  and  is  the  most  important  crop  produced  for  market.  Although 
cotton  requires  labor  throughout  practically  the  entire  season,  the 
distribution  of  that  labor  is  such  that  other  crops  may  be  cultivated 
to  some  extent  without  reducing  the  acreage  of  cotton,  and  conse- 
quently a  great  diversity  of  crops  for  home  consumption  is  produced 
in  the  Cotton  Belt.  Corn  is  the  most  important  of  these  crops,  and 
in  many  regions  the  acreage  in  corn  is  equal  to  the  acreage  in  cotton. 
Oats,  wheat,  rye,  cowpeas,  sweet  potatoes,  Irish  potatoes,  sorghum, 
garden  vegetables,  and  fruits  are  produced  in  considerable  quantities 
in  some  parts  of  the  South.  Although  there  is  this  diversity  of  crops, 
in  many  cases  not  enough  food  is  grown  by  farmers  for  home  use  or 
to  feed  the  live  stock,  which  on  the  small  farms  usually  consists  of 
a  work  animal,  a  cow,  some  swine,  and  poultry.  Though  there  is 
land  available  for  the  production  of  food  and  forage  crops  and  though 
diversification  in  commercial  crops  is  being  constantly  urged  upon 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  227 

the  South,  the  acreage  devoted  to  all  of  these  crops,  excepting  corn, 
is  relatively  small;  and  consequently  the  South  imports  from  the 
North  every  year  large  quantities  of  foodstuffs  and  grain  for  feed, 
which  is  distributed  not  only  to  the  city  population  but  also  to  the 
cotton  growers  on  the  farms. 

Natural  and  economic  forces  have  made  the  South  peculiarly 
dependent  upon  cotton.  Cotton  may  be  grown  only  under  certain 
climatic  conditions,  which  restrict  its  production  in  the  United  States 
to  the  southern  states,  whereas  grain  and  forage  crops,  which  are 
grown  to  some  extent  in  these  states,  are  grown  in  other  parts  of  the 
United  States  under  climatic  conditions  as  favorable  or  even  more 
favorable  for  their  production.  Since  cotton  will  grow  on  practically 
all  well-drained  soils,  is  drought  resistant,  and  yields  well  on  light 
sandy  soils  to  which  fertilizers  have  been  applied,  it  is  better  suited 
to  many  of  the  soils  of  the  South  than  are  the  other  staple  crops. 
Furthermore,  the  South  has  a  denser  agricultural  population  and 
cheaper  labor  than  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  both  of  which 
circumstances  favor  the  production  of  cotton,  as  it  requires  a  large 
amount  of  hand  labor  and  yields  high  returns  per  acre.  Since  cotton 
can  be  produced  cheaply  only  in  the  South,  whereas  other  staple 
crops  can  be  produced  as  cheaply  or  more  cheaply  elsewhere,  it  is, 
more  profitable  with  normal  prices  to  produce  cotton  in  most  parts 
of  the  South  than  to  produce  other  crops  and  live  stock  for  market, 
except  in  so  far  as  their  production  with  the  cotton  crop  results  in 
better  and  more  efficient  use  of  the  labor  and  capital  on  the  farm. 

The  character  of  the  labor  supply  and  the  large  amount  of  hand 
labor  used  in  the  production  of  cotton  have  developed  systems  of 
managing  the  farm  peculiar  to  the  South. 

From  the  time  when  cotton  became  a  commercial  crop  in  the 
South  until  the  Civil  War,  it  was  commonly  grown  under  the  planta- 
tion system.  Strictly  speaking,  the  term  "plantation"  was  applied 
to  a  large  farm  operated  under  one  management  with  slave  labor 
frequently  directed  by  an  overseer.  The  planter  exercised  super- 
vision over  the  growing  of  crops  through  the  overseer  and  handled 
most  of  the  business  transactions  himself.  After  the  slaves  were 
freed,  the  "cropper"  system  was  established,  and  the  "plantation" 
may  now  be  defined  as  a  large  tract  of  farm  land  operated  under 
one  management  by  wage  hands  and  croppers.     Under  the  cropper 


228  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

system  there  is  much  less  supervision  by  the  owner  or  manager  than 
was  necessary  with  slave  labor  and  less  than  is  necessary  to  operate 
the  plantation  with  wage  hands.  The  planter  does  not  always  have 
an  overseer,  although  on  the  farms  most  commonly  recognized  as 
plantations  one  is  usually  employed.  The  term  "plantation"  is 
often  used  colloquially,  however,  to  designate  any  large  farm  employ- 
ing a  considerable  amount  of  labor. 

Plantations  as  defined  by  the  census  are  most  numerous  in  the 
older  cotton-growing  states.  Texas  was  a  part  of  the  United  States 
for  only  a  few  years  before  the  Civil  War,  so  that  slavery  and  the 
plantation  system  did  not  have  time  to  develop  there  to  the  extent 
that  it  did  in  the  states  east  of  Texas,  and  therefore  the  plantations 
of  today  are  found  only  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  state.  Oklahoma 
has  no  plantations,  as  it  has  been  settled  in  recent  years,  too  late 
for  the  system  to  become  established. 

Plantations  are  the  largest  in  Texas  and  Louisiana.  The  large 
plantations  have  a  high  percentage  of  unimproved  land,  most  of 
which  is  under  the  control  of  the  owner.  The  croppers  on  the  plan- 
tation rent  mostly  the  improved  land,  leaving  the  unimproved  in  the 
care  of  the  owner,  who  utilizes  it  for  supplying  fuel  and  to  some 
extent  for  the  grazing  of  the  live  stock  belonging  to  the  plantation. 

6.  THE  BLACK  BELT  OF  ALABAMA1 

To  speak  of  the  "Old  South"  is  at  once  to  suggest  a  very  definite 
type  of  civilization.  There  has  been  no  more  distinctive  human 
product  of  American  soil  than  the  culture  of  the  "Cotton  Kingdom" 
of  ante-bellum  days.  Two  generations  from  the  declaration  of 
democratic  faith  saw  flourishing  a  caste  system,  rooted  in  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  of  which  the  spread  was  largely  conditioned  by 
geographic  factors — the  fertile  soils  and  warm  temperate  climate  of 
the  South. 

It  was  a  short-lived  civilization  this,  with  its  social  ideals  expressed 
in  the  ownership  of  "a  mansion,  a  cotton  plantation,  and  a  hundred 
slaves,"  but  its  relics  still  remain.  If  one  would  see  them  before 
they  are  swept  away  by  the  hand  of  progress  let  him  for  choice  go 

'Taken  from  Herdman  F.  Cleland,  "The  Black  Belt  of  Alabama,"  The 
Geographical  Review,  December,  1920,  pp.  375-87.  Mr.  Cleland  is  professor  of 
geology  at  Williams  College. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  229 

to  Alabama  and  in  Alabama  to  the  Black  Belt.  Ask  almost  any 
Alabaman  where  the  best  ante-bellum  architecture  of  the  state  is  to 
be  found  and  the  answer  will  surely  be,  "In  the  Black  Belt."  Ask  in 
what  part  of  the  state  the  people  are  most  cultured  and  most  highly 
educated;  where  the  traditions  and  prejudices  of  the  Old  South  are 
strongest,  and  it  will  be,  "In  the  Black  Belt."  Ask  for  a  town 
typical  of  the  Old  South,  and  Greensboro  will  frequently  be  men- 
tioned; and  unspoiled,  Greensboro  is  well  worth  a  visit. 

A  brief  description  of  this  town  of  about  2,000  inhabitants,  of 
which  the  greater  portion  are  negroes,  will  serve  as  a  starting-place 
from  which  to  discuss  the  geographic  influences  which  shaped  the 
civilization  of  this  interesting  region.  Moreover,  Greensboro  is 
especially  favorable  for  such  a  study  because,  like  most  towns  of  the 
Black  Belt,  it  is  not  situated  on  a  waterway,  and  the  complex  fac- 
tors which  arise  from  such  a  situation  are  lacking. 

The  "Mansion  "  of  the  Cotton  Planter.  About  a  mile  from  the  rail- 
road station  at  a  turn  in  the  road  is  seen  the  first  "mansion"  or  "big 
house,"  as  the  negroes  term  the  home  of  the  landowner,  whether  it 
be  large  or  small.  It  is  almost  hidden  by  a  tangle  of  vines  and 
shrubbery  and  by  the  great  trees  which  shade  it.  A  more  perfect 
setting  for  the  most  romantic  stories  of  Thomas  Nelson  Page  would 
be  hard  to  find.  The  dignified  simplicity  of  the  tall  Ionic  columns 
that  support  the  pediment  to  form  the  porch,  the  nearly  perfect  pro- 
portions of  the  house  gleaming  among  the  green  of  the  great  oaks 
give  an  impression  of  culture  and  romance. 

Further  on  down  the  street  other  ante-bellum  houses  are  seen, 
all  in  spacious  grounds,  but  most  of  them  surrounded  by  unkept 
lawns  and  decrepit  fences.  No  two  houses  are  alike;  each  has  its 
own  individuality,  and  most  of  them  have  great  charm.  In  all  of 
them  the  columns  are  two  stories  high;  but  some  are  square,  some 
round  and  smooth,  some  round  and  fluted,  some  hexagonal,  some 
thick,  and  some  slender.  All  the  houses  have  either  a  gallery  running 
their  full  width  or  a  balcony  over  the  front  door.  Some,  however, 
are  not  of  the  colonial  type  but  show  the  influence  of  the  French 
architecture  so  characteristic  of  old  New  Orleans.  As  a  rule,  a  wide 
hall,  with  a  high  ceiling,  extends  through  each  house  on  each  side  of 
which  are  two  rooms  20  by  20  feet.  In  ante-bellum  times  the  kitchen 
was  entirely  separate  from  the  main  building;    but  this  custom  was 


1 


2i,o  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

abandoned  after  the  freeing  of  the  slaves,  and  the  kitchens  are  now 
attached  to  the  houses. 

In  construction  and  appurtenances  the  mansion  is  typical  of  the 
civilization  that  produced  it.  In  a  town  of  the  Black  Belt  not  far 
from  Greensboro  is  a  house  perhaps  as  large  and  fine  as  any  in  this 
town — a  house  which  cost  the  owner,  according  to  his  boast,  not 
more  than  $450.  The  bricks  for  the  foundation  and  fireplaces  were 
made  and  laid  by  his  own  slaves;  the  lumber  came  from  the  trees 
of  his  own  woodland  and  was  cut  and  sawed  by  his  slaves;  and  the 
house  was  built  by  negro  carpenters  who  belonged  to  him.  Only 
the  window  glass  and  hardware,  which  his  blacks  could  not  make, 
were  purchased.  It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  cost  of  the  ante- 
bellum houses  which  were  built  largely  by  slave  labor,  because  of  the 
great  variation  in  the  cost  of  interior  decorations.  From  the  data 
available  it  seems  probable  that  a  house  worth  $25,000,  if  built  by 
contract  in  1914,  probably  cost  about  $3,000  or  $4,000  under  ante- 
bellum conditions. 

The  Poorer  Quarters  and  Negro  Cabins.  There  is  an  erroneous 
impression  in  the  North,  and  in  the  South  for  that  matter,  that  most 
of  the  white  population  of  the  South  before  the  Civil  War  were  slave- 
owners, whereas  the  truth  is  that  only  about  40  per  cent  of  the 
families  owned  slaves.  The  poor  of  the  white  population  did  not 
own  slaves,  and  their  houses  were  as  cheap  and  unsightly  as  those 
of  people  in  similar  circumstances  today.  Consequently  anyone 
who  visits  Greensboro  expecting  to  find  a  street  lined  with  stately 
dwellings  will  be  greatly  disappointed,  for  there  are  more  unattrac- 
tive than  attractive  houses.  Nevertheless,  tire  proportion  of  old 
dignified  houses  is  sufficiently  large  to  make  the  streets  unusually 
interesting,  and  is  greater  perhaps  than  in  any  other  town  in  the 
South.  The  fact  that  the  mansions  were  surrounded  by  extensive 
grounds  should  not  be  forgotten  if  a  true  conception  of  a  Black  Belt 
town  is  to  be  gained.  The  following  figures,  taken  at  random,  are 
the  areas  of  the  plots  of  ground  surrounding  the  planters'  homes  in 
Greensboro:  140,  60,  30,  6,  and  5  acres. 

The  black  servants  of  the  planters  lived  either  in  a  restricted 
section  of  the  town  or  in  cabins  scattered  here  and  there  over  the 
plantations.  These  cabins  are  nearly  all  alike,  containing  one  or 
two  rooms  and  having  a  brick,  or  stick-and-mud,  chimney  built  on 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  231 

the  outside.  In  the  country  districts  one  sees  many  negro  cabins 
and  occasionally  an  overseer's  house  but  seldom  the  home  of  a 
planter.  Indeed  the  picture  that  comes  to  one's  mind  after  traveling 
over  the  Black  Belt  is  that  of  a  fertile,  gently  rolling  prairie  with 
negro  cabins  standing  in  the  open  fields  and  not  even  a  tree  or  shrub 
to  furnish  shade  or  add  a  touch  of  beauty. 

Main  Street  and  the  Old  Market.  There  is  little  to  be  said  about 
the  business  street  of  Greensboro.  It  is  no  better  and  no  worse 
than  the  "main  street"  of  the  average  American  village  or  town. 
However,  it  is  of  interest  to  the  Northerner  on  a  Saturday  when  the 
negroes  come  to  town  to  do  their  trading  and  as  compared  with  the 
whites  number  perhaps  25  to  1.  Although  most  of  the  buildings 
have  been  erected  since  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  the  street  was 
probably  even  less  inspiring  in  "the  old  time"  than  now.  There  is 
one  building,  however,  that  gives  it  a  flavor  of  the  Old  South.  It  is 
the  old  market,  and,  although  now  used  for  other  purposes  and 
standing  in  a  back  yard,  it  assists  one  to  reconstruct  the  life  of  sixty 
or  seventy  years  ago.  It  is  doubtful,  though,  if  this  market  was  ever 
an  important  institution  in  the  life  or  economy  of  the  village  in  ante- 
bellum days,  as  most  of  the  plantations  were  nearly  self-supporting. 

The  presence  of  the  college  on  the  edge  of  the  village  tells  much 
of  the  ambitions  and  aspirations  of  the  settlement.  College  and 
mansion,  overseer's  home  and  negro  cabin  give  a  picture  that  is 
typical.     Let  us  now  extend  our  view  over  the  Black  Belt  as  a  whole. 

What  Is  the  Black  Belt?  The  Black  Belt,  also  called  "Black 
Prairie"  and  "Canebrake"  and  "Cotton  Belt,"  is  not  so  named 
because  of  the  large  number  of  negroes,  although  it  happens  that 
the  proportion  of  negroes  to  whites  is  78  to  22,  the  highest  in  the  state, 
but  because  of  the  dark  color  of  soil  which  is  in  striking  contrast 
to  the  red  and  yellow  soils  of  most  of  the  state.  This  strip  of  rich, 
black  soil  has  an  average  width  of  20-25  miles  and  an  area  in  the 
state  of  about  4,300  square  miles  and  extends  in  an  east-west  direc- 
tion nearly  across  south  central  Alabama.  It  conforms  almost 
exactly  with  the  easily  decomposed,  impure,  chalky,  Cretaceous  lime- 
stone (Selma  chalk)  which  has  a  thickness  of  about  1,000  feet  in  the 
western  part  of  the  state  and  disappears  in  the  east,  near  Mont- 
gomery. This  formation  dips  to  the  south  at  the  rate  of  30-40  feet 
to  the  mile  while  the  surface  slopes  at  a  much  less  rapid  rate  in  the 


232  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

same  direction.  The  weathering  of  the  beveled  edges  of  this  "rotten 
limestone"  determined  the  width  and  position  of  the  Black  Belt;  and 
the  soil  formed  from  it  is  a  clay  of  exceptional  fertility  but  somewhat 
difficult  to  work  because  it  bakes  in  summer  and  becomes  tenacious 
mud  in  winter. 

Physiography  of  the  Black  Belt.  Physiographically  the  Black 
Belt  is  a  trough-shaped  depression  with  a  gently  undulating  surface, 
parts  of  which,  "mostly  remote  from  the  rivers,  are  so  level  that  the 
railroads  have  built  several  tangents  (i.e.,  straight  tracks)  a  dozen 
miles  or  more  in  length."  In  the  whole  region,  with  the  exception 
of  the  river  bottoms,  swamps  are  rare,  notwithstanding  the  clay  soil. 

An  early  writer  characterized  it  thus:  "In  the  uncleared  parts 
of  the  canebrake  one  can  scarcely  satisfy  himself  that  he  is  not 
standing  on  the  low  grounds  of  a  river;  the  deep,  alluvial-looking  soil 
beneath  his  feet,  the  moisture-loving  long  moss  (Tillandsia  usneoides) 
above  his  head,  together  with  an  undergrowth  of  Sabals,  Palmettoes, 
and  other  natives  of  damp  soils,  strengthen  the  illusion." 

As  one  rides  over  the  gently  rolling  surface  of  this  region  and 
crosses  the  steep-banked  gullies  and  the  bluff-bordered  rivers  one  is 
impressed  with  the  aspect  of  topographic  youth.  However,  a  more 
careful  study  forces  one  to  the  conclusion  that  the  region  is  not  only 
not  in  the  youthful  stage  of  a  first  cycle  of  erosion  but  that  the  sur- 
face is  a  recently  raised  (Pleistocene)  peneplain  whose  thick  residual 
soil  has  not  yet  disappeared  and  in  which  the  rejuvenated  streams  have 
sunk  their  beds  in  places  60  or  more  feet  below  the  surface  of  the  plain. 

Early  History.  The  topography,  soil,  and  climate  of  the  Black 
Belt  offered  unique  opportunities  for  settlement.  In  the  second 
decade  of  last  century  the  cession  of  Indian  lands  opened  up  large 
areas  of  Alabama  to  the  westward  movement.  Pickett,  the  historian 
of  Alabama,  picturesquely  describes  the  movement  thus: 

The  floodgates  of  Virginia,  the  two  Carolinas,  Tennessee,  Kentucky, 
and  Georgia  were  now  hoisted,  and  mighty  streams  of  emigration  poured 
through  them,  spreading  over  the  whole  territory  of  Alabama.  The  ax 
resounded  from  side  to  side,  and  from  corner  to  corner.  The  stately  and 
magnificent  forests  fell.  Log  cabins  sprang,  as  if  by  magic,  into  sight. 
Never,  before  or  since,  has  a  country  been  so  rapidly  peopled. 

In  the  case  of  the  Black  Belt,  however,  when  first  occupied  pos- 
sibly 10  per  cent  of  the  surface  was  treeless  so  that  the  early  settlers 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  233 

were  immediately  able  to  raise  an  abundant  harvest  on  the  rich, 
virgin  soil. 

The  first  mail  was  brought  to  Greensboro  in  181 8,  only  forty- 
three  years  before  the  opening  of  hostilities  between  the  North  and 
South,  but  so  rich  was  the  soil  and  so  profitable  the  slave  labor  that 
thirty  years  after  this  date  the  land  had  been  cleared  of  its  timber 
and  the  pioneer  log  cabins  largely  replaced  by  the  fascinating  homes 
of  the  southern  planter.  In  fact,  one  of  the  finest  ante-bellum 
houses  was  built  in  1843,  only  twenty-five  years  after  the  settlement 
of  the  region,  and  near  Demopolis  the  famous  Gainswood  mansion 
was  built  only  fifteen  years  after  its  settlement. 

The  land  of  the  Black  Belt  was  acquired  under  homestead  acts 
and  by  purchase  in  connection  with  these  acts.  A  settler  was  allowed 
to  "homestead"  160,  320,  and  640  acres  according  to  the  changing 
laws  of  the  period.  Title  to  practically  all  of  the  land  was  acquired 
between  1819  and  1830,  and,  as  during  this  period  the  law  permitted 
a  person  to  buy  large  tracts  in  addition  to  his  homestead  at  prices 
ranging  from  25  to  30  cents  an  acre  (though  it  is  reported  that  some 
of  the  land  was  sold  by  the  General  Land  Office  at  public  sales  for  as 
much  as  $50.00  per  acre),  many  wealthy  persons  availed  themselves 
of  the  privilege  and  purchased  hundreds  of  acres.  One  plantation 
contained  11,000  acres  and  very  few  less  than  1,000  acres. 

The  Plantations.  Most  of  the  planters  of  the  Black  Belt  lived  in 
towns — several  of  them  situated  on  the  northern  or  southern  edge  of 
the  belt — and  there  built  their  big  houses  or  mansions.  The  term 
"planter"  was  in  common  use,  and  the  men  who  graduated  from  the 
University  of  Alabama  before  the  Civil  War  and  who  engaged  in 
agriculture  are  invariably  designated  as  planters  in  the  alumni  cata- 
logue of  that  university.  Because  of  the  extent  of  the  estates  it  is 
not  surprising  to  find  that  some  of  them  were  ten,  fifteen,  and  even 
thirty  miles  from  the  planter's  home.  To  reach  his  plantation  the 
planter  was  obliged  «.o  travel  on  horseback  during  the  greater  part 
of  the  year  because  of  the  condition  of  the  roads,  which  when  wet 
were  "converted  into  a  mass  of  clay  sufficiently  soft  to  allow  his 
wheels  to  drop  down  to  the  axle,  but  having  a  tenacity  that  no  clay 
ever  had." 

The  number  of  slaves  owned  by  seven  Greensboro  planters  about 
whom  information  was  obtained  was,  on  the  average,  one  slave  for 


234  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

every  ten  acres;  for  example  a  planter  owning  4,000  acres  would 
have  400  slaves.  If  the  negro  family  had,  on  the  average,  six  children 
the  man  of  the  family  would  at  this  rate  care  for  about  80  acres. 
Such  information  is,  however,  very  untrustworthy  because  of  the 
tendency  on  the  part  of  the  descendants  of  a  family  to  give  the 
maximum  rather  than  the  average  number  of  slaves.  The  estimate 
that  on  a  plantation  of  2,000  acres  there  were,  on  an  average,  about 
75  slaves  including  men,  women,  and  children,  seems  most  probable. 
Very  few  planters  in  the  South  ever  owned  as  many  as  500  slaves. 

Social  Relations  and  Culture.  One  indirect  effect  of  the  physical 
conditions  which  resulted  from  the  ownership  of  large  plantations 
was  the  development  of  a  self-respecting  landed  aristocracy  which, 
because  of  the  large  size  of  the  estates,  was  relatively  small.  It  is 
on  this  account  that  the  knowledge  of  family  history  possessed  by 
the  older  generations  of  the  people  of  this  region  is  almost  uncanny. 
Mention  the  name  of  an  old  Alabaman  family,  and  doubtless  almost 
any  of  the  older  inhabitants  can  tell  you  not  only  a  great  deal  about 
the  family  characteristics  and  history  but  also  who  are  their  "kin" 
by  marriage,  even  though  they  had  never  met  a  member  of  the 
family. 

There  is  an  all  too  prevalent  but  unfounded  belief  that  the 
presence  of  an  inferior  race  in  large  numbers  lowers  the  standard  of 
the  dominant  race.  In  the  Black  Belt  where  the  proportion  of  negroes 
to  whites  is  larger  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  United  States  (except 
the  black  counties  of  the  Mississippi  River  bottoms)  and  where  the 
average  wealth  of  the  landowners  is  relatively  high,  the  white  people 
have  maintained  high  standards  of  education  and  culture.  Illiteracy 
among  the  whites  amounts  only  to  about  2  per  cent;  that  of  the 
negroes  is  about  44  per  cent. 

Cultural  development  of  ante-bellum  days  was  the  same  as  it  is 
the  world  over  where  rich  lands  have  yielded  wealth  and  the  leisure 
that  promotes  a  high  state  of  civilization.  Bliss  Perry  has  expressed 
it  by  saying  that  with  few  exceptions  the  best  literature  of  the  world 
has  been  the  work  of  men  whose  energy  was  not  dissipated  by  poverty. 
The  southern  planter  was  patron  and  cultivator  of  the  arts.  The 
estate  to  which  he  believed  himself  called  demanded  the  equipment 
of  an  education  and  this  of  the  old-fashioned  classical  kind.  The 
little  college  of  Greensboro  was  one  of  many  similar  local  institutions 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  235 

in  the  South  founded  by  the  planters  in  their  desire  for  culture  and 
learning  at  a  time  when  travel  was  difficult,  when  roads  were  even 
worse,  if  possible,  than  they  are  now,  and  there  were  no  railroads. 
In  this  connection  it  should  be  noted  that  the  Black  Belt  was  settled 
almost  exclusively  by  people  from  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  many 
of  whom  were  from  families  of  wealth  and  education. 

"  The  Lost  Cause"  The  loyalty  for  the  "Lost  Cause,"  which 
lingered  so  long  in  the  Black  Belt,  was  the  outgrowth,  directly  and 
indirectly,  of  geographic  influences.  The  most  important  factors 
were  the  lack  of  natural  resources  other  than  soil,  such  as  coal,  iron, 
and  water-power,  and  indirectly  the  negro  population.  Because  of 
these  conditions  there  was  little  to  attract  immigrants;  and,  as  the 
people  were  impoverished  by  the  war,  they  were  unable  to  travel. 
The  consequence  was  that  the  deep  convictions  which  their  envi- 
ronment engendered  were  long  retained.  These  convictions  were 
strengthened  by  the  inexcusable  policy  of  reconstruction  times  when 
the  organization  of  the  Ku  Klux  Klan  was  made  necessary  in  order 
that  the  rights  of  decent  people  might  be  safeguarded.  It  is  also 
probable  that  not  a  little  of  the  bitterness  toward  the  North  resulted 
from  the  poverty  in  which  the  people  of  the  South  found  themselves 
after  the  war.  According  to  the  historian  of  Greensboro,  it  was  not 
until  the  year  1884  that  there  was  a  semblance  of  building  in  that 
town. 

Loyalty  to  the  Union  has  come  since  then.  For  thirty-three 
years  after  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  no  United  States  flag  was 
unfurled  in  Greensboro;  but  in  1898  when  the  news  of  the  destruction 
of  the  Spanish  fleet  by  our  navy  at  Manila  reached  the  United  States 
the  feeling  of  pride  broke  the  restraint  of  a  third  of  a  century,  and 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  again  floated  to  the  breeze  to  celebrate  the 
victory.  The  Spanish  American  War,  the  election  to  the  presidency 
of  Woodrow  Wilson,  a  man  born  south  of  the  Mason  and  Dixon  line, 
the  great  world-war,  and  the  passing  away  of  many  of  those  who 
fought  and  suffered  in  the  Civil  War,  have  combined  to  make  of  the 
people  of  the  Black  Belt  loyal  defenders  of  the  country,  though 
always  retaining  an  affection  for  the  Stars  and  Bars. 

Recent  Changes  in  the  Black  Belt.  Many  things  have  conspired 
to  leave  Greensboro  nearly  untouched  by  change.  Even  the  rail- 
road is  a  branch  line  and  is  about  a  mile  from  the  town.     There  are 


236  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

no  factories  to  attract  foreigners  or  laborers  from  other  states,  and 
few  outside  influences  have  affected  its  placid  life  since  the  Civil 
War.  But  now  after  its  sleep  of  fifty  years  this  Old  South  town  is 
rapidly  losing  its  isolation,  and  the  same  is  true  of  many  other  towns 
of  the  region.  Roads  are  being  rapidly  improved,  and  the  omni- 
present automobile  is  doing  its  share  in  the  awakening. 

Upon  the  death  of  the  old  planters  the  land  is  divided  among 
their  heirs  or  is  sold,  and  the  great  estates  are  disappearing.  Already 
one  sees  by  the  roadside  advertisements  offering  sixty-acre  farms  for 
sale,  and  much  land  has  been  purchased  in  the  past  ten  years  by 
people  from  the  Middle  West.  Before  another  fifty  years  shall  have 
passed  the  land  of  the  Black  Belt  will  probably  have  been  broken 
up  into  many  small  farms,  few  or  none  of  the  princely  ante-bellum 
estates  of  hundreds  of  acres  will  remain,  and  most  of  the  old  mansions 
will  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  strangers.  One  sometimes  wishes 
that  the  English  law  of  primogeniture  were  in  force  in  this  country 
so  that  these  estates  might  be  handed  down  intact  to  the  first-born 
from  generation  to  generation.  But  perhaps  it  is  better  that  the 
new  order  replace  the  old,  since  a  greater  number  of  people  are 
benefited  by  the  breaking  up  of  the  great  plantations.  This  will 
result  in  a  greater  density  of  population,  greater  wealth,  better  roads, 
and  less  illiteracy  among  the  negroes. 

The  saddle  horse  of  the  planter  has  already  been  largely  sup- 
planted by  the  automobile;  the  old  families  are  gradually  disappear- 
ing from  the  towns;  and  in  a  few  years  the  descendants  of  those  who 
made  the  romantic  civilization  of  the  Old  South  will  be  few.  The 
record  of  the  past  will  soon  be  found  only  in  courthouse  documents, 
on  the  gravestones  of  the  ill-kept  cemeteries,  and  in  material  form 
in  such  ante-bellum  homes  as  shall  have  escaped  the  ravages  of  fire 
and  decay. 

7.     MISSISSIPPI- YAZOO  FLOOD  PLAIN1 

Topography,  Drainage,  and  Soil.  The  Mississippi- Yazoo  flood 
plain,  often  called  the  Yazoo-Mississippi  Delta  or  the  Yazoo  Delta, 
is  a  large  elliptical  section  of  the  alluvial  plain  of  the  Lower  Mississippi 
River  in  the  western  part  of  the  northern  half  of  the  state  of  Missis- 

1  Adapted  from  E.  N.  Lowe,  "Mississippi,  Its  Geology,  Geography,  Soil,  and 
Mineral  Resources,"  Mississippi  State  Geological  Survey,  Bulletin  No.  14,  pp. 
269-75 •     Mr.  Lowe  is  director  of  the  geological  survey  of  Mississippi. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  237 

sippi.  Its  northern  point  is  just  below  Memphis,  the  southern  at 
Vicksburg,  a  distance  approximately  of  200  miles,  and  its  greatest 
width  about  60  miles.  It  is  a  low-lying  featureless  expanse,  sloping 
gently  southward,  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Mississippi  River 
and  on  the  east  by  the  rim  of  Bluff  Hills,  which  stand  abruptly  above 
it  100  or  200  feet.  The  surface  of  this  region  slopes  toward  the  gulf, 
the  altitude  at  Memphis  being  217  feet,  that  at  Vicksburg  94  feet 
above  sea-level.     The  area  is  about  8,600  square  miles  in  extent. 

While  the  general  topography  is  that  of  a  level  plain,  there  are 
slight  differences  in  elevation  which  have  a  definite  relation  to  the 
drainage.  The  whole  area  is  alluvium,  deposited  by  the  Mississippi 
and  its  tributaries  flowing  through  the  area.  Until  a  few  years  ago 
these  streams  in  flood  season  overflowed  their  channels  and  spread 
over  the  broad  flats.  Sediments  brought  from  the  higher  lands  by 
the  streams  were  deposited,  gradually  building  up  the  alluvial  plain; 
but  the  coarsest  and  heaviest  deposits  were  made  along  the  borders 
of  the  streams,  while  the  finer  materials  were  carried  out  and  deposited 
farther  away  from  the  water  courses.  As  a  result,  the  land  built  up 
rapidly  near  the  streams  and  slowly  in  the  interstream  areas,  so  that 
the  front  lands  are  a  few  feet  higher  than  the  areas  farther  back, 
and  gradually  slope  away  from  the  river.  The  soils  formed  of  the 
materials  deposited  are  coarser  and  sandier  near  the  streams,  and 
finer  loams  and  clays  farther  back  on  the  lower  lands. 

The  area  is  drained  by  a  network  of  tortuous,  sluggishly  flowing 
streams.  Besides  these,  numerous  bayous,  sloughs,  and  lakes,  many 
of  which  are  old  stream  channels  silted  up,  wind  about  and  intersect 
in  such  a  way  as  to  convert  large  areas  into  islands.  With  all  the 
mileage  of  natural  drainage  channels,  this  flood  plain  or  delta  is 
poorly  drained,  and  the  greatest  problem  confronting  that  richest 
section  of  the  state  now  is  one  of  drainage.  A  large  proportion  of 
this  area,  including  the  richest  soil  on  the  continent,  is  rendered 
useless  by  the  lack  of  drainage.  The  delta,  however,  has  one  com- 
pensation in  its  numerous  rivers — more  than  a  thousand  miles  of 
waters,  besides  its  excellent  system  of  railroads — transportation 
facilities  unequaled  elsewhere  in  the  state. 

Character  and  Distribution  of  Sails.  The  discussion  of  the  topog- 
raphy of  this  region  gives  some  intimation  of  the  character  of  the 
soils.     Popularly,  they  are  spoken  of  as  of  two  kinds — the  light  loam 


238  ECONOMIC  GEOCRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

soils  near  the  streams,  and  the  heavy  clay  or  "buckshot"  soils  of  the 
lower  lands  between  the  water  courses.  The  first  drain  well,  the 
latter  very  poorly.  All  the  older  settlements  in  the  delta  were  upon 
the  higher  land  along  the  streams,  both  because  of  convenience  of 
transportation  and  immunity  from  overflow,  as  well  as  because  this 
soil  was  more  satisfactory  to  cultivate  and  more  certain  of  crop. 

Native  Vegetation.  The  delta  is  pre-eminently  a  region  of  hard- 
wQod  growth,  and  was  originally  heavily  timbered  with  forests  of 
red,  white,  and  overcup  oak,  elm,  ash,  cypress,  red,  and  tupelo  gum, 
pecan,  hickory,  Cottonwood,  maple,  magnolia,  beech,  basswood,  and 
hackberry.  The  two  species  of  gum  formed  more  than  50  per  cent 
of  the  whole.  Large  foj^sls__still_remain,  but,  on  account  of  the 
valuable  hardwood,  are  being  rapidly  cut  over  and  the  lands  pre- 
pared for  cultivation. 

Much  of  th^gp  forests  haye,  little  undergrowth  except  blue  cane, 
which  grows  in  impenetrable  "brakes"  about  the  sloughs  and  bayous. 
Dwarf  palmetto  grows  abundantly  on  the  low  areas  bordering  the 
true  swamps.  Creepers,  as  poison  oak,  trumpet  creeper,  Virginia 
creeper,  and  wild  grapes  frequently  coil  and  cling  to  the  trees  of  the 
forests,  especially  along  the  borders  of  openings. 

Culture.  Nowhere  in  Mississippi  have  ante-bellum  conditions 
of  land-holding  been  so  nearly  preserved  as  in  the  delta.  The  land 
is  held-kijarge  plantations,  several  hundred  to  several  thousand 
acres  in  extent,  which  are^dg.voted  almost  entirely  to  cotton  growing, 
and  are  worked  entirely  with  negro  labor!  The  land-owner,  especially 
of  the  larger  estates,  frequently  does  not  live  upon  the  plantation  (in 
this  respect  differing  from  the  ante-bellum  land-owner),  but  in  some 
neighboring  town  or  city,  the  immediate  affairs  of  the  plantation 
being  left  in  the  hands  of  a  manager.  The  work  of  the  negro  tenants 
is  under  the  supervision  of  the  manager.  Each  place  has  its  com- 
missary store  from  which  the  negroes  are  supplied,  a  deed  of  trust 
being  given  upon  their  crops  for  the  year's  supplies  advanced. 

The  usual  spectacle  presented  on  these  plantations  is  that  of 
two  or  three  white  families  surrounded  by  two  or  three  hundred 
negroes,  though  the  automobile  has,  in  a  large  measure,  relieved  the 
social  isolation  of  the  delta  planter.  The  negro  is  naturally  gre- 
garious in  instinct,  and  is  never  so  happy  as  when  massed  together 
in  large  numbers  as  on  the  delta  plantations.     The  management  is 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  239 

necessarily  firm,  but  strange  to  say,  there  seems  to  be  really  less 
difficulty  in  controlling  the  labor  satisfactorily  in  large  numbers  than 
in  smaller  numbers,  as  on  the  hill  farms. 

Since  the  first  settlement  of  the  delta,  the  sole  crop  has  been 
cotton,  the  corn  grown  being  always  less  than  that  consumed  on  the 
plantations.  Occasional  sporadic  efforts  have  been  made  in  other 
directions,  but  only  by  way  of  limited  experimentation.  For  a  num- 
ber of  years  long  staple  cotton  has  been  largely  grown,  the  soil  being 
especially  adapted  to  it.  This  has  added  greatly  to  the  wealth  of  the 
delta,  since  the  price  is  much  higher  than  that  of  the  short  staple 
varieties. 

The  system  of  culture  so  far  produced  is  very  exhausting,  all 
being  taken  off  and  nothing  put  back  upon  the  soil.  The  constant 
growing  of  the  same  crop  is  beginning  to  tell  upon  the  lighter  soils 
and  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  process  must  be  changed. 
We  are  not  yet  in  position  to  know  the  extent  to  which  the  boll 
weevil  will  affect  the  cotton  planting  in  the  delta,  but  it  would  cer- 
tainly be  the  part  of  prudence  for  the  planters  to  begin  to  make  pro- 
vision for  the  contingency  by  growing  at  home  everything  that  can 
be  grown  for  consumption  upon  the  place.  Every  year  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  proceeds  of  the  plantation  goes  to  buy  from  the  northern 
markets  supplies  for  the  tenants,  feed  for  the  animals  and  even  the 
mules,  and  every  piece  of  machinery  used  on  the  place,  nearly  all  of 
which  can  be  produced  on  the  place  with  little  expense.  Why  buy 
up-country  corn  and  oats  when  the  soil  of  the  delta  plantation  will 
yield  both  in  great  abundance  with  little  expense  ?  Why  buy  meat 
from  the  packing-houses,  when  hogs  can  be  raised  at  small  expense 
in  the  delta?  Why  buy  Missouri  mules  at  $200  a  head  when  just 
as  good  can  be  raised  at  $20  apiece  ? 

8.     THE  SOUTHERN  LONG-LEAF  PINE  BELT1 

A  generation  ago  the  geographic  student  read  that,  for  the  most 
part,  the  southern  Yellow  Pine  Belt  was  a  dense  forest  with  a  rela- 
tively small  lumber  production.  The  student  of  today  learns  that 
this  belt  is  the  main  lumber-producing  region  east  of  the  Rocky 

1  Adapted  from  F.  V.  Emerson,   Geographical  Review,  February,   1919,  pp. 
81-90.     Mr.  Emerson  was,  until  his  death  in  1920,  professor  of  geology  at  Louisiana 
State  University. 
9 


240  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Mountains.  Twenty  years  hence,  when  most  of  the  timber  shall 
have  been  cut,  what  will  the  future  student  read?  This  is  a  geo- 
graphic question,  for  geography  is  concerned  with  the  relations 
between  man  on  the  one  hand  and  soils,  climate,  and  other  earth 
factors  on  the  other;  an  economic  question,  for  here  will  be  an  area 
greater  than  that  of  Texas  which  must  somehow  find  its  place  in 
our  economic  development;  a  social  question,  for  its  solution  will 
determine  whether  man  in  this  belt  shall  live  well  or  poorly,  on  large 
plantations  or  small  farms,  in  towns  or  in  the  country.  Furthermore, 
it  is  quite  possible  that  the  future  population  of  the  cut-over  pine 
lands  will  be  a  more  or  less  distinct  political  unit,  for  politics  is  often 
markedly  affected  by  earth  factors. 

A  consideration  of  the  problem  falls  into  two  main  divisions:  one 
concerned  with  the  soils  and  climate  which  condition  the  belt,  and 
the  other  with  the  two  economic-geographic  results,  namely  (i)  the 
present  lumber  industry,  and  (2)  the  future  development  of  the  cut- 
over  pine  lands. 

This  belt  is  often  called  the  Yellow  Pine  Belt,  since  most  of  the 
southern  pines  are  comprised  in  this  lumberman's  trade  term.  The 
long-leaf  pine  is  so  called  from  its  clusters  of  long  needle-like  leaves 
in  contrast  to  the  short-leaf  pine,  which  has  short  needles.  A  drive 
through  the  virgin  long-leaf  pine  forest  will  long  be  remembered.  The 
stately  trunks  rise  40-60  feet  and  then  spread  out  their  dense  foliage, 
which  joins  above  like  the  arches  of  a  cathedral.  There  is  little  or  no 
undergrowth,  and  the  view  fades  into  a  maze  of  the  column-like  tree 
trunks.  This  variety  of  pine  is  a  native  of  the  South,  with  its  warm, 
moist  climate.  It  grows  on  sandy  soils  which  are  relatively  infertile, 
a  characteristic  shown  by  the  term  "pine  barrens,"  which  is  often 
applied  to  these  lands.  The  Long-Leaf  Pine  Belt  stretches  from 
southeastern  Virginia  in  a  long  sweep  to  Texas  and  includes  an 
estimated  area  of  250,000,000  acres,  an  area  nearly  five  times  as 
large  as  that  of  New  York.  At  present  from  5,000,000  to  10,000,000 
acres  are  being  cut  over  each  year,  an  area  about  the  size  of 
Massachusetts. 

The  Lumbering  Industry.  There  has  been  for  many  decades  a 
considerable  lumbering  industry  in  this  belt  along  railroads  and 
rivers,  and  the  timber  is  pretty  well  stripped  back  from  the  main 
';nes  of  transportation.     Formerly  the  mills  were  small,  and  cutting 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  241 

was  limited  to  distances  which  could  be  covered  by  ox-team  and 
mule-team  transportation.  Back  of  these  cuttings  was  an  almost 
unbroken  pine  forest.  Twenty  to  thirty  years  ago,  when  the  northern 
forests  were  approaching  exhaustion,  professional  lumbermen  bought 
these  virgin  pine  forests  at  nominal  prices.  We  have  seen  that  the 
transportation  problem  of  getting  the  logs  to  mills  and  then  getting 
the  lumber  to  market  had  limited  local  development,  for  local  com- 
panies possessed  small  capital.  To  locate  large  mills  on  a  railroad 
and  then  haul  the  logs  ten  or  fifteen  miles  or  more  required  well- 
built  tram  roads,  which  are  expensive.  The  large-scale  exploitation 
of  the  pine  timber,  therefore,  passed  to  companies  possessed  of  ample 
capital,  and  the  lumbering  industry  in  this  belt,  like  so  many  other 
industries,  is  largely  in  the  hand's  of  capitalists  and  strong  com- 
panies, many  holdings  including  tens  of  thousands  of  acres.  Fortu- 
nately the  level  and  rolling  surface  offers  few  obstacles,  and  thousands 
of  miles  of  well-built  railroads  now  traverse  these  forests.  Most  of 
these  railroads  are  of  standard  gauge.  After  the  timber  has  been  cut, 
the  owners  are  reluctant  to  abandon  the  expensive  railroads  and  so 
maintain  some  train  service,  with  the  hope  that  the  country  will 
develop  and  make  the  roads  profitable  or  that  some  trunk  line  will 
buy  them  as  feeders.  Many  of  the  abandoned  tram  roads  are  now 
used  as  public  highways,vand  they  will  be  an  important  factor  in 
the  development  of  cut-over  lands. 

Lumbering  in  this  belt  employs  about  a  quarter  of  a  million  men, 
and  nearly  a  million  people  are  dependent  on  the  industry.  The 
lumber  towns  are,  as  a  rule,  up  to  date,  with  electric  lights,  city 
water,  often  gas,  and  sometimes  paved  streets.  The  schools  are 
always  good.  These  towns  are  necessarily  more  or  less  temporary, 
yet  the  modern  method  of  extending  tram  roads  for  considerable 
distances  insures  the  town's  existence  for  ten  to  twenty  years  until 
the  timber  of  the  tributary  territory  is  cut.  They  are  far  from 
resembling  the  "shack"  towns  which  grow  up  around  small  mills. 
These  mill  towns  are  serving  and  will  serve  as  nuclei  for  the  rural 
population  which  occupies  the  cut-over  lands  as  the  timber  is  removed. 

The  Cut-Over  Lands.  The  common  practice  Is  to  remove  not 
only  the  timber  but  also  the  smaller  trees  which  can  be  used  for  poles 
and  paper  pulp,  for,  while  the  expensive  tram  road  is  in  operation 
it  is  to  the  lumberman's  advantage  to  get  out  all  the  timber  he  can, 


242  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

even  if  the  profit  on  some  of  it  is  low.  Almost  invariably  forest  fires 
sweep  through  the  timber  wreckage  of  cut-over  lands,  and  much  of 
the  cut-over  country  is  dismal  indeed.  The  pine  almost  everywhere 
implies  relatively  infertile  sandy  soils— relatively,  let  it  be  said,  for 
some  sandy  soils  have  been  made  very  productive.  In  many 
instances  the  farmer  on  cut-over  lands  must  first  build  up  his  soil, 
which  is  usually  deficient  in  nitrogen  and  humus  and  often  phos- 
phorus. These  large  .areas  of  cut-over  lands  are  thrown  on  to  the 
market  faster  than  they  can  be  absorbed.  The  states  are  vitally 
interested,  for,  with  the  cutting  of  the  timber,  land  values  slump 
and  taxes  are  decreased;  it  is  therefore  very  important  for  the  state 
that  these  lands  be  put  to  use.  The  railroads  are  apprehensive  that 
freight  traffic  will  all  but  disappear  when  the  lumber  is  gone;  the 
owners  are  obviously,  interested  in  disposing  of  these  lands;  the 
nation  is  interested  in  them  as  a  possible  substitute  for  the  public 
lands  of  the  West.  The  question  of  utilizing  the  cut-over  pine  lands 
is  one  of  the  most  important  faced  by  the  South  today.  The  three 
most  feasible  projects  of  utilization  are  reforestation,  agriculture,  and 
live-stock  raising. 

Reforestation.  It  is  estimated  that  not  far  from  20  per  cent  of 
the  cut-over  pine  lands  should  not  be  cultivated  until  our  population 
density  reaches  that  of  western  Europe,  and  perhaps  not  then.  Some 
lands  are  so  hilly  that  active  erosion  sets  in  when  they  are  cleared. 
Other  lands  are  flat,  so  that  drainage  is  necessary,  an  expense  which 
the  land  values  will  not  justify  for  many  years.  Still  other  areas 
have  deep  sandy  soils  of  such  low  natural  productivity  that  most  of 
plant  foods  must  be  furnished  them.  With  the  present  rate  of 
absorption  large  areas  will  remain  untitled  for  one,  two,  or  more 
generations,  and  in  that  time  reforestation  would  be  profitable.  In 
this  connection,  two  questions  must  be  considered:  Is  reforestation 
possible  ?  and  Is  it  commercially  feasible  ?  For  many  years  lumber- 
men have  believed  that  reforestation  on  a  commercial  scale  is  not 
possible  because  the  usual  second  growth  is  not  pine  saplings,  as 
one  might  expect  it  to  be,  but  "scrub  oak,"  a  name  which  fails  to 
indicate  the  average  poor  opinion  of  this  shrub  which  refuses  to 
grow  into  a  tree,  which  has  a  trunk  so  crooked  as  to  be  useless  even 
for  fence  posts,  but  which  quickly  occupies  the  soil  in  dense  thickets. 
The  Hardtner  family  of  Urania,  Louisiana,  who  are  extensive  lumber- 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  243 

men,  have  proved  the  possibility  of  natural  reforestation  and  have 
made  that  town  classic  in  forestry.  Through  their  experiments  we 
now  know  positively  that  the  long-leaf  pine  seedlings  have  two 
enemies,  both  of  which  can  be  abated.  Running  fires  will  kill  the 
young  seedlings,  and  these  fires  are  almost  annual  occurrences  during 
the  dry  spells.  Again,  the  razor-back  hog,  which  roams  far  and  wide, 
is  very  fond  of  long-leaf  pine  seedlings  and  roots,  and  he  will  root  up 
an  almost  incredibly  large  area  in  getting  his  day's  food.  It  has 
been  shown  that,  by  keeping  down  fires  and  fencing  out  the  hogs,  a 
pine  forest  can  soon  be  started  and  that  after  a  few  years'  growth  it 
will  withstand  both  hogs  and  ordinary  fires. 

The  average  lumberman,  however,  is  after  his  "clean-up"  and, 
like  the  rest  of  us,  is  not  much  interested  in  a  crop  that  will  not 
mature  for  twenty  years  or  more,  so  that  reforestation  will  probably 
be  carried  on  mainly  by  well-organized  corporations  which  have  an 
eye  to  future  dividends.  As  an  instance  of  this,  the  Great  Southern 
Lumber  Company  of  Bogalusa,  Louisiana,  is  operating  pulp  mills 
to  utilize  the  smaller  logs.  Within  twenty  years  their  present  stand 
of  virgin  timber  will  have  been  cut,  and  they  are  starting  reforesta- 
tion with  a  view  of  providing  timber  against  that  time. 

Agriculture.  Conditioning  factors  of  agriculture  are  soil,  climate, 
transportation,  and  markets — the  latter  two  factors  being  fairly 
favorable  to  the  cut-over  pine  lands.  The  soils  are  not  productive, 
else  the  westward-moving  emigrants  would  not  for  the  most  part 
have  passed  around  this  belt.  They  yield  somewhat  scant  crops  of 
cotton,  corn,  and  wheat  unless  they  are  quickened  with  commercial 
fertilizers.  But,  as  if  nature  wished  to  compensate  for  a  shortage  of 
nitrogen  and  humus,  these  soils  produce  heavy  growths  of  cowpeas, 
velvet  beans,  and  peanuts — all  legumes  which  capture  nitrogen 
from  the  air  and  leave  it  in  the  soil,  besides  furnishing  the  best  of 
feed.  The  pine  soils  are  "warm,"  they  drain  readily,  and  are  there- 
fore excellent  truck  soils.  The  strawberry  growers  of  Tangipahoa 
Parish  in  eastern  Louisiana  ship  about  $3,000,000  worth  of  berries 
annually.  Their  lands  are  rolling  to  level,  with  typical  sandy  soils 
underlain  by  impervious  clay.  Many  of  the  growers  are  Italians, 
who,  with  characteristic  thrift  and  industry,  have  drained  and  built 
up  the  soils,  until  they  have  acre  values  of  $100  or  more,  while  similar 
lands  outside  the  berry  district  may  be  bought  for  $10  an  acre.     But 


244  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

trucking  has  at  best  a  limited  market;  the  crops  are  intensive,  and 
at  most  only  a  small  portion  of  the  long-leaf  pine  soils  can  be  used 
for  truck.  Some  of  these  lands  have  yielded  two  bales  of  cotton  to 
the  acre  and  sell  for  more  than  $100  an  acre,  but  only  after  long  and 
skillful  building  up. 

Cut-over  lands  must,  of  course,  first  be  cleared  of  brush.  This 
is  easy  if  the  lands  have  recently  been  cut  over,  for  there  is  little 
undergrowth  in  the  virgin  forest;  but  upon  lands  long  cut  over  this 
clearing  is  expensive.  For  the  first  crops  it  is  not  necessary  to  remove 
the  stumps,  since  the  plow  can  be  run  around  them.  Furthermore, 
it  is  now  possible  to  extract  the  resin  from  the  stumps.  Thus  not 
only  can  the  removal  of  stumps  be  paid  for  but  in  some  instances 
profits  of  $15  an  acre  or  more  have  been  realized  in  addition.  As 
the  grain  farmer  of  the  West  has  so  often  "mined"  his  soil,  so  the 
farmer  in  this  belt  has  in  many  cases  with  his  cheap  lands  found  it 
easier  to  clear  new  fields  than  to  build  up  old  ones.  The  old  fields 
are  often  "turned  out"  to  become  covered  with  brush,  and  one  may 
often  see  old  cotton  rows  extending  through  young  forests.  Such  a 
wasteful  method  will  probably  continue  for  some  time;  but  the 
South,  like  many  other  sections,  is  faced  with  a  shortage  of  labor, 
which  will  tend  to  lessen  this  practice.  In  the  pine  belt  the  mobile 
labor  tends  to  drift  toward  the  mills,  and  fresh  land  requires  extra 
labor  for  clearing.  Furthermore,  the  newly  cleared  land  is  too 
rough  for  the  machine  cultivation  which  is  to  replace  hand  cultiva- 
tion. In  short,  the  sandy  pine  lands  in  their  present  state  are  not 
adapted  to  quick,  profitable  yields  of  such  crops  as  the  corn  and 
wheat  of  the  Middle  West.  They  must  be  built  up;  but  during  the 
process  the  fertilizing  legumes,  which  grow  so  readily,  will  provide 
hay  and  grazing.  Then,  too,  the  long  seasons  permit  an  almost 
continuous  use  of  the  land. 

Live-Stock  Raising.  Stock-raising  on  an  extensive  scale  calls  for 
cheap  grazing  lands  available  for  as  large  a  part  of  the  year  as  pos- 
sible. Such  conditions  were  supplied  by  our  western  lands  before  the 
ranch  was  crowded  out  by  the  farm.  Grazing  is  being  pushed  to  the 
dry  lands,  and  these  are  shrinking  as  water  is  found  to  irrigate  them. 
Thus,  with  the  rising  cost  of  meats  come  new  inducements  to  live- 
stock raising,  and  the  southern  pine  belt  offers  the  most  readily  avail- 
able lands  for  this  needed  live-stock  expansion.     The  mild  climate 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  245 

permits  open-air  maintenance  nearly  all  the  year  around.  The  wild 
grasses  of  the  cut-over  lands  grow  in  the  spring  and  summer  and 
furnish  fairly  good  pasturage,  but  by  autumn  they  have  dried,  not 
to  the  nutritious  hay  of  the  West,  but  to  a  woody  remnant  that  will 
scarcely  afford  sustenance.  Here  again,  however,  nature  has  pro- 
vided a  substitute  in  the  hardy,  nutritious  Lespedcza.  or,  Japan 
clover — a  nourishing  grass  which  occupies  the  cut-over  land  and 
which,  being  a  legume,  adds  nitrogen  to  the  soil.  The  stockman 
should  provide  fall  and  winter  grazing,  and  for  this  nothing  is  better 
than  the  cowpeas  and  velvet  beans  which  grow  luxuriously  but 
require  plowing  and  sowing  each  year. 

The  razor-back  hog  and  "piney  woods"  cattle  of  this  belt  do  not 
connote  the  symmetrical,  bulky,  heavy  swine  and  steers  which  are 
associated  with  our  ideas  of  luscious  hams  and  tender  steaks.  These 
denizens  of  the  pine  lands  have  evolved  from  generations  which  were 
obliged  to  "rustle"  far  and  wide  for  food,  and  one  must  be  strong  of 
jaw  and  vigorous  of  digestion  to  relish  their  meat.  This  native 
stock,  however,  has  a  most  valuable  characteristic;  they  grade  well 
with  blooded  sires  and  transmit  their  own  hardiness  together  with 
the  size  and  meatiness  of  blooded  stock.  Sheep-raising  is  an  industry 
of  cheap  new  lands.  Sheep  will  graze  on  rough  lands  and  will  con- 
sume not  only  grass  but  young  brush.  This  industry  is  no  longer 
an  experiment  on  cut-over  lands;  flocks  up  to  thousands  are  flourish- 
ing on  the  well-drained  cut-over  lands  of  this  belt.  The  high  prices 
for  dairy  products  in  recent  years  have  stimulated  this  industry  in 
the  South  as  well  as  elsewhere.  The  dairyman  and  his  herd,  how- 
ever, require  years  for  their  upbuilding,  and  scarcely  more  than  a 
promising  beginning  has  been  made  on  the  cut-over  lands.  Yet, 
enough  has  been  done  to  show  that  dairying  is  entirely  practicable. 

Mixed  Farming.  It  appears  that,  generally  speaking,  the  success- 
ful farmer  on  cut-over  lands  will  combine  stock-raising  and  cropping. 
Live  stock  need  legumes,  which  require  cultivation,  while  the  corn- 
and-cotton  farmer  needs  live  stock  for  the  upbuilding  of  his  lands. 
The  average  farm  in  the  United  States  comprises  about  130  acres, 
and  the  cut-over  lands  ready  for  settlement  each  year  would  provide 
nearly  60,000  of  these  farms  and  support  something  like  200,000 
people.  It  is  not  easy  to  predict  the  future,  but  it  is  probable  that 
a  considerable  acreage  will  be  retained  indefinitely  by  the  holding 


246  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

companies.  Large  ranches  will  be  given  over  to  the  raising  of  live 
stock  together  with  some  production  of  legumes  for  winter  feeding. 
A  considerable  area  will  be  divided  into  farms  of  moderate  size, 
especially  near  towns  and  along  good  roads.  Some  lands  will  be 
reforested.  The  development  of  these  lands  awaits  immigrants 
cither  from  densely  settled  portions  of  the  United  States  or  from 
abroad.  High  prices  of  farm  products  will  probably  check  or  pos- 
sibly reverse  the  present  movement  of  our  population  cityward. 
Immigration  from  abroad  may  be  resumed  and  flow  to  these  cheap 
lands  and  this  mild  climate.  Whatever  the  final  solution  of  the 
problem,  the  development  of  this  southern  empire  is  important  both 
to  the  South  and  to  the  nation. 

9.     GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  TENNESSEE1 

Tennessee  may  be  divided  into  six  geographic  regions  as  follow: 
(1)  the  Appalachian  Mountains,  a  narrow  barrier  on  the  eastern 
border;  (2)  the  Great  Valley  of  East  Tennessee,  a  broad  depression 
containing  a  succession  of  parallel  ridges  and  valleys;  (3)  the  Cum- 
berland Plateau,  a  broad  barrier  region;  (4)  the  Highland  Rim  or 
Plain;  (5)  the  Central  Basin  or  Plain;  (6)  the  West  Tennessee  or 
Gulf  Embayment  Plain,  subordinate  to  which  may  be  noted  the 
western  valley  of  the  Tennessee  River  and  the  flood  plain  of  the 
Mississippi.    These  regions  will  be  discussed  in  the  order  given  above. 

Appalachian  Mountain  Region.  The  eastern  boundary  of  the 
state  is  formed  by  the  crest  line  of  a  linear  series  of  ridges  that  extend 
from  Georgia  to  Virginia  and  beyond.  These  ridges  are  sharply 
defined,  steep-sided,  rough  and  very  sparsely  settled  They  attained 
heights  of  4,000  to  6,000  feet  in  parts  of  the  course.  From  these 
ridges  on  the  boundary  line  numerous  spurs  project  westward,  in 
some  places  for  a  distance  of  10  to  20  miles  into  the  state  of  Ten- 
nessee. These  spurs  are  separated  by  steep,  narrow  valleys,  many 
of  which  end  in  secluded  coves  well  hidden  among  the  ridges.  The 
region  as  a  whole  is  a  great  barrier  that  has  always  limited  or  pre- 
vented communication  across  it,  save  in  certain  favorable  places. 

1  Adapted  from  L.  C.  Glenn,  "Physiographic  Influences  in  the  Development 
of  Tennessee,"  The  Resources  of  Tennessee,  April,  1915,  pp.  44-63.  Mr.  Glenn  is 
professor  of  geology  at  Vanderbilt  University. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  247 

The  effect  of  these  mountains  has  been  and  must  always  be  to 
separate  the  people  on  either  side.  They  are  a  very  effective  barrier 
and  in  the  early  days  lead  to  isolation  and  neglect  on  the  part  of 
the  North  Carolina  government,  for  the  people  who  had  settled  in 
what  was  then  its  western  portion.  This  condition  culminated  in 
the  virtual  secession  of  the  east  Tennessee  settlers  and  the  formation 
by  them  of  the  short-lived  independent  state  of  Franklin.  Today 
while  the  few  roads  and  several  railroads  that  cross  the  region  permit 
a  certain  amount  of  communication,  it  is  still  true  that  the  main 
line  of  travel  and  of  trade  is  not  east  and  west  across  these  mountains, 
but  is  northeast  and  southwest  in  a  direction  parallel  to  them.  The 
Southern  Railway,  that  formerly  ran  its  best  trains  from  Knoxville 
east  to  Washington  by  way  of  Asheville,  now  runs  them  north  by 
Bristol,  even  though  it  has  to  use  the  tracks  of  another  railway 
system  from  Bristol  to  Lynchburg  in  order  to  utilize  this  better  route. 

These  mountains  exert  a  very  definite  and  positive  influence  upon 
the  few  settlers  who  are  living  among  them.  Those  in  the  more 
remote  coves  are  isolated,  enjoy  few  opportunities  for  schools  and 
churches,  mingle  but  little  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  in  general 
have  a  greatly  narrowed  horizon.  Under  such  circumstances  old 
social  customs  and  forms  of  speech,  as  well  as  old  political  and  religious 
beliefs,  are  preserved  long  after  they  have  passed  away  in  more  pro- 
gressive communities. 

In  a  few  places  in  these  mountains  there  are  deposits  of  iron, 
copper,  slate,  or  other  materials  of  economic  value,  and  on  the  sur- 
face there  grow  in  most  places,  magnificent  forests  of  hardwood  trees. 
The  surface  in  many  places  is  too  steep  to  cultivate  without  serious 
soil  erosion.  There  are,  however,  mountain  benches,  many  coves,  and 
small  stream  valleys  that  may  be  cultivated,  and  the  forested  lands 
may  be  grazed.  Mining,  lumbering,  and  some  special  forms  of  agri- 
culture, such  as  grazing  and  fruit  raising,  offer  the  most  promise  for 
the  future  of  this  region. 

Great  Valley  of  East  Tennessee.  This  is  a  broad  belt  30-60  miles 
wide,  that  crosses  the  eastern  part  of  the  state  from  Alabama  to 
Virginia,  and  consists  of  numerous  long,  narrow  valleys,  separated  by 
narrow,  parallel  mountain  ridges  that  trend  northeast  and  southwest, 
in  harmony  with  the  general  Appalachian  structure.  The  valleys 
are  rolling  surfaces,  formed  bv  the  solution  of  the  limestone  that 


248  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

underlies  them.  The  ridges  are  narrow,  steep-sided,  and  for  most 
part  run  in  straight  lines.  They  are  formed  generally  by  the 
upturned  edges  of  the  more  resistant  rocks  of  the  region,  many  of 
which  are  cherty  limestones.  These  ridges  vary  in  length  from  a 
few  to  many  miles,  and  their  ends  in  many  instances  overlap  each 
other  in  such  fashion  that  in  traveling  across  the  Great  Valley, 
it  is  necessary  to  make  many  detours  around  their  ends.  Travel 
northeast  and  southwest  parallel  to  the  ridges  is  direct  and  easy. 
As  a  result,  the  main  lines  of  communication,  whether  by  highway 
or  railway,  are  those  paralleling  the  topography.  Railways  that 
cross  the  Great  Valley,  such  as  the  Southern  from  Knoxville  to 
Clinton,  or  the  Louisville  and  Nashville  from  Knoxville  to  Dossett, 
either  make  extensive  detours  in  threading  their  way  through  the 
gaps  of  successive  ridges,  or  resort  to  long  and  expensive  tunnels 
where  they  attempt  to  go  direct. 

In  the  larger  valleys,  farms  of  large  size  were  possible,  and  in 
some  places  slave  owning  became  profitable.  In  most  places,  how- 
ever, the  ridge  and  valley  topography  was  unfavorable  to  the  develop- 
ment of  large  landholdings  and  of  plantation  life,  and  smaller  farms 
became  the  rule.  Slavery  did  not  obtain  the  same  hold  on  this 
region  that  it  did  in  middle  Tennessee.  Sentiment  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  was  greatly  divided  and  abolition  societies  were  founded 
years  before  the  Civil  War.  During  the  war  east  Tennessee  furnished 
soldiers  to  both  the  Union  and  the  Confederate  armies,  though 
Union  sentiment  was  predominant.  The  political  beliefs  of  the 
region  are  also  a  consequence  of  the  same  conditions.  Most  parts  of 
the  region  are  today  strongly  Republican.  Had  the  surface  of  east 
Tennessee  been  such  as  to  make  slavery  universally  profitable,  its 
history  before,  during,  and  since  the  Civil  War  would  have  been 
different  from  what  it  has  been. 

Agriculturally,  the  valley  portions  are  much  more  desirable  as  a 
rule  than  the  hill  portions,  and  through  the  principle  of  the  survival 
of  the  fittest  there  has  come  about  a  slow  differentiation  among  the 
people  as  a  result  of  which  the  more  thrifty  and  progressive  occupy 
the  fertile  limestone  valleys,  and  the  less  energetic  have  been  pushed 
into  the  poorer  lands  of  the  shale  hills  and  chert  ridges.  This  differ- 
entiation once  established  tends  to  perpetuate  itself,  and  we  find  in 
some  places  the  contrast  between  the  peoples  in  the  valleys  and 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  249 

back  in  the  hills  very  sharply  drawn  and  strongly  marked.  Needless 
to  say  this  condition  of  affairs  brings  with  it  certain  problems  of  a 
social  and  economic  nature. 

The  wealth  and  variety  of  the  mineral  resources  that  have  been 
made  accessible  by  the  upturning  of  the  rocks  of  the  region,  together 
with  other  natural  advantages,  such  as  the  proximity  of  coal,  forest 
materials,  and  water-power,  make  possible  the  development  of  a 
greatly  diversified  urban  industrial  life. 

This  valley  region,  cut  off  from  free  communication  both  east 
and  west,  has  its  natural  outlet  northeastward  into  Virginia  and 
southward  and  southwestward  into  Georgia  and  Alabama,  and  com- 
mercial and  social  ties  and  interchange  of  people  and  ideas  must 
always  be  chiefly  in  these  directions. 

Cumberland  Plateau.  This  division  forms  a  belt  30-50  miles 
wide  that  extends  entirely  across  the  state  from  Kentucky  to  Alabama. 
Its  surface  has  an  average  elevation  for  most  of  the  area  of  about 
2,000  feet  above  sea-level,  though  its  culminating  points  rise  to  more 
than  3,500  feet.  Its  eastern  edge  is  well  defined,  but  its  western 
edge  has  been  made  very  irregular  by  the  headwater  erosion  of  the 
streams  that  rise  on  its  western  margin.  The  surface  of  about  five- 
sixths  of  the  plateau  is  a  gently  rolling  one  underlaid,  for  the  most 
part,  by  a  massive  sandstone,  but  here  and  there  the  surface  is 
formed  of  shales  that  are  in  places  interbedded  with  the  sandstones. 
That  portion  of  the  surface,  however,  which  lies  east  of  the  Cincin- 
nati Southern  Railway  is  not  properly  a  plateau,  but  is  a  complex 
maze  of  sharp-topped  ridges  and  deep-cut,  narrow  stream  valleys, 
formed  on  flat-lying  shales  and  sandstones,  by  vigorous  stream 
erosion.  The  larger  streams  of  most  of  the  plateau  are  sharply  cut 
beneath  the  general  surface  and  many  of  them  flow  in  narrow  gorges 
300-500  feet  in  depth,  the  valley  walls  in  many  places  being  made  of 
precipitous  cliffs  that  may  be  in  extreme  cases  100-200  feet  in  height. 

The  eastern  margin  known  in  the  southern  part  as  Walden  Ridge, 
and  in  the  northern  part  as  Cumberland  Mountain,  is  itself  a  steep- 
walled  barrier  that  is  broken  by  but  few  gaps  that  permit  easy  access 
to  the  plateau  surface  beyond.  In  addition  to  this,  the  plateau  as 
a  whole  must  be  considered  as  a  broad  barrier,  separating  middle  and 
east  Tennessee.  The  northern  half  of  it,  as  has  been  said,  is  a  maze 
of  sharp  topped  ridges  and  deep,  narrow  valleys  in  its  eastern  part, 


250  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

while  its  western  part,  although  the  general  surface  is  almost  flat,  is 
broken  by  many  deep,  narrow  stream  gorges,  so  that  it  is  not  possible 
in  this  section  to  establish  easy  means  of  communication  across  the 
plateau.  The  southern  portion  as  far  north  as  the  head  of  Sequatchie 
Valley,  is  also  difficult  to  cross,  because  of  this  valley.  There  is  left, 
consequently,  only  a  relatively  narrow  middle  belt  across  which 
communication  east  and  west  may  be  established  with  any  facility 
whatever.  Today  one  may  often  travel  in  certain  sections  of  the 
plateau  five  or  ten  miles  without  seeing  a  clearing  or  a  habitation, 
and  in  eastern  Fentress  and  Pickett  counties  there  are  many  square 
miles  without  an  inhabitant.  The  country  is  so  rough  and  wild 
that  it  has  always  been  popularly  known  as  "the  wilderness."  It  is 
perhaps  more  nearly  a  wilderness  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word  than 
any  equal-sized  area  east  of  the  Mississippi  River. 

For  years  the  only  railway  connection  between  middle  and  east 
Tennessee  was  through  the  break  in  the  plateau  on  the  southern 
margin  of  the  state  where  the  Tennessee  River  cuts  its  way  west- 
ward and  southwestward  across  it.  This  railway,  the  Nashville, 
Chattanooga  and  St.  Louis,  long  enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  transpor- 
tation between  these  otherwise  separated  sections,  and  was  largely 
instrumental  in  the  development  of  the  city  of  Chattanooga  at  the 
eastern  terminus  of  this  crossing.  Efforts  were  made  for  years  to 
establish  railway  communication  across  the  plateau  proper,  but  these 
were  successful  only  in  very  recent  years,  when  the  Tennessee  Central 
was  completed  across  the  middle  section  of  the  plateau,  utilizing 
almost  the  only  practicable  route  for  a  trans-plateau  railway.  Not- 
withstanding this,  it  is  greatly  handicapped  by  heavy  grades  on  the 
east  and  west  margins  of  the  plateau. 

The  soils  of  the  plateau  are  as  a  rule  thin  and  sandy,  and  yield, 
under  the  ordinary  careless  methods  of  cultivation,  only  scanty  crops. 
They  are,  however,  under  skillful  management,  capable  of  much 
improvement.  Grazing  and  fruit  growing  are  among  the  most 
promising  agricultural  pursuits,  but  the  region  cannot  attain  its  best 
development  until  radical  improvements  are  made  in  the  methods  ot 
agriculture  usually  practiced,  and  these  improvements  are  matters 
of  slow  introduction.  Over  most  if  not  quite  all  of  the  plateau 
slavery  was  unknown,  and  the  inhabitants  cared  nothing  for  it  and 
had  little  or  no  interest  in  the  problems  that  grew  out  of  it.     During 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  251 

the  Civil  War,  they  either  remained  at  home,  or,  if  they  entered  the 
contest,  they  divided  along  lines  of  cleavage  made  possible  by  the 
existence  of  old  family  or  neighborhood  grudges  and  feuds,  and  a 
good  part  of  the  fighting  was  of  a  local  or  guerrilla  character  between 
bands  of  so-called  home  guards.  The  passions  thus  engendered 
lingered  for  a  time  but  have  since  died  away,  and  the  feud,  as  an 
institution,  can  hardly  be  said  to  exist  in  the  Cumberlands  today. 
Moonshining  is  prevalent  in  certain  communities,  but  is  by  no  means 
universal,  and  the  moonshiner  is  not  in  most  cases  the  desperado 
that  the  reporter  and  novelist  picture  him  to  be. 

The  population  in  some  of  the  plateau  counties  is  practically  at 
a  standstill.  Houses  are  so  widely  scattered  that  the  inhabitants 
are  greatly  isolated,  and  suffer  from  the  many  effects  of  such  isolation. 
Such  conditions  make  for  monotony  in  life  and  prevent  development 
along  many  lines  that  are  possible  only  in  a  more  thickly  inhabited 
country.  Schools,  churches,  roads,  villages,  and  other  features  of  com- 
munity life  are  but  poorly  developed.  Living  conditions  in  many 
cases  are  correspondingly  primitive. 

Present  conditions  are  complicated  in  part  of  the  region  by  the 
fact  that  much  of  the  land  within  the  past  few  decades  has  passed 
into  the  hands  of  large  companies  that  have  purchased  it  for  the  coal 
and  timber.  In  some  cases  these  companies  permit  and  even  encour- 
age the  original  inhabitants  to  remain  upon  the  land,  on  what  prac- 
tically amounts  to  a  system  of  free  tenantry,  since  they  consider 
their  presence  desirable  for  the  protection  that  they  may  afford 
against  forest  fires  and  depredations  by  timber  thieves  or  other 
trespassers,  as  well  as  to  furnish  a  source  of  labor  for  the  operation 
of 'mines,  logging  camps,  and  lumber  mills.  In  some  other  cases, 
however,  the  policy  of  the  large  land-owners  has  been  to  encourage 
the  original  inhabitants  to  remove  from  the  tracts  and  in  such  sec- 
tions their  former  homes  have  gone  to  decay,  their  small  mountain 
fields  are  growing  up  in  forests  again,  and  in  a  few  decades  almost  all 
signs  of  civilization  will  have  disappeared. 

Highland  Plain.  This  physiographic  unit  is  somewhat  complex 
and  is  difficult  to  define  in  simple  terms.  From  the  Cumberland 
Plateau  it  stretches  westward  approximately  to  the  Tennessee  River, 
where  it  crosses  the  western  part  of  the  state.  From  an  elevation  of 
about  1,000  feet  on  the  eastern  border  the  surface  of  this  plain  slopes 


252  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

gently  westward  to  an  elevation  600-800  feet.  In  middle  Tennessee, 
in  the  very  heart  of  the  region  thus  included,  the  rocks  which  else- 
where lie  horizontal  beneath  the  plain  have  been  slightly  up-arched 
into  a  low  dome  from  which  erosion  has  eaten  out  an  oval  basin 
60-80  miles  wide  and  150  miles  long,  with  a  surface  300-400  feet 
below  the  general  level  of  the  encircling  Highland  Plain.  This  plain 
is  in  consequence  more  usually  known  as  the  Hignland  Rim,  a  term, 
however,  which  ignores  the  true  nature  of  the  highland  surface  as  a 
plain  that  in  many  places  is  well  developed  and  of  broad  extent. 
The  edges  of  the  rim  surrounding  and  overlooking  the  Central  Basin 
are  intimately  dissected  into  steeply  rounded  hills  and  spurs  that 
form  one  of  the  roughest  parts  of  the  Highland  Plain.  Another  por- 
tion of  the  plain  that  is  well  dissected  by  streams  is  the  part  just  east 
of  the  Tennessee  River  in  Hardin,  Wayne,  Perry,  and  adjoining 
counties.  Erosion  here  has  been  not  more  than  100  or  200  feet  in 
depth,  and  even  the  worst  eroded  part  of  the  region  presents  no  such 
obstacles  to  travel  and  free  communication  as  are  presented  by  the 
deeply  dissected  portions  of  the  Cumberland  Plateau. 

The  settlement  and  subsequent  development  of  the  Highland 
Plain  have  been  largely  controlled  by  these  soil  differences.  In 
areas  of  good  limestone  soils  it  has  been  but  natural  that  the  inhabi- 
tants should  become  more  prosperous  and  progressive  than  those  in 
areas  of  poorer  shales  and  sandstones.  In  fact  many  areas  of  these 
poorer  soils  have  an  exceedingly  scant  population  even  today,  while 
the  more  fertile  limestone  areas  are  thickly  settled  and  prosperous 
communities.  The  growth  of  the  towns  of  the  region  has  depended, 
like  the  general  growth  of  the  population,  upon  the  fertility  of  the 
soil  of  their  immediate  vicinity  and  their  relative  size  and  prosperity 
is  at  once  a  result  and  an  index  of  the  general  fertility  of  the  particular 
section  in  which  they  are  each  situated,  since  their  prosperity  depends 
almost  entirely  upon  the  agricultural  resources  of  the  surrounding 
country. 

The  future  development  of  this  region  must  show,  as  its  past  has 
shown,  differences  in  development  that  are  traceable  primarily  to 
differences  in  soil  fertility.  Some  sections  will  always  be  more  pros- 
perous than  others.  Improved  methods  of  agriculture  have,  how- 
ever, shown  within  recent  years  that  it  is  possible  to  handle  the  soils 
of  the  poorer  areas  in  such  manner  as  to  produce  excellent  crops. 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  253 

The  general  adoption  of  these  improved  methods  must  lead  to  increas- 
ing prosperity  in  such  areas,  and  these  will  tend  to  minimize  the  social 
and  industrial  differences  that  now  exist  between  the  more  and  the 
less  fertile  sections  of  the  Highland  Plain.  The  future  of  the  region 
is  almost  entirely  agricultural  since  there  are,  generally  speaking,  no 
mineral  deposits  of  great  importance  save  in  certain  sections  of  the 
western  portion  where,  locally,  iron  ores  are  abundant.  Much  of 
the  timber  of  the  region  has  been  cut  and  the  tendency  is,  as  every- 
where, toward  its  further  destruction.  This  section  is  capable  of 
supporting  a  very  much  larger  population  than  it  now  has,  under 
conditions  that  will  vary  from  medium  to  good,  and  there  is  no 
inherent  reason  why  it  should  not  as  a  whole  become  quite  a  pros- 
perous section  of  the  state. 

Central  Plain.  This  division  of  the  state  forms  a  basin  that  has 
been  produced  by  the  erosion  and  unroofing  of  the  gentle  dome  men- 
tioned in  the  description  of  the  Highland  Plain.  It  is  50-60  miles  in 
width  and  about  100  miles  in  length,  with  its  longer  axis  extending 
somewhat  northeast  and  southwest.  Murfreesboro  is  a  few  miles 
southeast  of  the  center  of  the  basin  and  Nashville  is  situated  near  its 
northwestern  margin.  The  general  surface  of  the  plain  is  gently 
rolling  and  is  some  300-400  feet  below  that  of  the  surrounding 
Highland  Plain. 

It  was  produced  by  stream  erosion  and  solution  on  limestones, 
whose  doming  is  so  gentle  that  they  are  almost  flat-lying.  The  soils 
of  the  region  are  the  insoluble  residue  left  by  the  solution  of  the  lime- 
stone. Where  this  solution  has  been  more  rapid  the  soils  form  a 
thick  surface  mantle,  but  where  the  limestones  are  more  cherty  and 
hence  less  soluble,  the  soils  are  thin  and  the  surface  is  glady.  A  por- 
tion of  the  limestones  contain  a  considerable  percentage  of  phos- 
phatic  matter,  and  their  solution  has  left  a  soil  unusually  rich  in  the 
form  of  plant  food.  The  soils  of  this  phosphatic  type  attain  their 
best  development  in  the  region  of  Columbia  and  Mount  Pleasant, 
and  this  is  the  secret  of  the  high,  natural  fertility  of  that  and  some  of 
the  other  portions  of  the  Central  Basin. 

The  development  of  highways  presented  no  difficulty  on  such  a 
rolling  to  nearly  level  surface,  and  roads  were  built  wherever  desired. 
The  same  thing  has  been  true  of  railways.  They  have  been  con- 
structed without  difficulty  across  any  part  of  the  Central  Plain. 


^ 


254  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

They  have,  however,  met  with  considerable  difficulty  when  attempt- 
ing to  leave  this  plain,  since  it  has  been  necessary  for  them  to  climb 
some  300  or  400  feet  in  order  to  reach  the  level  of  the  surrounding 
Highland  Plain.  The  Louisville  line  of  the  Louisville  and  Nashville, 
Railroad,  for  example,  has  heavy  grades  where  climbing  out  of  the 
basin  north  of  Nashville. 

The  development  of  civilization  on  the  Central  Plain  has  probably 
been  more  homogeneous  than  elsewhere  in  the  state.  Conditions 
there  on  the  average  have  been  better  than  elsewhere,  and  so  there 
was  in  early  days  a  rather  more  rapid  settlement  of  the  region 
and  development  of  culture  and  wealth.  Land  holdings  were  often 
large,  and  farming  on  an  extensive  scale  by  slave  labor  was  usually 
profitable.  The  sympathies  of  the  people  were  in  consequence 
strongly  southern,  and  in  the  Civil  War  they  entered  the  Confederate 
Army.     Since  then  the  region  has  been  Democratic  in  political  faith. 

So  far  as  physical  conditions  go  there  is  no  adequate  reason  for 
any  marked  difference  in  political  faith  or  social  or  industrial  life  in 
the  Central  Basin.  Practically  all  interests  and  pursuits  are  similar, 
the  soils  and  products  are  largely  similar,  and  hence  all  phases  of 
community  life  may  be  expected  to  be  much  alike.  Such  political 
differences  as  have  marked  some  sections  of  the  region  in  the  past 
have  been  due  to  the  strong  personality  of  some  political  leader 
whose  influence  and  personal  following  have  swayed  the  votes  of 
his  county  or  section  at  certain  times  in  some  special  direction.  These 
differences  have  usually  disappeared  soon  after  the  leaders  that 
caused  them  have  ended  their  political  careers. 

West  Tennessee  Plain.  This  is  a  part  of  the  Gulf  Coastal  Plain 
which  reaches  its  northern  limit  in  southern  Illinois.  The  eastern 
edge  of  this  division  may  for  the  present  purpose  be  taken  as  the 
Tennessee  River  in  its  northward  course  across  the  western  part  of 
the  state.  The  plain  slopes  gently  westward  from  an  elevation  of 
from  500  to  700  feet  on  its  eastern  margin  to  an  elevation  of  300  or 
400  feet,  where  it  overlooks  the  Mississippi  flood  plain.  Its  surface 
is  a  gently  rolling  one  that  becomes  somewhat  broken  along  the 
main  streams.  It  is  distinctly  hilly  along  its  eastern  margin  facing 
the  flood  plain  of  the  Tennessee  River,  and  its  western  one  overlook- 
ing the  flood  plain  of  the  Mississippi.  The  streams  that  drain  its 
surface  head  near  the  Tennessee  and  flow  westward  into  the  Mis- 


SOUTHEASTERN  UNITED  STATES  255 

sissippi.  They  have  cut  their  channels  down  to  low  grades,  flow 
sluggishly  in  meandering  courses,  and  have  developed  flood  plains 
from  a  half  to  several  miles  in  width.  Owing  to  their  low  grade, 
these  flood  plains  are  usually  swampy,  and  one  of  the  present-day 
problems  of  the  region  is  the  drainage  and  reclamation  of  these 
swampy  lands.  The  upland  soils  of  the  region  are  either  sandy, 
loamy,  or  clayey,  and  the  distribution  of  the  soil  types  is  dependent 
upon  the  various  geological  formations  of  the  region.  These  outcrop 
in  belts  whose  general  course  is  north  and  south.  The  sandy  soils 
may  be,  according  to  circumstances,  either  fertile  or  infertile.  The 
loams  are  usually  fertile,  while  the  clays  are  usually  poor. 

The  settlement  of  the  country  has  been  confined  to  the  uplands 
away  from  the  swampy  flood  plains.  Farming  on  an  extensive  scale 
became  the  rule  wherever  the  soils  were  good,  slavery  and  cotton 
became  features  of  the  life.  The  slave  owners  were  of  course  southern 
in  their  sympathies,  and  have  been  Democratic  subsequently  in  their 
political  faith. 

Along  the  Mississippi,  there  is  usually  a  flood  plain  of  some 
width  between  the  stream  and  the  edge  of  the  upland.  At  three 
points,  however,  the  river  swings  against  the  upland  on  the  eastern 
side  of  its  valley  and  has  formed  bluffs.  Towns  known  as  Fulton, 
Randolph,  and  Memphis  were  early  founded  on  these  three  bluffs. 

The  future  of  the  west  Tennessee  region  should  be  that  of 
agricultural  prosperity.  There  is  already  much  good  agricultural 
practice,  and  with  further  improvement  of  conditions  in  farming,  the 
development  of  better  roads,  the  drainage  of  the  river  swamps,  and 
the  further  extension  of  truck  and  small  fruit  farming,  there  should 
be  an  excellent  basis  for  permanent  community  prosperity.  There 
are,  however,  in  the  region  just  enough  lands  that  are  naturally 
poor  to  give  a  semblance  of  excuse  for  local  thriftlessness,  and  so 
we  may  expect  for  years  that  backward  communities  will  exist 
locally  in  the  region. 

In  its  lower  course  the  Tennessee  River  flows  north  across  the 
state  and  has  cut  a  valley  usually  several  miles  in  width  to  a  depth 
of  300-500  feet  beneath  the  upland  plain  on  either  side.  Much  of 
this  valley  is  above  the  reach  of  ordinary  floods  and  it  is  largely 
cleared  and  farmed,  though  there  are  parts  that  are  low  and 
swampy. 


256  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Except  at  the  three  bluffs  mentioned  above,  there  is  a  variable 
width  of  flood  plain  between  the  western  edge  of  the  upland  plain 
of  west  Tennessee  and  the  Mississippi  River.  Near  the  banks  of 
the  river,  this  flood  plain  is  high  enough  to  remain  above  water  in 
all  but  the  highest  floods.  Much  of  this  part  is  cultivated.  Farther 
back  from  the  river  the  elevation  is  less  and  the  surface  is  frequently 
flooded.  It  is  poorly  drained  and  swampy  and  is  not  cleared.  With 
the  perfection  of  the  levee  system  and  the  drainage  of  the  lower 
parts,  this  rich  alluvial  land  should  produce  immense  crops  and  sup- 
port a  large  population. 

The  Three  Grand  Political  Divisions  of  the  State.  The  features  of 
the  state  lend  themselves  easily  to  a  threefold  division  for  political 
purposes  that  has  been  long  recognized  and  observed.  The  division 
is  into  east,  middle,  and  west  Tennessee.  The  line  separating  the 
east  and  middle  divisions  crosses  the  Cumberland  Plateau  so  that  it 
is  divided  somewhat  equally  between  them,  while  the  line  separating 
the  middle  and  western  divisions  is  approximately  the  lower  or  north- 
ward portion  of  the  Tennessee  River.  East  Tennessee  is  Republican 
in  politics  and  is  interested  in  diversified  agriculture,  mining  and 
manufacturing,  while  middle  and  west  Tennessee  are  Democratic 
politically  and  interested  primarily  in  agriculture.  The  two  latter 
divisions,  with  their  common  politics  and  similar,  though  by  no  means 
identical,  interests,  usually  dominate  in  political  matters. 

In  early  days  there  was  a  land  office  and  a  treasurer  for  each  of 
these  three  divisions.  The  supreme  court  still  sits  in  rotation  in 
east,  middle,  and  west  Tennessee.  There  is  a  state  normal  school 
for  each  of  the  three  divisions  and  a  state  asylum  for  each  division. 
In  the  constitution  of  political  boards  and  committees  it  is  usually 
specified  that  equal  representation  be  given  to  each  of  these  three 
divisions,  so  that  in  many  ways  the  state  comprises  three  separate 
communities  more  or  less  distinct  and  different  from  each  other,  and 
yet  united  under  one  system  of  government. 


CHAPTER  XI 

INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES 
1.    THE  GREAT  CENTRAL  PLAIN  OF  NORTH  AMERICA' 

The  Great  Central  Plain  extends  2,500  miles  northward  from  the. 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  1,500  miles  eastward  from  the  Rocky  Mountains 
to  the  highlands  of  New  York.  A  large  portion  of  the  northern  third 
of  this  great  area  is  covered  by  snow  and  ice  many  months  in  the 
year  and  a  broad  strip  along  the  western  border  is  too  dry  for  diver- 
sified cultivation,  yet  there  remain  fully  1,250,000  square  miles  of 
land  capable  of  the  highest  agricultural  development.  Man  in 
North  America  is  only  in  the  early  stages  of  his  adjustment  to  the 
soil.  For  many  decades  certain  sections  of  the  Central  Plain  have 
contributed  largely  to  the  world's  cereal  crop;  the  ultimate  agri- 
cultural possibilities  of  the  region,  however,  are  far  from  being 
attained. 

The  resources  of  the  Central  Plain  lie  not  alone  in  its  agricultural 
possibilities,  for  there  are  rich  deposits  of  iron,  salt,  coal,  copper, 
gypsum,  and  various  sorts  of  building  materials.  The  great  stretches 
of  valuable  forests  which  once  covered  much  of  the  region  have  played 
an  important  part  in  the  development  of  the  region  about  the  Great 
Lakes;  and  furs,  the  pioneer  product  of  the  forests  for  which  the 
eastern  section  of  the  Central  Plain  was  coveted  by  both  the  French 
and  the  British,  have  long  since  been  depleted. 

The  Central  Plain  is  in  general  of  low  relief.  Minor  elevations 
here  and  there  break  its  monotony,  but  these  offer  little  obstruction 
to  intercourse  between  the  various  parts.  Although  the  Great 
Central  Plain  does  not  border  an  ocean,  its  low  relief,  its  many  navi- 
gable rivers,  bays,  and  gulfs,  and  the  low  passes  through  the  highlands 
to  the  east,  all  permit  freedom  of  intercourse  with  the  Atlantic,  the 
most  important  ocean  in  world-commerce.  To  the  north  there  is  easy 
access  to  Hudson  Bay.     Though  ice-bound  for  seven  or  eight  months 

1  Adapted  from  A.  E.  Parkins,  The  Historical  Geography  of  Detroit,  Michigan 
Historical  Commission  (Lansing,  1918),  pp.  2-9.  Mr.  Parkins  is  professor  of 
geography  at  George  Peabody  College  for  Teachers. 

*57 


258  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

each  year,  this  exit  to  the  Atlantic  was  an  important  one  for  the  fur 
trade  of  the  regions  to  the  north  and  northwest  of  the  Great  Lakes 
for  over  two  hundred  years,  and  in  the  future  it  may  prove  of  great 
value  to  the  developing  regions  in  the  northern  part  of  the  arable 
portions  of  the  interior  plain.  On  the  south  for  1,500  miles  the 
Great  Central  Plain  borders  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Along  this  coast 
there  are  ports  with  easy  communications  to  the  interior  that  may 
serve  as  logical  doorways  to  the  trade  of  Central  and  South  America. 
Along  the  eastern  border  are  the  highlands  of  Canada  and  the 
Appalachian  Mountains.  These  are  the  only  barriers  between  the 
Plain  and  the  Atlantic.  Around  the  northern  end  of  the  Appalachian 
ridges,  along  the  southern  border  of  the  "old  land  of  Canada,"  extends 
the  St.  Lawrence  Valley,  the  lowlands  of  which,  as  far  west  as  the 
escarpment  at  Niagara,  are  less  than  500  feet  above  tide.  To  the 
south  of  this  great  valley,  across  the  state  of  New  York  from  the 
plains  about  Lake  Ontario  to  the  Hudson  River,  is  the  Oneida- 
Mohawk  depression,  also  with  low  altitudes.  These  two  valleys 
constitute  the  notches  in  the  barrier  to  the  east.  These  have  ever 
been  among  the  chief,  if  not  the  chief,  lines  of  communication  and 
traffic,  the  "gateways"  between  the  Great  Central  Plain  and  the 
Atlantic  Ocean. 

The  Great  Lakes  region  includes  that  irregular  and  somewhat 
indefinite  area,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Great  Central  Plain,  that 
borders  and  includes  the  five  Great  Lakes  of  North  America.  It  is 
not  separated  from  the  other  parts  of  the  Great  Central  Plain  by  any 
marked  topographic  feature.  It  is  not  in  any  way  an  isolated  geo- 
graphic unit;  yet  it  is  a  unit.  Its  abundant  resources  make  it  one 
of  the  most  important  areas  of  the  interior  plain.  Its  chief  impor- 
tance perhaps  lies  in  its  position  at  the  west  entrances  of  the  "gate- 
ways" to  the  Atlantic.  Since  the  great  markets  for  agricultural 
products  are  in  eastern  United  States  and  Europe,  this  position  makes 
a  large  part  of  the  Great  Central  Plain  naturally  tributary  to  the 
Lakes  region.  During  the  long  period  that  the  merchants  of  Montreal 
and  Quebec  controlled  the  economic  activities  of  the  great  interior  of 
North  America,  the  area  tributary  to  the  Great  Lakes  included  most 
of  the  territory  to  the  north  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Missouri  rivers,  and 
west  to  the  Rocky  Mountains.     Today  the  Great  Lakes  region  has 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  259 

for  its  sphere  of  commercial  influence  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
Great  Central  Plain. 

Great  as  are  the  resources  of  the  mines,  the  forests,  and  the 
fields,  the  Great  Lakes  region  owes  much  of  its  importance  to  the 
Great  Lakes  themselves.  There  are  few  other  regions  of  like  area 
that  can  furnish  such  opportunities  for  inland  transportation.  From 
the  lower  end  of  Lake  Michigan  to  the  eastern  terminus  of  Lake  Erie 
there  are  nearly  a  thousand  miles  of  unobstructed  deep  waterways. 
With  the  overcoming  of  the  barrier  at  the  rapids  of  the  St.  Mary's 
River  and  the  falls  at  Niagara,  six  hundred  miles  more  have  been  added. 
But  transportation  advantages  on  lakes  are  not  to  be  reckoned  by 
the  length  of  the  lakes.  Innumerable  cross-routes  multiply  the  above 
milage  many  times.  Besides  the  many  hundred  miles  of  deep  water- 
way, there  are  many  minor  waterways  suitable  for  smaller  craft. 
These  minor  water  courses  were  very  important  in  the  days  when 
canoes  were  the  chief  carrying  agent. 

In  the  northeastern  part  of  North  America,  there  is  a  great  area 
of  crystalline  rocks,  granites,  gneisses,  and  schists.  This  is  the 
so-called  North  American  "shield,"  the  "old  land"  of  Canada.  To 
the  south  of  this  crystalline  area,  poor  in  agricultural  possibilities 
because  of  its  long  winters  and  thin  soils  but  rich  in  mineral  deposits 
and  water  power,  are  younger  sedimentary  rocks.  The  younger 
rocks  are  chiefly  sandstones,  limestones,  and  shales,  which  in  general 
are  eroded  much  more  easily  than  the  crystallines. 

Though  these  striking  contrasts  of  bedrock  offer  the  conditions 
for  differential  erosion,  it  was  mainly  the  waters  and  the  ice  of  the 
Glacial  Period  that  gave  much  of  the  land  in  north  central  and  north- 
eastern North  America  its  present  topographical  expression.  In 
some  sections  erosion  took  place,  in  others  deposition. 

The  "old  land"  was  swept  bare  of  its  residual  soil,  the  accumu- 
lation of  ages.  At  places  in  the  "old  land,"  where  conditions  were 
suitable,  lake  basing  were  gouged  out.  These  lakes  are  numbered 
by  the  thousands  in  the  Laurentian  Highlands.  Many  are  con- 
nected by  rivers,  making  many  nearly  continuous  water  routes, 
suitable  for  canoes  from  the  St.  Lawrence  Basin  to  Hudson  Bay. 
In  the  region  of  the  younger,  sedimentary  rocks,  the  work  of  the 
glacial  ice  was  much  more  pronounced.     The  basins  of  most  of  the 


260  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Great  Lakes  are  partially,  if  not  largely,  the  result  of  the  erosive 
action  of  the  ice  upon  the  limestones  and  shales.  The  material 
eroded  from  the  sedimentary  rocks,  combined  with  that  from  the 
"old  land,"  was  strewn  here  and  there  in  a  more  or  less  systematic 
fashion,  forming  moraines,  outwash  plains,  till  plains,  valley  trains, 
and  other  features  over  the  broad  plains  between  the  Great  Lakes 
and  the  Ohio  and  Missouri  rivers. 

2.     THE  RELATION  OF  RELIEF,  SOIL,  AND  DRAINAGE  TO 
AGRICULTURE  IN  OHIO5 

Topography  does  much  to  influence  the  type  of  farming  in  Ohio. 
There  is  a  wide  diversity  of  topography,  ranging  from  level  plains 
with  not  more  than  10  feet  change  in  elevation  for  several  miles,  to 
rough  hills  with  steep  slopes  and  ridges  rising  almost  vertically  from 
the  stream  valleys  to  a  height  of  300  to  500  feet.  In  the  more  level 
areas  drainage  is  still  deficient,  while  in  the  more  hilly  sections  the 
rainfall  runs  off  rapidly  and  much  damage  is  done  by  erosion. 

About  one-fourth  of  the  state  may  be  called  hilly.  This  com- 
prises essentially  the  non-glaciated  southeastern  section  of  the  state, 
in  which  the  relief  consists  of  a  succession  of  hills  and  sharp,  winding 
ridges,  separated  by  deep,  narrow  valleys.  There  are,  however, 
many  small  areas  where  the  surface  is  level  or  gently  rolling.  The 
boundary  between  the  hilly  and  the  level  section  is  in  some  places 
very  distinct,  while  in  others  there  is  a  gradual  grading  of  hills  into 
level  prairies. 

Approximately  three-fourths  of  the  state,  comprising  the  western 
and  northern  sections,  consists  of  level  to  rolling  plains,  formerly 
covered  with  forest.  This  is  the  glaciated  part  of  Ohio.  With  the 
exception  of  a  few  areas,  this  land  lies  well  for  tillage,  consisting  of 
gently  rolling  plains  with  just  enough  change  in  elevation  to  give,  as  a 
rule,  good  drainage.  Extended  areas,  however,  have  needed  to  be 
ditched  before  allowing  of  full  development,  while  much  is  still  in 
need  of  adequate  drainage.  The  largest  area  of  this  level  country  is 
in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  state  in  the  bed  of  an  old  lake. 

Another  distinct  type  of  farming  is  to  be  found  upon  the  bottom 
lands.     Throughout  most  of  the  hilly  counties,  as  well  as  in  the  level 

'Adapted  from  J.  L.  Falconer,  "Ohio  Agriculture  from  1850  to  1910," 
Part  II  of  "The  Agriculture  of  Ohio,"  Ohio  Agricultural  Experiment  Station, 
Bulletin  326,  pp.  233-48. 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  26 1 

section  of  the  state,  are  found  strips  of  bottom  land  along  the  rivers 
and  streams.  Probably  the  most  extensive  of  these  are  along  the 
Ohio  and  its  tributaries,  the  Miami,  the  Scioto,  and  the  Muskingum. 
As  a  rule,  the  bottom  lands  along  Ohio  rivers  are  narrow,  yet  they 
have  been  outstanding  in  Ohio  agriculture  since  the  beginning  of 
farming  in  the  state. 

Com  and  Clover  Follow  Limestone  Areas.  Practically  all  that 
portion  of  the  state  lying  west  of  a  line  extending  from  Sandusky 
south  to  the  Ohio  River  through  Columbus  is  underlaid  with  lime- 
stone. East  of  this  line  the  soil  formation  consists  mainly  of  sand- 
stone and  shale.  These  soils  are  generally  acid.  There  are,  however, 
limited  areas  of  limestone  soils  in  the  southeastern  part  of  the  state. 
These  variations  in  soil  and  topography  are  of  fundamental  impor- 
tance in  determining  the  type  of  farming. 

The  distribution  of  the  corn  and  clover  acreage  of  the  state 
shows  quite  clearly  the  line  separating  the  two  soil  areas.  West  of 
the  line  is  the  corn-  and  hog-raising  section  of  the  state;  east,  of  this 
line  there  is  less  corn  produced,  and  the  acreage  has  tended  to  decrease 
during  the  past  fifty  years.  On  the  west,  there  is  more  clover  grown 
than  on  the  east.  On  the  east,  grazing,  with  dairying  and  sheep- 
raising,  has  been  and  was  in  19 10  the  major  source  of  income  from 
the  farm,  although  wheat,  potatoes,  and  fruit  add  materially  to  the 
income  in  many  counties. 

Hilly  Sections  Adapted  to  Live-Stock  Farming.  In  the  hilly 
section  of  the  southeastern  counties,  a  large  part  of  the  land  is  too 
steep  for  general  crop  farming  and  much  of  the  remainder  is  cultivated 
with  some  difficulty  when  compared  with  that  in  the  western  half  of 
the  state.  Much  of  the  land  in  farms  is  in  untillable  and  woodland 
pasture.  For  this  reason  a  large  part  of  the  receipts  on  the  farms 
of  this  section  has  always  been  from  live  stock  and  live-stock  products. 
On  the  hill  farms  corn,  then  wheat  or  oats,  followed  by  hay  for  two 
or  more  years,  is  the  usual  cropping  system.  On  the  bottom  land 
more  corn  and  less  hay  is  grown. 

Dairying  Predominates  in  Northeastern  Counties.  In  the  north- 
eastern counties,  especially  in  the  region  of  the  Western  Reserve, 
dairying  has  been  the  predominating  enterprise  since  1850.  Poor 
drainage  and  an  acid  soil  have  not  been  conducive  to  a  large  corn 
area.     In  recent  years  much  of  the  corn  raised  has  been  put  into  the 


262  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

silo  for  winter  feeding.  Wheat  has  always  been  a  minor  crop.  Since 
i860  the  acreage  in  oats  has  increased.  In  the  extreme  northeastern 
counties  buckwheat  was  an  important  crop  in  19 10.  Hay  has 
always  been  the  predominating  crop  and  when  not  consumed  by 
the  dairy  cow  provides  an  important  source  of  income  for  many  farms. 
Since  1880  an  area  in  potatoes  has  been  rapidly  increasing  and  on 
many  farms  in  19 10  provided  the  chief  or  only  cash  crop.  On  many  a 
farm  the  sale  of  maple  syrup  adds  materially  to  the  annual  income. 
The  area  in  crops  was  nearly  the  same  in  1910  as  in  1850. 

Because  of  the  small  corn  area  hogs  have  never  been  an  important 
source  of  income  in  this  region,  while  the  prevalence  of  dairying  tended 
to  keep  out  sheep.  Much  hilly  and  poorly  drained  land  has  provided 
an  abundance  of  pasture  area.  Growing  local  markets  have  created 
a  demand  for  market  milk. 

The  Wheat  Counties.  On  the  northern  edge  of  the  hilly  area 
and  south  of  the  Western  Reserve  is  a  group  of  counties  known  as  the 
"backbone  counties"  of  Ohio.  These  counties  have  continued  to 
be  the  leading  wheat-growing  counties  of  the  state  since  its  early 
settlement.  They  have  also  steadily  maintained  a  position  among 
the  leading  oat-growing  counties.  For  the  past  sixty  years  clover  has 
here  occupied  a  greater  part  of  the  total  hay  areas  than  in  any  of  the 
other  eastern  counties.  As  for  live  stock,  the  dairy  cow  predomi- 
nates. 

In  all  the  northeastern  counties  and  also  in  some  of  the  south- 
eastern counties  are  more  or  less  extensive  orchards  which,  when  well 
cared  for,  provide  good  returns.  Of  recent  years,  with  the  develop- 
ment of  good  roads  and  local  markets,  the  growing  of  truck  crops 
and  the  keeping  of  poultry  have  increased.  Along  the  lake  shore, 
vineyards  and  small  fruits  are  extensively  grown. 

The  Corn  Counties.  With  the  exception  of  the  Ohio  River  district, 
corn  is  the  leading  crop  of  the  western  counties.  Here  the  average 
yield  of  corn  is  considerably  above  that  of  the  eastern  counties. 
Level  land  and  a  limestone  soil  have  been  favorable  to  crop  production. 
A  smaller  hay  acreage  and  more  grain  crops  are  grown  than  in  the 
eastern  counties.  A  much  larger  proportion  of  the  total  hay  area  is 
in  clover.  As  for  live  stock,  hogs  and  beef  cattle  predominate, 
while  sheep  are  quite  extensively  raised  and  fed  in  the  north  central 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  263 

counties.  Of  recent  years,  dairying  has  been  extending  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  large  cities  and  in  Fulton  County,  where  several  condensaries 
have  been  built. 

The  northwestern  section  of  the  state  was  the  last  to  be  developed. 
Here  the  type  of  farming  in  19 10  was  essentially  similar  to  that  in 
the  corn-growing  counties  of  the  southwest.  In  the  extreme  north- 
western counties  oats  exceed  wheat  in  acreage  planted.  Since  1900 
the  area  in  sugar  beets  has  been  rapidly  extended.  In  the  old  lake- 
bed  region,  in  1900,  there  was  a  growing  tendency  to  rotate  the  crops 
with  clover.  In  former  years  it  had  been  the  practice  to  grow  corn 
after  corn  for  years  in  succession  until  the  stumps  were  rotted  out, 
then  to  follow  with  a  rotation  of  corn  and  oats,  while  more  recently 
one  of  corn,  oats,  and  clover  has  come  into  favor.  In  the  sugar-beet 
area  the  beets  take  the  place  of  corn  in  the  rotation.  Drainage 
and  better  cultivation  of  late  years  have  made  the  crops  more  certain. 
The  northwestern  counties  lead  all  other  sections  of  the  state  in  the 
amount  of  feedable  crops  sold.  The  sale  of  oats  contributes  largely 
to  this.  The  amount  of  live  stock  to  crop  area  is  less  than  in  the 
southwestern  counties. 

On  the  bottom  lands  of  the  state,  corn  has  been  and  still  is  the 
leading  crop.  On  some  fields  in  the  Scioto  Valley  corn  is  grown  year 
after  year  on  the  same  land.  Others  rotate  their  crops  with  two 
years  corn,  then  wheat  or  oats,  then  clover. 

In  many  sections  of  the  state  vegetable-growing  has  developed. 
Examples  of  this  are  the  Scioto  Valley,  where  canneries  have  been 
established,  and  in  the  Muskingum  River  Valley,  where  vegetables, 
especially  corn,  cucumbers,  tomatoes,  and  cabbage  are  extensively 
grown  for  the  Pittsburgh  market.  Along  the  watershed  which  divides 
the  Ohio  River  from  the  Great  Lakes  is  a  series  of  marshes,  many  of 
which  have  in  recent  years  been  drained  and  extensively  given  over 
to  vegetable  production.  In  the  neighborhood  of  the  large  cities, 
as  Cleveland,  Cincinnati,  Columbus,  and  Toledo,  market  gardening 
is  extensively  carried  on.  Grape  production  along  the  Great  Lakes 
has  largely  developed.  Orcharding  in  the  greater  part  of  the  state 
is  carried  on  as  a  part  of  the  general  farm  business.  In  the  last 
three  decades,  however,  many  commercial  orchards  have  been 
developed  along  the  Lakes,  in  the  northeastern  counties,  and  in 
southeastern  Ohio. 


264  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Cattle  the  Chief  Live  Stock  of  Ohio.  From  the  earliest  settlement  of 
the  state  cattle  have  occupied  the  leading  position  in  its  live-stock 
industry,  the  potential  feed  consumption  of  cattle  exceeding  that  of 
horses,  sheep,  and  swine  combined.  The  cattle  business  of  Ohio 
was  in  a  flourishing  condition  during  the  fifties.  Ohio  and  the  blue- 
grass  region  of  Kentucky  at  that  time  constituted  the  prominent 
cattle  regions  west  of  Pennsylvania.  The  building  of  the  through 
railroads  brought  about  many  changes  in  cattle  feeding  in  the  state. 
During  the  previous  decades  Ohio  had  occupied  a  unique  position  in 
the  beef-cattle  business.  Located  on  the  eastern  edge  of  the  corn 
belt,  it  had  been  the  practice  of  Ohio  feeders  to  purchase  cattle  in 
large  numbers  in  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri,  and  the  West,  or  in  the 
hilly  counties  of  eastern  Ohio;  drive  them  to  the  corn-growing  counties 
of  southwestern  Ohio,  there  to  be  fattened  before  starting  on  the 
long  overland  drive  to  eastern  markets.  By  1850  the  driving  of 
fat  cattle  from  the  region  of  the  Scioto  had  reached  its  height,  by 
i860  it  had  almost  ceased,  for  by  that  date  cattle  were  sent  east  by 
railroad  from  the  grazing  lands  of  Illinois  without  stopping  to  be  fed 
in  Ohio. 

3.     AGRICULTURE  IN  WISCONSIN' 
.... 
The  Upper  Mississippi  Valley  is  a  region  of  unusual  fertility; 

one  of  the  garden  spots  of  the  world.  Wisconsin  is  included  in  this 
area.  In  the  southern  and  eastern  parts  of  the  state,  practically 
the  whole  area  is  farm  land.  In  productiveness  and  value  the  land 
of  this  region  ranks  with  the  best  in  the  United  States.  In  the 
central  part  of  the  state  is  an  area  of  sandy  soil  of  much  lower  pro- 
ductivity, while  in  the  northern  part  there  are  several  million  acres 
that  are  still  in  the  condition  of  cut-over,  burnt-over,  and  forest- 
covered  land,  awaiting  development.  Hence,  when  the  whole  state  is 
taken  into  account,  Wisconsin  is  outranked  by  such  prairie  states  as 
Illinois  and  Iowa,  and  by  some  of  the  eastern  states  that  have  been 
settled  longer.  Among  the  states,  Wisconsin  ranks  about  tenth  in 
the  annual  value  of  farm  products. 

Wisconsin  is  grouped  with  the  agricultural  states,  although  the 
gross  annual  value  of  its  manufactures  exceeds  that  of  its  farm  prod- 

1  Adapted  from  R.  H.  Whitbeck,  "The  Geography  and  Industries  of  Wis- 
consin," Wisconsin  Geological  and  Natural  History  Survey,  Bulletin  XXVI,  1913. 
pp.  27-58. 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  265 

ucts.  About  60  per  cent  of  the  land  area  of  the  state  is  in  farms. 
Nearly  all  of  the  southeastern  third  is  improved ;  but  eleven  counties 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  state  had,  in  1910,  only  about  one-tenth 
of  their  land  in  farms.  About  36  per  cent  of  the  land  area  of  the 
state  is  improved  farm  land,  and  the  farm  property  is  valued  at  over 
one  and  a  half  billion  dollars.  In  the  southeastern  third  of  the  state 
the  average  value  of  land  is  around  $100  an  acre  (19 13). 

Speaking  in  very  general  terms,  there  are  three  soil  belts  in 
the  state,  based  upon  the  character  of  the  underlying  rock: 

a)  The  glacial  soils  on  the  crystalline  rocks  of  the  north,  both 
sand  and  clay. 

b)  The  light  soils  on  the  sandstone  rocks  in  the  middle  belt,  both 
glacial  and  non-glacial. 

c)  The  clay-loam  soils  on  the  limestone  rocks  in  the  southern 
belt,  both  glacial  and  non-glacial. 

Over  four-fifths  of  the  soil  of  Wisconsin  is  glacial,  and  it  is,  as  a 
whole,  somewhat  better  than  the  average  soil  of  the  driftless  region, 
though  one  of  the  best  farming  regions  in  the  state  is  found  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  driftless  area.  The  northern  half  of  the  state  is 
developing  steadily  and  it  is  proving  to  be  well  adapted  to  farming, 
and  especially  to  dairying.  The  sandy  soils  in  the  central  part  of  the 
state  are  less  productive  than  the  clay  soils,  because  of  (1)  their  low 
water-holding  capacity,  (2)  the  readiness  with  which  they  are  blown 
by  the  wind,  and  (3)  their  lower  degree  of  fertility.  Rye,  buckwheat, 
and  especially  potatoes  are  the  profitable  crops  of  the  sandy  soils. 

The  glacial  till  and  the  residual  loam  of  the  limestone  belt  are 
largely  clay.  These  soils  hold  water,  contain  considerable  lime,  and 
are  the  most  productive. 

The  hilly  character  of  the  southwestern  part  of  the  state  has  led 
to  dairying  and  stock-raising.  The  clay  soils  favor  the  production 
of  grass  and  hay  and  also  lead  to  grazing.  Cheese  factories  are 
particularly  a  response  to  summer  dairying  and  are  most  numerous 
in  the  cooler  parts  of  the  dairying  region.  Creameries  are  a  response 
to  winter  as  well  as  summer  dairying  and  are  most  numerous  in  the 
corn  belt  of  the  state. 

Dairying  and  Dairy  Products.  The  most  notable  development 
in  agricultural  lines  in  Wisconsin  during  the  last  decade  has  been  in 
dairying.     The  state  now  stands  at  the  head  of  the  dairying  states  of 


266  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

the  union.  In  191 2  there  were  over  three  thousand  cheese  factories 
and  creameries  in  the  state,  and  the  shipping  of  milk  to  cities  is 
rapidly  increasing  in  southeastern  Wisconsin,  due  especially  to  the 
growing  demands  of  Chicago  and  Milwaukee.  The  production 
of  condensed  milk  is  largely  confined  to  the  southeastern  part  of  the 
state. 

"The  dairy  industry  has  become  the  most  important  branch  of  agricul- 
ture in  Wisconsin.  The  changes  which  have  occurred  during  the  period  1905 
to  iqio  show  that  both  dairy  farming  and  dairy  manufacturing  are  securing 
a  firm  footing  in  the  newly  developed  regions  of  the  north.  This,  together 
with  an  increase  in  production  in  the  older  dairy  regions,  indicates  a  stable 
and  permanent  industry.  Dairying  as  a  farm  industry  is  adjusting  itself 
to  the  influences  of  the  various  factors — soil,  climate,  competing  enterprises, 
and  location  with  respect  to  the  markets." 

The  following  statements  give  the  chief  facts  concerning  this 
great  industry  in  19 10-12: 

a)  There  are  as  yet  relatively  few  factories  or  creameries  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  state,  due  to  undeveloped  agricultural  conditions. 

b)  Cheese  factories  and  creameries  are  few  in  seven  counties  in 
the  central  portion  of  the  state — largely  due  to  the  sandy  character  of 
the  soil,  unfavorable  to  pasturage. 

c)  Practically  all  of  the  three  thousand  cheese  factories  and 
creameries  are  in  the  region  of  clay  soils  whose  water-retaining 
capacity  favors  pastures  and  meadows. 

d)  The  creameries  are  most  numerous  in  the  corn  belt;  butter- 
making  is  a  response  to  winter  as  well  as  to  summer  dairying ;  corn,  in 
the  form  of  ensilage,  is  the  economical  winter  feed  for  cows;  the 
corn  belt  closely  coincides  with  the  region  of  150-day  growing  season, 
and  in  this  belt  cheese  factories  seem  unable  to  meet  the  competition 
of  butter  factories. 

5.  The  cheese  factories  almost  monopolize  a  region  near  Lake 
Michigan  and  another  in  the  rougher  and  higher  lands  of  the  south- 
west; for  cheese-making  is  a  response  to  summer  dairying,  prospers 
where  the  weather,  especially  the  nights,  are  cool,  and  hence  where 
corn-growing  is  less  important. 

6.  Wisconsin  leads  in  the  making  of  Swiss  cheese,  chiefly  carried 
on  in  the  Swiss  settlements  in  the  southern  part  of  the  state.  This 
cheese  is  more  sensitive  to  soil  and  climatic  conditions  than  any 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  267 

other  kind;  the  Swiss  factories  are  nearly  all  on  land  900  to  1,000 
feet  in  altitude,  and  95  per  cent  of  .the  275  factories  are  on  limestone 
land,  while  70  per  cent  of  the  106  factories  making  Limburger  cheese 
are  grouped  in  the  low  valleys  on  sandstone  land. 

7.  Northern  Wisconsin,  with  its  clay  soil  and  cool  climate 
promises  to  develop  into  another  great  cheese-making  section. 

8.  Wisconsin's  dairy  products  now  amount  to  over  $80,000,000 
annually,  have  doubled  in  ten  years,  and  are  greater  than  those  of 
New  York,  heretofore  the  leader. 

9.  This  trend  toward  dairy  farming  is  most  beneficial  to  the 
agricultural  interests  of  the  state. 

The  great  prosperity  and  the  rapid  development  of  the  dairy 
industry  in  Wisconsin  cannot  be  explained  alone  on  the  basis  of 
geographic  causes.  A  far-sighted  man,  ex-Governor  Hoard,  and  an 
institution,  the  College  of  Agriculture  of  the  state  university,  through 
their  continuous  campaigns  of  education  have  been  significant 
factors  in  the  growth  of  this  industry.  Natural  conditions  made 
profitable  dairying  possible;  a  well-directed  policy  of  education 
brought  it  to  its  present  high  development. 

In  order  of  value,  the  leading  crops  of  Wisconsin  are:  hay,  oats, 
corn,  barley,  potatoes,  tobacco,  rye,  wheat.  The  total  value  of 
dairy  products  is  greater  than  any  of  these;  equal,  in  fact,  to  the 
leading  two. 

4.     ASPECTS  OF  THE  PHYSICAL  ENVIRONMENT  IN  A  TYPICAL 
SECTION  OF  THE  CORN  BELT1 

Iowa  has  but  one  primary  physiographic  form — the  prairie  plain. 
Taken  as  a  whole  it  is  the  most  typical  prairie  state  of  the  Union. 
Here  waving  grasses  once  covered  the  rolling  uplands  and  deciduous 
trees  bordered  the  dark  and  slowly  meandering  streams.  Now  the 
deep,  rich  soils,  moistened  by  ample  and  well-distributed  rainfall, 
offer  rich  return  for  agriculture,  and  artificial  groves  dot  the  landscape 
in  every  direction. 

The  relief  is  slight.  The  total  range  in  altitude  between  the 
valley  floor  of  the  Mississippi  River  where  it  leaves  the  state  at 

1  Adapted  from  H.  E.  Simpson,  "Topography  and  Climate  of  Iowa,"  chapter  i 
of  "Underground  Water  Resources  of  Iowa,"  Annual  Reports,  igio  and  ign,  Iowa 
geological  Survey,  XXI,  48-59. 


268  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Keokuk  and  the  highest  mound  on  the  great  divide  in  Osceola  County 
does  not  exceed  1,200  feet,  a  slight  relief  for  an  area  of  55,475  square 
miles. 

Originally  this  plain  was  an  old  sea  floor.  The  alternating  layers 
of  sands,  muds,  and  lime  deposits  of  which  it  consisted  were  slowly 
cemented  and  consolidated  into  sandstones  and  limestones  and  raised 
by  gentle  uplift  into  the  great  interior  plain  which  slopes  southward 
from  the  old  lands  of  Canada  and  the  Lake  Superior  region.  Time 
did  not  materially  disturb  the  rock  layers  of  this  ancient  coastal 
plain  except  to  bevel  off  their  surface,  and  they  still  dip  away  slightly 
to  the  southwest,  with  scarcely  a  fold  or  fault  to  break  the  unity.  The 
surface  variations  were  largely  the  result  of  long-continued  erosion 
by  weather  and  running  water,  greatly  modified  and  almost  obliter- 
ated over  the  larger  portion  of  the  state  by  glacial  ice. 

With  the  exception  of  a  small  driftless  area  in  the  northeastern 
corner  of  the  state,  every  portion  of  Iowa  was  occupied  by  an  ice 
sheet  at  least  once  during  the  Glacial  Epoch.  The  general  effect 
of  the  ice  work  was  to  wear  away  the  more  prominent  topographic 
prominences,  to  fill  the  valleys,  and  to  spread  rock  waste  over  the 
area.  Portions  of  the  state  were  several  times  invaded  by  ice,  which 
left  the  sheets  of  till,  varying  in  smoothness  and  thickness,  that  com- 
bine to  form  the  present  mantle  of  drift — a  mantle  averaging  in  thick- 
ness from  100  to  200  feet,  with  a  probable  maximum  of  600  feet  in 
Louisa  County. 

On  the  whole,  the  surface  left  on  the  retreat  of  the  glacial  ice  was  a 
gently  undulating  plain.  Only  near  the  margins  of  the  drift  sheets 
or  at  places  where  long  pauses  were  made  in  the  retreat  of  the  ice 
front  were  marked  irregularities  produced.  Here  belts  of  hills  with 
alternating  depressions  were  formed  by  the  irregular  heaping  up  of  the 
drift  material,  producing  terminal  or  recessional  moraines  having 
characteristic  knob-and-kettle  topography.  The  material  is  chiefly 
till,  a  mixture  of  clay,  sand,  pebbles,  and  bowlders  of  all  kinds, 
deposited  directly  by  the  ice.  Associated  with  this  are  beds  of  sand 
and  gravel  left  by  streams  of  running  water  and  fine  clays  deposited 
in  quiet  waters.  Overlying  the  drift  sheets  of  the  earlier  ice  invasions 
over  more  than  half  the  state  is  a  fine  porous  clay  of  peculiar  vertical 
cleavage  called  loess.  This  formation  is  of  eolian  or  aqueous  origin 
and  can  be  readily  distinguished  from  the  underlying  drift  by  its  lack 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  269 

of  pebbles  and  bowlders.     It  tended  to  smooth  over  the  slight  inequali- 
ties of  the  drift  sheets  on  which  it  was  deposited. 

The  level  character  of  the  prairie  plain  is  such  as  to  favor  the 
ready  absorption  of  rainfall  by  the  soils  and  to  cause  the  ground  water 
to  stand  near  enough  to  the  surface  of  the  drift  or  the  country  rock 
to  be  within  easy  reach  of  comparatively  shallow  wells.  The  gently 
rolling  character  of  the  topography  insures  good  drainage,  thus  pre- 
venting stagnation  of  water  on  the  surface,  and  lowers  the  ground- 
water level  far  enough  to  permit  purification  of  the  downward  perco- 
lating waters  by  filtration  before  they  join  the  great  underground 
system.  The  topographic  conditions,  in  connection  with  drift 
soils  such  as  are  found  throughout  nearly  all  of  the  state  of  Iowa, 
insure  an  abundant  and  wholesome  supply  of  underground  waters 
at  depths  which  permit  most  of  the  inhabitants  outside  of  the  large 
cities  to  be  supplied  at  very  slight  cost. 

5.    SOME  GEOGRAPHIC  INFLUENCES  OF  THE  LAKE  SUPERIOR 

IRON  ORES' 

The  Ore  Fields.  The  Lake  Superior  ore  district  consists  of  six 
principal  ranges:  the  Marquette  and  Menominee  in  Michigan,  the 
Penokee-Gogebic  in  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  and  the  Mesabi, 
Vermilion,  and  Cuyuna  in  northeastern  Minnesota.  The  latter 
are  60  to  90  miles  northwest  of  Duluth-Superior  and  Two  Harbors, 
from  which  the  ore  is  shipped  to  lower  lake  ports.  The  Marquette 
Range  is  near  the  city  of  Marquette,  the  Menominee  Range  near 
Escanaba,  and  the  Penokee-Gogebic  Range  25  to  50  miles  from 
Ashland.  Thus  each  range  has  an  adequate  outlet  by  water,  a  factor 
of  great  significance  in  its  development. 

The  Mesabi  Range.  Iron  ore  in  the  Mesabi  Range  was  reported 
at  Gunflint  Lake  in  1852,  but  the  first  ore  pit  was  not  made  until 
1890.  Other  discoveries  of  rich  ore  followed  rapidly,  and  in  1892 
29,000  tons  were  produced.  The  next  year  the  district  produced 
nearly  2,000,000  tons,  and  by  1910  the  output  reached  29,200,000 
tons. 

1  Adapted  from  George  J.  Miller,  "Some  Geographic  Influences  of  the  Lake 
Superior  Iron  Ores,"  Bulletin  of  the  American  Geographical  Society,  December,  1914, 
pp.  S81-916.  Mr.  Miller  is  head  of  the  department  of  geography,  State  Normal 
School,  Mankato,  Minnesota,  and  editor  of  the  Journal  of  Geography. 


270  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

These  ores,  in  most  places,  are  covered  thickly  with  drift.  When 
this  has  been  removed,  great  ore  bodies  of  large  horizontal  extent, 
compared  with  their  thickness,  are  exposed.  This  ore  is  a  soft, 
porous,  brown,  red  or  blue  hematite  of  high  grade,  and  varies  from  a 
finely  powdered  to  a  compact  mass.  These  conditions  make  open-pit 
mining  with  steam  shovels  very  profitable,  as  the  ore  is  loaded  directly 
on  to  the  railroad  car  in  the  mine.  Conservative  estimates  give 
3 .  i  billion  tons  of  high-grade  ore  in  the  Mesabi  Range,  and  more  than 
39  billion  tons  that  are  not  available  at  present.  It  is  therefore  not 
only  the  greatest  present  producer,  but,  so  far  as  known,  has  the 
greatest  reserves  of  any  Lake  Superior  range. 

Ore  Production.  Except  for  occasional  periods  of  depression, 
the  production  of  each  of  the  Lake  Superior  ranges  has  increased 
constantly.  The  production  of  the  Mesabi  Range  has  been  phe- 
nomenal. Within  four  years  after  it  was  opened  its  annual  output 
exceeded  that  of  any  other  range.  In  1916  its  output  made  55  per 
cent  of  the  total  from  the  Lake  Superior  region,  and  was  nearly  six 
times  that  of  any  other  range.  The  same  year  the  lake  district 
supplied  85  per  cent  of  the  ore  mined  in  the  United  States.  This 
region  not  only  dominates  the  iron  and  steel  situation  in  America, 
but  produces  approximately  35  per  cent  of  the  world's  ore.  Thus  it 
makes  the  United  States  the  world's  greatest  iron  and  steel  producer. 
It  will  not  soon  lose  its  leadership,  for  in  19 10  it  had  94.9  per  cent 
of  all  the  known  ore  reserves  of  the  United  States  and  78.3  per  cent 
of  all  the  ore  available  under  present  mining  and  market  conditions. 

Reasons  for  Growth.  Several  factors  have  caused  this  rapid 
development  and  relative  importance  of  the  region.  (1)  The  ore 
is  of  high  quality.  Until  recently  most  steel  was  made  by  the  Bes- 
semer process,  which  demands  high-grade,  non-phosphorous  ores. 
Much  Lake  Superior  ore  met  these  conditions  and,  once  on  the  market, 
the  demand  for  it  grew  rapidly.  (2)  Cheap  mining  methods  are 
possible  in  most  places.  The  character  of  the  deposits  made  possible 
open-pit,  steam-shovel  mining  on  the  Mesabi  and  comparatively 
cheap  mining  on  some  of  the  other  ranges.  In  the  open  pits  of  the 
Mesabi  district  ore  is  mined  at  a  cost  of  about  30  cents  per  ton,  which 
is  probably  not  equaled  anywhere  else  in  the  world.  (3)  Transporta- 
tion methods  by  water  and  rail  and  mechanical  devices  for  handling 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  271 

the  cargoes  have  been  so  improved  that  the  handicap  of  distance 
between  the  coke  and  ore  has  been  nearly  overcome.  (4)  The  com- 
mercial and  industrial  development  of  the  country  has  created  an 
unprecedented  market  for  iron  and  steel  products.  (5)  The  concentra- 
tion of  industries  under  the  management  of  large  corporations  has 
made  possible  the  expenditure  of  great  sums  in  perfecting  methods  of 
mining,  transportation,  manufacture,  and  in  the  elimination  of  waste. 
While  this  has  meant  considerable  profits  to  the  corporations,  it  also 
has  meant  rapid  development  of  the  iron  mines  and  of  the  iron  and 
steel  industries.  No  other  industry  gives  employment  to  so  many 
people  and  pays  so  much  each  year  in  wages. 

Effect  on  Railroad  Building.  Before  1884  Minnesota  had  no 
railroads  north  of  Duluth,  except  near  the  western  border.  That 
year  the  Duluth  &  Iron  Range  Railroad  was  completed  from  the 
Vermilion  Range  to  Two  Harbors.  Progress  in  railroad  building  was 
slow,  however,  until  1890,  when  the  first  ore  pit  was  opened  on  the 
Mesabi.  Since  then  the  growth  has  been  rapid,  until  now  a  closely 
woven  railroad  web  serves  the  region.  There  are  three  railroads 
built  especially  for  handling  iron  ore.  They  aggregate  "over  700 
miles,  with  an  equipment  of  282  engines,  and  over  16,700  cars." 
They  have  so  perfected  the  system  of  ore  transportation  that  one 
road  frequently  handles  more  than  a  million  tons  a  month. 

The  Sault  Canal.  Originally,  navigation  of  the  rapids  of  the 
St.  Mary's  River  was  impracticable  except  for  logs  and  small  craft. 
Before  1845  Lake  Superior  commerce  was  largely  in  furs.  All  ore, 
machinery,  and  other  supplies  had  to  be  portaged  around  the  rapids 
and  reshipped.  As  the  value  of  the  mines  became  better  known  the 
necessity  of  a  canal  was  realized,  and  since  that  date  a  12-foot  canal 
was  completed  in  1855.  Its  opening  marked  the  birth  of  a  new  era. 
The  canal  admitted  vessels  of  about  400  tons  burden  and  fixed  the 
size  of  the  first  ore-carriers.  The  Civil  War  supplied  a  new  market 
for  the  ore  and  hastened  development  in  northern  Michigan.  Canal 
traffic  increased  rapidly,  and  the  canal  was  soon  wholly  inadequate  to 
meet  the  growing  needs  of  lake  commerce.  Accordingly,  it  was 
deepened  to  16  feet  in  1881,  but  the  improvement  scarcely  was 
completed  when  the  necessity  of  still  greater  depth  was  realized,  and 
n  1896  it  was  deepened  to  21  feet  and  larger  locks  built.  A  third 
10 


272  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

lock  with  enlarged  dimensions  and  a  separate  canal,  paralleling 
the  old  canal  and  locks,  were  completed  in  19 14,  and  a  fourth  lock  in 
1919. 

Growth  of  Lake  Commerce  and  Relation  to  Iron  Ore.  The  com- 
merce of  the  Great  Lakes  is  (1)  largely  east-bound;  (2)  chiefly  through 
traffic,  especially  between  Lakes  Superior  and  Erie;  (3)  mainly 
between  a  few  ports;  and  (4)  mostly  in  iron  ore,  coal,  grain,  and 
lumber.  Since  fully  seven-eighths  of  all  lake  commerce  passes 
through  Lake  Superior,  the  relation  of  that  commerce  to  this  problem 
is  apparent.  Iron  ore  not  only  constitutes  more  than  two-thirds  of 
Lake  Superior  commerce  but  more  than  half  (53.6  per  cent)  of  the 
total  domestic  commerce  of  the  Great  Lakes.  It  is  evident,  therefore, 
that  the  commercial  prestige  of  the  Great  Lakes  depends  today  upon 
the  northern  iron  mines.  This  ore  must  meet  the  coke  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, West  Virginia,  and  other  distant  states,  hence  it  forms  through 
bulk  freight,  making  up  88.2  per  cent  of  all  east-bound  traffic  and 
89 . 4  per  cent  of  all  iron  ore  transported  on  the  Great  Lakes.  It  has 
grown  from  1,447  tons  in  1855  to  41,603,000  tons  in  1910.  Grain, 
flour,  and  lumber  make  up  all  but  1  per  cent  of  the  remaining  east- 
bound  freight.  It  is  also  evident  that  vessels  carrying  iron  ore, 
grain,  and  lumber  eastward  must  return  empty  unless  suitable  bulk 
freight  can  be  had.  The  iron  district  and  an  area  extending  many 
miles  north,  west,  and  south  of  it,  is  without  coal;  hence  this  com- 
modity forms  88 . 7  per  cent  of  the  west-bound  traffic  and  more  than 
one-fifth  (21.6  per  cent)  of  all  freight  passing  through  the  Sault  Canal. 
This  coal  also  makes  up  59 . 8  per  cent  of  all  domestic  coal  traffic  on  the 
Great  Lakes.  Since  there  are  many  ore  boats  seeking  coal  as  a  return 
cargo,  the  Northwest  gets  its  coal  cheaper  than  Chicago,  the  average 
rate  from  Ohio  ports  to  Duluth  being  31  cents  per  ton  and  to  Chicago 
41  cents.  Although  cheap  coal  has  done  much  to  hasten  development 
in  northern  Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  and  Michigan,  thus  creating  a 
market  for  other  eastern  products,  west-bound  traffic  still  forms  only 
one-fourth  (24.6  per  cent)  of  Lake  Superior  commerce.  The  influ- 
ence of  the  iron  mines  on  the  development  of  Great  Lakes  commerce, 
therefore,  has  been  a  controlling  one.  They  have  produced  traffic 
in  two  commodities — iron  ore  and  coal — which  together  constitute 
more  than  four-fifths  (88.3  per  cent)  of  the  Sault  Canal  traffic  and 
more  than  three-fifths  (63 . 5  per  cent)  of  the  total  domestic  commerce 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  273 

of  all  the  Great  Lakes.  While  it  is  impossible  to  measure  the  growth 
resulting  indirectly  from  this  development,  it  undoubtedly  has  con- 
tributed no  small  amount  to  lake  commerce. 

Development  of  the  Carrier.  In  the  development  of  lake  commerce 
the  canoe  was  followed  by  the  sailboat  and  the  latter  by  the  steamer; 
wooden  vessels  gave  place  to  steel  vessels,  and  package  freight  to 
bulk  freight.  If  considered  individually  each  has  been  a  revolution, 
but  in  the  course  of  development  one  was  essentially  the  corollary  of 
the  other.  Lake  Superior  iron  ore  has  been  the  primary  factor  in 
producing  the  phenomenal  changes  in  recent  years. 

More  than  half  the  bulk  freighters  built  in  1896  for  Lake  Superior 
traffic  exceeded  2,000  tons  net  register,  yet  six  years  before  there  was 
not  a  single  vessel  of  that  tonnage.  This  change  was  made  possible 
by  the  Canadian  canal  and  the  Poe  lock  in  the  American  canal. 
Today,  vessels  carrying  6,000  tons  are  becoming  obsolete,  while  10,000 
to  12,000  ton  boats  are  increasing  rapidly  in  number.  Between 
1905  and  1909  twenty-six  13,000  to  14,000  ton  freighters  entered 
Lake  Superior  service.  During  the  past  twelve  years  many  400-foot 
vessels  have  been  replaced  by  400  to  600  footers.  In  19 19  the  average 
ore  cargo  was  8,543  gross  tons,  and  boats  of  more  than  500  feet  in 
length,  carrying  10,000  to  13,000  short  tons  of  freight  in  a  single 
cargo,  were  in  use.  The  modern,  single-cargo  freighter  is  a  direct 
result  of  the  necessity  of  transporting  a  heavy,  bulky  commodity 
nearly  a  thousand  miles  at  a  minimum  of  cost.  Bulk  freighters  exist 
for  carrying  grain  and  lumber,  but  they  serve  only  a  small  percentage 
of  the  total  traffic  of  the  Lakes. 

The  iron-ore  traffic  has  changed  not  only  the  size  of  the  carrier, 
but  the  carrier  itself.  Wooden  vessels  now  form  only  about  one-third  of 
the  gross  tonnage  of  the  Lakes,  yet  they  were  dominant  a  few  years 
since.  Steel  construction  has  displaced  both  iron  and  wood,  and  a 
vessel  characteristic  of  the  Lakes  has  been  produced.  "They  are 
only  square  boxes  whittled  off  a  little  at  the  ends,  and  not  much 
forward  at  that.  The  reason  for  this  is  of  course  the  limited  draft 
of  water  available  and  the  desire  to  carry  as  much  as  possible  on  that 
draft."  The  machinery  is  far  aft  and  the  pilot  house  is  far  forward, 
leaving  all  the  cargo  together  and  the  hatches  without  a  break. 

Lake  Freights.  As  the  freighters  were  improved  the  cost  of 
freight  carriage  decreased.     Since  cost  of  transportation,  not  mileage, 


2  74  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

is  the  true  commercial  measure  of  distance,  and  since  steel-making 
affects  the  whole  nation,  this  change  has  been  of  vital  importance. 
The  water  route,  steel  vessels  of  great  capacity,  cheap  fuel,  coal  as  a 
return  cargo,  the  Sault  Canal,  river  and  harbor  improvements, 
the  growing  demand  for  ore,  consolidation  of  management,  and  the 
extensive  use  of  modern  machinery,  all  have  contributed  toward 
producing  the  lowest  freight  rates  in  the  world  for  similar  service. 

Development  of  Shipping  Cities.  Two  classes  of  ports— shipping 
and  receiving— have  developed  with  the  growth  of  the  iron  industry. 
The  former  are  few;  the  latter  are  more  numerous  and  widely  dis- 
tributed. These  ports  dominate  lake  commerce,  all  but  two  of  the 
sixteen  principal  commercial  ports  belonging  to  one  or  the  other  of 
these  classes.  The  chief  shipping  ports  are  Marquette,  Escanaba, 
Ashland,  Two  Harbors,  and  Duluth-Superior. 

Marquette,  the  outlet  for  the  Marquette  Range,  is  the  oldest  ore- 
shipping  port,  and  for  many  years  was  the  only  one  of  much  impor- 
tance. In  1864  the  Chicago  &  North-western  Railroad  was  completed 
from  Negaunee  to  Escanaba,  where  an  ore  dock  was  built  with  pockets 
having  a  capacity  of  20,000  tons,  which  unload  directly  into  vessels 
without  shoveling.  Escanaba  has  an  excellent  natural  harbor,  has  a 
longer  season  free  from  ice  than  Marquette,  and  is  nearer  than  the  Lake 
Superior  ports  to  the  Lake  Erie  markets,  and  has  no  canal  delays. 
It  therefore  became  an  outlet  to  the  Marquette,  Menominee,  and 
Gogebic  ranges,  and  its  shipments  soon  surpassed  those  of  Marquette, 
a  position  which  it  retains.  Ashland  serves  as  an  outlet  for  the 
Penokee-Gogebic  Range,  especially  the  Wisconsin  portion. 

When  the  Vermilion  Range  was  opened  that  portion  of  the  Lake 
Superior  region  was  a  wilderness,  and  it  was  necessary  to  select  a 
harbor  and  establish  a  shipping  port  on  the  lake  shore.  Two  Harbors 
thus  came  into  existence.  It  was  connected  with  the  mines  by  rail- 
road in  1884,  when  the  first  ore  was  shipped.  With  the  development 
of  the  Mesabi  Range  its  ore  shipments  have  grown  rapidly.  They 
constitute  99 . 5  per  cent  of  its  domestic  commerce  and  nearly  all  of  its 
shipments.  It  depends  on  the  ore  trade,  and  its  decline  would  be 
rapid  if  that  were  withdrawn. 

Duluth-Superior  would  have  considerable  importance  without  the 
iron  mines.  Its  strategic  position  at  the  head  of  Lake  Superior, 
its  commodious,  landlocked  harbor  of  360  acres  with  a  minimum 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  275 

depth  of  20  feet  and  49  miles  of  frontage,  its  rich  agricultural  hinter- 
land, and  its  water-power  from  St.  Louis  Falls  are  abundant  bases  for 
growth.  But  with  iron  ore  close  at  hand,  cheap  coal  in  large  quantity 
always  available,  and  an  increasing  market  to  the  south,  west,  and 
northwest,  its  manufacturing  advantages  are  great. 

Development  of  Receiving  Ports.  The  iron-ore  shipping  ports  are 
few  in  number,  but  the  receiving  ports  are  numerous  and  widely 
distributed  along  the  Lakes.  These  ports  may  be  classified  as 
(1)  manufacturing  and  distributing  and  (2)  distributing  only.  To 
the  first  class  belong  Cleveland,  Erie,  Buffalo-Tonawanda,  Chicago- 
Gary,  Toledo,  and  Lorain,  and  to  the  second  class  Ashtabula,  Con- 
neaut,  and  Fairport.  There  are  numerous  other  minor  ports  belong- 
ing to  the  manufacturing  class,  the  aggregate  receipts  of  which  are 
large,  but  which  need  not  be  considered  here.  The  total  domestic 
commerce  of  the  nine  or  ten  ports  named  constitutes  (1910)  nine- 
tenths  (89.6  per  cent)  of  the  total  domestic  commerce  of  the  five 
Great  Lakes.  The  domestic  commerce  of  the  eight  Lake  Erie  ports 
formed  more  than  nine-tenths  (92.4  per  cent)  of  the  total  for  that 
lake,  and  their  receipts  formed  nearly  half  (44  per  cent)  of  the  total 
receipts.  The  position  they  occupy  in  lake  commerce  is  therefore 
one  of  great  importance.  The  factors  determining  their  relative 
importance  in  the  ore  and  coal  traffic,  and  hence  in  lake  commerce, 
are  many  and  variable.  Among  the  fundamental  ones  are  (1)  policies 
of  railroads  and  interests  of  those  controlling  railroads  serving  these 
ports,  (2)  location  of  new  manufacturing  plants  and  the  improvement 
of  the  old  ones,  and  (3)  harbor  advantages. 

Manufacturing  and  Distributing  Ports.  Only  the  commercial 
phase  of  the  manufacturing  problem  will  be  considered  here.  Cleve- 
land, Chicago-Gary,  Buffalo-Tonawanda  are  the  leaders  of  this  group. 
Many  things  have  contributed  to  the  growth  of  Cleveland,  but  it 
was  the  development  of  the  lake  trade  which  made  it  a  great  industrial 
center.  Cleveland  is  also  an  important  coal-shipping  point,  and 
that  commodity  forms  more  than  four-fifths  of  its  outgoing  freight. 

Buffalo  and  Tonawanda  occupy  strategic  positions  at  the  head  of 
Lake  Erie,  have  power  for  manufacturing  equaled  by  few  other 
American  cities,  and  are  certain  of  a  prosperous  growth  without  the 
iron  and  steel  industry.  Yet  this  district  has  the  largest  independent 
steel-making  plant  in  the  United  States,  and  its  ore  traffic  has  grown 


276  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

in  twenty-five  years  from  7,160  tons  to  4.3  million  tons.  Some  of 
this  ore  is  sent  farther  inland,  but  most  of  it  is  consumed  at  the  ports. 
It  enjoys  a  large  trade  in  grain  as  well  as  in  coal  and  iron  ore,  yet  the 
last  two  formed  more  than  three-fifths  (61  per  cent)  of  its  total 
domestic  commerce  in  1910,  coal  making  up  70.4  per  cent  of  the 
shipments  and  iron  ore  56  per  cent  of  the  receipts.  It  ships  nearly 
2 . 5  million  tons  more  hard  coal  than  all  the  other  lake  ports  combined. 
The  commerce  of  Lorain  is  almost  entirely  (97 . 5  per  cent)  ore  and  coal. 

Ore  and  coal  dominate  the  lake  commerce  of  Erie  and  Toledo. 
The  ore  receipts  of  the  former  were  938,000  tons  in  1910,  and  with 
coal  (696,000  tons)  constituted  three-fourths  of  its  lake  traffic. 
The  ore  traffic  of  Toledo  formed  more  than  four-fifths  (84 . 3  per  cent) 
of  its  total  receipts. 

Chicago,  Gary,  and  Milwaukee  are  the  only  important  ore- 
receiving  ports  on  Lake  Michigan.  They  are  almost  exclusively 
manufacturing  points,  so  far  as  iron  ore  is  concerned.  The  Chicago- 
Gary  region  occupies  a  strategic  position  near  the  head  of  the  Lake, 
has  excellent  land  transportation  to  a  rapidly  growing  market,  and 
is  near  coal  and  limestone.  Owing  to  the  methods  of  railroad  com- 
panies, legitimate  and  otherwise,  the  lake  commerce  of  this  district  is 
not  commensurate  with  its  advantages.  If  its  ore  traffic  were  to  cease 
it  would  lose  56 . 8  per  cent  of  its  total  lake  commerce  and  would  retain 
less  than  one- third  (30.4  per  cent)  of  its  receipts  by  water.  These 
facts  emphasize  the  importance  of  the  Lake  Superior  ores  to  the 
Chicago-Gary  region. 

Distributing  Ports.  Ashtabula  is  the  largest  ore-receiving  and 
coal-shipping  port  in  America,  and  probably  in  the  world.  It  receives 
ore  for  distribution  only,  and  the  growth  of  its  receipts  in  twenty-five 
years,  from  582,000  tons  to  9.6  million  tons,  is  therefore  all  the  more 
remarkable.  Ore  forms  almost  all  (99 . 9  per  cent)  of  its  receipts  and 
coal  more  than  nine-tenths  (93 . 5  per  cent)  of  its  shipments.  It  has 
excellent  rail  connections  with  the  coal  and  smelting  districts  of 
western  Pennsylvania  and  eastern  Ohio  and  harbor  facilities  unexcelled 
by  any  of  its  competitors.  The  harbor  advantages  have  given  it 
prestige.  Without  ore  and  coal,  Ashtabula  probably  would  become 
an  insignificant  village. 

Conneaut,  like  Ashtabula,  Fairport,  and  Huron,  is  a  distributing 
point,  and  exists  largely  or  wholly  because  of  the  ore  which  comes  from 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES 


277 


the  Lake  Superior  mines.  It  has  good  harbor  facilities  and  is  the 
terminus  of  the  Bessemer  &  Lake  Erie  Railroad,  controlled  by  the 
United  States  Steel  Corporation.  Since  that  corporation  is  the  largest 
shipper  of  ore,  Conneaut  rose  in  ten  years  from  an  insignificant  place 
to  the  third  largest  receiving  port  on  the  Lakes.  Fairport  has  a  good 
harbor,  and  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad  connects  it  with  the 
Youngs  town-Pittsburgh  district.  Its  ore  receipts  and  relatively  small 
coal  shipments  form  three-fourths  (75.3  per  cent)  of  its  commerce. 

Destination  of  Lake  Superior  Ores.     After  passing  the  Sault  Canal, 
about  one-seventh  of  the  ore  from  Lake  Superior  fields  enters  Lake 

TABLE  XXXII 

Shipments  and  Receipts  of  Iron  Ore  on  the  Great  Lakes 

(Gross  Tons,  ooo  Omitted) 


Shipping  Ports 

1914 

1916 

1919 

Receiving  Ports 

1914 

1916 

1919 

3,66o 
1,760 
3,360 
11,310 
6,320 
5,6io 

7,46o 

3,86o 

8,060 

12,790 

21,840 

10,740 

4,960 
2,130 
S,92o 
10,920 
16,820 
6,420 

330 

770 

620 
i,68o 
5,52o 
1,560 
5,320 
6,260 

260 
2,910 

170 

430 

2,040 
1,320 
4,610 

10,670 
2,580 

11,470 

9,590 

1,530 

7,430 

140 

550 

Toledo 

I,S40 

1,13c 

3,38c 

Duluth 

7,47o 

I.9S0 

8,380 
7,o6o 

Total. 

32,020 

64,730 

47,180 

1,10c 

Buffalo. . . 

4.650 

Total  Lake  Erie . 

Indiana  Harbor .... 
Gary 

220 

25,400 

3,060 
40 
50 
30 
90 
660 

1,630 

51,810 

7,740 
40 
40 

37,42c 

4,670 
30 
50 

240 
790 

2,720 

130 

1,150 
2,510 

Total  Lake 
Michigan 

6,110 

n,570 

8,540 

Michigan,  and  nearly  all  the  balance,  or  approximately  30,000,000 
long  tons,  goes  to  Lake  Erie  ports.  From  these  ports  most  of  it  is 
carried  to  the  Youngstown-Pittsburgh  district.  Millions  of  tons  are 
carried  several  hundred  miles  farther,  however,  to  eastern  Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia,  and  Ohio  River  points,  and  for  special  purposes 
to  New  England.  In  addition  to  water-borne  ore,  considerable 
quantities  are  shipped  by  rail  to  furnaces  within  convenient 
distances  from  the  mines  and  to  points  to  which  an  all-rail  haul  is 
more  economical  than  breaking  bulk  from  vessels.     Such  points  are 


278 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


St.  Louis,  Missouri,  and  Mayville,  Wisconsin.     Tables  XXXII  and 
XXXIII  supplement  the  information  given  in  Mr.  Miller's  article.1 

TABLE  XXXIII 
Shipments  and  Receipts  of  Coal  at  Leading  Lake  Ports  in  1916 

(Short  Tons) 


Shipping  Ports 

Tons 

Receiving  Ports 

Tons 

Toledo,  Ohio 

6,800,000 
4,400,000 
3,100,000 
2,goo,ooo 
2,600,000 
2,600,000 
1,700,000 
1,400,000 
1 ,000,000 
1,000,000 

Duluth-Superior  .  . 

9,500,000 
5,^00,000 

Milwaukee,  Wis 

Lorain,  Ohio 

Chicago-South  Chicago,  111 

Hancock-Houghton,  Mich 

Sault  Ste,  Marie 

Buffalo,  N.Y.. 

Cleveland,  Ohio 

1,200,000 
1,000,000 

Ashland,  Wis 

Erie,  Penn 

Conneaut,  Ohio 

Green  Bay,  Wis 

Huron,  Ohio 

Manitowoc,  Wis 

Charlotte,  N.Y 

Escanaba,  Mich 

500,000 

Total  (including  all  others) .... 

Total  (including  all  others). . . 

30,179,847 

30,179,847 

6.     FACTORS  IN  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  CATTLE  MARKETS2 

The  so-called  "corn-belt"  states — Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Iowa, 
Missouri,  Nebraska,  and  Kansas — have  about  one-third  of  the  cattle 
other  than  milch  cows  in  the  United  States,  but  they  respresent  more 
than  one-third  the  value  of  such  cattle  in  the  country.  In  addition 
to  the  cattle  regularly  enumerated,  upon  which  the  preceding  state- 
ment is  based,  we  must  consider  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  feeding 
cattle  that  are  annually  brought  into  the  corn  belt  to  be  fattened. 
Including  this  supply  of  cattle,  and  considering  their  quality  and  value, 
perhaps  one-half  the  beef-producing  industry  of  the  country  is 
centered  in  the  seven  states  mentioned. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  while  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
cattle  in  the  United  States  in  1910  were  west  of  the  Mississippi  River, 
more  than  two- thirds  of  the  population  of  the  United  States  was  in 
states  east  of  the  Mississippi.  In  1880,  78  per  cent  of  the  population 
was  east  and  more  than  one-half  (about  55  per  cent)  of  the  cattle 
west  of  the  Mississippi. 

•Table  XXXII  is  adapted  from  The  Marine  Review,  February,  1920,  p.  96; 
Table  XXXIII  from  Transportation  by  Water,  Bureau  of  Census,  1916,  p.  146. 
Most  of  the  coal  shipped  from  Buffalo  is  anthracite;  Erie  is  the  only  other  lake 
port  shipping  anthracite. 

2  Adapted  from  H.  W.  Mumford  and  L.  D.  Hall,  "A  Review  of  Beef  Produc- 
tion in  the  United  States,"  University  of  Illinois  Agricultural  Experiment  Station, 
Circular  No.  169,  1913,  pp.  13-17. 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  279 

Another  striking  comparison  is  that  of  the  manufacturing  and  the 
non-manufacturing  sections  of  the  United  States.  At  the  time  of  the 
last  census,  more  than  one-half  of  the  population  was  found  in  less 
than  one-seventh  of  the  area  of  the  country,  viz.,  the  states  east  of  the 
Mississippi  and  north  of  the  Ohio  and  Potomac  rivers.  This  portion 
of  the  country  produces  more  than  three-fourths  of  our  manufactured 
products,  pays  more  than  four-fifths  of  all  salaries  and  wages,  and 
contains  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  assessed  value  of  all  real  and 
personal  property.  It  is  therefore  the  great  consuming  area  of  the 
country;  but  (east  of  Chicago)  it  has  less  than  one-eighth  of  the  beef 
cattle  and  less  than  one-fifth  of  all  cattle  of  the  United  States. 
In  other  words,  seven-eighths  of  the  beef  cattle  and  four-fifths  of 
all  cattle  are  produced  west  and  south  (principally  west)  of  the 
manufacturing  district.  Consequently,  there  has  been  an  enormous 
movement  of  cattle  from  west  to  east  to  supply  the  demand  for 
beef  in  the  more  densely  populated  sections.  This  has  brought 
about  the  establishment  of  the  great  cattle  markets  at  Chicago, 
Kansas  City,  St.  Louis,  Omaha,  St.  Joseph,  Sioux  City,  and  South 
St.  Paul. 

Development  of  the  Great  Cattle  Markets.  A  study  of  the  growth 
of  the  important  market  centers  sheds  much  light  on  the  development 
of  the  cattle-raising  industry  of  the  country.  Comparing  the  annual 
receipts,  in  round  numbers,  at  ten-year  intervals  since  1880,  we  have 
the  summary  given  in  the  following  table.  (The  markets  are  arranged 
in  the  order  of  receipts  for  1910.) 

A  study  of  these  market  records  shows  clearly  the  extent  to  which 
western  slaughtering  has  replaced  the  shipment  of  live  cattle  to 
eastern  cities.  The  markets  at  Chicago,  Missouri  River  points, 
St.  Paul,  Fort  Worth,  and  Denver  have  grown  rapidly,  while  a  num- 
ber of  eastern  markets  (e.g.,  Buffalo  and  Pittsburgh)  show  a  marked 
falling  off. 

The  recent  development  of  the  far  western  markets  Denver  and 
Fort  Worth,  is  especially  noteworthy.  Large  markets  are  also  being 
developed  at  Seattle,  Portland  (Oregon),  and  San  Francisco  which 
will  contribute  still  further  toward  local  slaughter  in  the  West  and 
thereby  diminish  the  relative  number  of  live  cattle  shipped  eastward. 
Chief  among  the  factors  that  have  brought  about  this  great  movement 
are  railroad  development,  the  refrigerator  car,  and  the  tin  can. 


280 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


Along  with  better  facilities  for  shipping  live  cattle  came  improved 
methods  for  transporting  dressed  beef  and  beef  products.  The 
invention  of  the  refrigerator  car  in  1868  made  it  possible  to  slaughter 
cattle  in  the  West  and  ship  the  dressed  beef  to  the  large  eastern  cities 
and  to  Europe.  Thus  the  fresh-meat  trade  extended  over  the 
summer  season  as  well  as  the  four  cold  months  to  which  it  had  been 
previously  confined.     This  invention   greatly   reduced   the  cost  of 

TABLE  XXXIV 

Number  of  Cattle  Received  at  Large  Markets,  1880  to  1910* 


Market 


1880 


Chicago 

Kansas  City.  . 

Omaha 

St.  Louis 

Fort  Worth.  .  . 
New  York. . . . 
St.  Joseph 

St.  Paul 

Sioux  City. .  .  . 

Denver 

Indianapolis.  . 
Cincinnati. . . . 

Buffalo 

Pittsburgh. .  . . 
Baltimore.  .  .  . 
Philadelphia.  . 
Jersey  City .  . . 

Boston 

Louisville 

Portland,  Ore. 
Seattle 


1,382,000 

245,000 

87,000 

346,000 


683,000 


32,000 

55.000 

54,ooo 

133,000 

189,000 


227,000 


i8qo 


3,484,000 

1,472,000 

607,000 

511,000 


674,000 
28,000 
93,000 
167,000 
114,000 
120,000 
172,000 


168,000 


i  goo 


2,729,000 
1,970,000 
828,000 
698,000 
90,000 
630,000 
380,000 
176,000 
300,000 
240,000 
140,000 
177,000 
654,000 
251,000 
163,000 
165,000 
228,000 
178,000 
94,000 


1910 


3,053,000 

2,230,000 

1,223,000 

1,207,000 

785,000 

615,000 

510,000 

482,000 

411,000 

383,000 

309,000 

257,000 

220,000 

150,000 

142,000 


10,000 


19,000 


1 28,000 

126,000 

90,000 

55,000 


*  Calves  not  included. 

Note.— Omissions  in  this  table  are  due  to  the  fact  that  statistics  were  not 
obtainable,  either  because  a  market  had  not  been  established  or  because  no  records 
were  kept. 

transportation  besides  making  it  possible  for  the  packers  to  operate 
throughout  the  entire  year.  For  example,  from  Chicago  to  New 
York  in  1908  the  freight  and  other  expenses  of  the  road  on  an  export 
steer  of  average  weight  (1,250  pounds)  varied  from  $4  to  $4.40, 
while  the  freight  on  the  carcass  of  the  same  animal  (700  pounds)  was 
only  $3.15,  not  including  the  expense  of  icing.  From  Kansas  City 
to  New  York  the  difference  between  live  and  dead  freight  was  still 
greater,  amounting  possibly  to  $2.25  or  $2.50  per  head.     The  total 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  281 

cost  of  shipping  a  live  steer  from  Chicago  to  Liverpool,  including 
freight,  feed,  and  attendance,  is  estimated  to  have  been  $13.60  to 
$16.70,  or  considerably  more  than  double  the  cost  of  shipping  the 
average  weight  of  fresh  beef  yielded  by  the  animal. 

Fresh  beef  was  first  shipped  in  a  refrigerator  car  from  Chicago  to 
Boston  in  September,  1869,  but  it  was  not  until  1875  that  this  system 
became  well  developed.  About  the  same  time,  the  tin  can  was  intro- 
duced into  the  meat-packing  industry  and  it  contributed  still  further 
to  the  successful  shipment  of  beef  products  to  markets  in  distant  parts 
of  the  world.  The  utilization  of  previously  wasted  by-products 
for  the  manufacture  of  valuable  products  also  began  to  receive  close 
attention.  These  factors,  together  with  the  settlement  and  extension 
of  the  cattle-producing  regions  of  the  West,  the  building  of  railroads, 
and  the  development  of  agriculture  and  industry  in  general,  com- 
bined to  mark  the  most  important  turning-point  in  the  annals  of 
American  beef  production. 

7.    THE  ECONOMIC  PROBLEM  OF  THE  OZARK  HIGHLAND' 

The  term  Ozark  associates  a  group  of  regions  possessed  of  widely 
divergent  characteristics.  Simplicity  and  similarity  are  hardly  more 
representative  of  the  Ozark  areas  than  they  are  of  the  regions  grouped 
together  under  the  term  Appalachian.  In  the  Missouri  Ozarks  eight 
distinct  divisions  must  be  recognized,  and  for  Arkansas  at  least  two 
more  are  to  be  added.  It  becomes  a  matter  of  more  than  ordinary 
difficulty,  therefore,  to  speak  of  conditions  and  problems  in  the  Ozark 
Highland  as  a  whole.  Yet  there  must  be  an  adequate  geographic 
unity,  otherwise  popular  usage,  unbiased  in  this  case  by  common 
political  traditions,  would  not  have  set  up  this  regional  designation. 

(1)  The  Ozark  areas  constitute  a  compact  highland,  for  the  most 
part  notably  elevated  above  the  adjacent  areas.  This  is  the  common 
factor  in  the  topography,  and  for  this  reason  no  more  precise  term 
than  highland  can  be  employed  appropriately  in  a  geographic  sense. 
In  the  interior  the  highland  consists  of  a  remnant  plateau  area, 
broken  into  long  shreds  by  stream  dissection.  Except  on  the  west, 
hill  belts,  of  very  difficult  character,  surround  the  central  region. 

1  Taken  from  Carl  O.  Sauer,  "The  Economic  Problem  of  the  Ozark  Highland," 
The  Scientific  Monthly,  September,  1920,  pp.  215-27.  Mr.  Sauer  is  associate 
professor  of  geography  at  the  University  of  Michigan. 


282  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  outer  flanks  of  the  hill  regions,  with  the  exception  of  the  southern 
and  southeastern  portions  of  the  highland,  are  adjoined  by  less 
rough  border  areas  of  superior  resources  and  development.  (2)  Even 
in  the  Ozark  areas  of  least  relief  there  is  more  rough  land  than  in 
adjacent  regions  which  usage  does  not  place  in  the  highland.  (3) 
Ridges  and  valleys  are  sharply  differentiated.  The  topography  is 
dominantly  of  the  ridge-and-valley  type.  (4)  Most  of  the  area  has 
been  sculptured  out  of  limestone  by  streams,  with  the  abundant 
aid  of  underground  solution.  A  close  genetic  relationship  exists 
between  the  widely  distributed  sinks,  caverns,  springs,  and  the  lead 
ore,  iron  ore,  and  other  mineral  deposits.  (5)  A  significant  property 
of  the  Ozarks  is  the  almost  universal  distribution  of  chert  fragments 
over  the  surface.  These  produce  similar  effects  on  slopes,  soils, 
stream  beds,  and  on  agricultural  practices  and  road-making.  Such  in 
the  main  are  the  common  qualities  that  are  opposed  to  the  multitude 
of  differentiating  conditions. 

In  the  following  pages  the  attempt  is  made  to  determine  whether 
there  exists  also  a  common  economic  problem  for  the  area  as  a  whole. 
The  inquiry  is  concerned  chiefly  with  the  heart  of  the  Ozarks,  namely, 
with  the  central  plateau  and  its  surrounding  hill  areas.  Just  as 
popular  usage  is  uncertain  regarding  the  inclusion  of  the  border  areas 
in  the  highland,  so  the  economic  conditions  of  the  borders  are  only  in 
limited  degree  typical  of  the  area  as  a  whole,  and  the  generalizations 
that  follow  can  be  applied  to  such  regions  as  the  Springfield,  Missouri 
River,  and  Mississippi  River  borders  only  with  important  reservations 
and  exceptions. 

The  most  common  conception  current  regarding  the  economic 
character  of  the  Ozark  region  is  its  inferiority  to  the  regions  that  he 
about  it.  The  idea  is  substantially  correct  and  may  be  demon- 
strated statistically  in  many  ways  by  the  values  and  amounts  of  crops 
and  of  other  products  which  the  area  yields.  These  facts  appear  to 
register  the  adjustment  of  a  group  to  an  inferior  environment.  This 
is  true  in  part,  but  it  does  not  fully  account  for  the  economic  situation. 
There  still  remains  to  be  considered  the  question  whether  the  Ozarks 
are  underdeveloped  relative  to  such  resources  as  are  available  under 
present  economic  conditions.  In  particular  it  is  necessary  to  inquire 
whether  the  economic  adjustment  is  to  the  present  or  to  a  previous 
value  of  the  environment,  for  the  environment  is  not  necessarily  a  static 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  283 

factor  uninfluenced  by  the  passage  of  time  and  the  changes  in  oppor- 
tunities of  production.  The  case  to  be  examined  concerns  the  possi- 
bility of  an  original  adjustment  which  has  since  been  revised  insuffi- 
ciently, with  the  result  that  the  Ozark  Highland  has  fallen  behind 
seriously  in  the  progress  that  may  be  expected  of  it,  making  all  due 
allowances  for  thin  soils,  steep  slopes,  and  other  handicaps. 

When  settlement  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  began  the  flanks  of 
the  Ozarks  were  preferred  to  all  other  territory  in  upper  Louisiana. 
This  preference  continued  beyond  the  time  when  Missouri  and 
Arkansas  were  admitted  to  statehood,  and  was  based  on  the  variety 
and  balance  of  the  local  resources  rather  than  on  the  large  amount  of 
any  one  resource.  It  was  the  possibility  of  sufficiency  and  especially 
of  self-sufficiency  that  caused  to  be  located  in  this  area  the  first 
American  settlements  west  of  the  Mississippi.  When  transportation 
facilities  made  commercial  production  possible  in  the  West,  farm 
immigration  was  diverted  to  other  areas.  The  true  pioneersman, 
however,  not  intent  on  producing  a  surplus  of  crops  for  sale,  was  able 
to  occupy  step  by  step  the  whole  of  the  Ozarks,  conscious  of  no 
deterioration  of  his  environment  as  he  penetrated  into  areas  of  longer 
and  steeper  hills.  For  was  there  not  everywhere  good  hunting  and 
fishing,  excellent  water,  grazing  for  his  horses  and  cattle,  mast  for  the 
hogs,  and  patches  of  bottom  land  for  corn,  beans,  and  pumpkins? 
Here  he  could  meet  his  own  needs  of  lead  and  gunpowder,  dig  his 
iron  ore  and  smelt  it,  and  have  ample  power  for  his  grist  and  carding 
mills.  Frontiersmen,  rather  than  agriculturists,  became  the  perma- 
nent occupants  of  the  area.  With  the  filling  up  of  adjacent  regions, 
the  Ozarks  became  a  sort  of  refuge  to  the  men  who  clung  to  frontier 
life.  After  a  fashion  the  frontier  still  lingers  in  the  Ozarks,  but  the 
unconstructive  character  of  frontier  living  and  the  increase  of  popula- 
tion have  gradually  caused  the  disappearance  of  some  of  the  more 
agreeable  features  of  this  life.  For  an  understanding  of  the  area  it  is 
essential  to  keep  in  mind  its  antecedents,  and  also  that  the  blood  of 
the  frontiersman  is  still  dominant  among  the  population. 

At  present,  the  Ozarks  contain  somewhat  less  than  30  per  cent 
of  the  population  of  Missouri,  resident  on  approximately  half  the 
area  of  the  state.  Since  a  full  third  of  the  people  of  Missouri  live  in 
St.  Louis  and  Kansas  City,  the  population  of  the  Ozarks  is  nearly 
of  the  same  density  as  in  the  rest  of  rural  Missouri.     The  situation 


284  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

in  Arkansas  is  similar.  Whereas  immigrants  have  not  been  numerous, 
serious  loss  by  emigration  began  later  than  in  other  nearby  rural 
districts.  Population  had  not  increased  to  the  limit  for  the  food 
supply  under  the  methods  of  production  practiced,  and  the  world 
outside  was  little  known.  The  last  census,  in  1910,  was  the  first 
to  record  declining  numbers  over  widespread  areas.  In  the  beginning 
of  the  new  century,  rural  free  delivery  of  mail  became  generally 
established  and  a  serious  blow  was  dealt  thereby  to  the  old  isolation 
that  had  kept  people  at  home.  The  effects  of  the  late  war  probably 
will  be  even  more  far-reaching.  In  19 17  the  government  placarded 
the  most  remote  post-offices  with  calls  for  workers  in  war  industries 
and  offered  the  opportunity  of  rendering  a  service  to  the  nation 
and  of  securing  wages  of  a  magnitude  unheard  of  in  this  country 
where  wages  for  the  most  part  have  been  nominal.  Large  numbers 
left  for  the  cities  of  Illinois  and  northern  Missouri  and  for  the  mining 
and  oil  fields.  The  draft  took  thousands  of  young  men  away  from 
home  for  the  first  time,  and  introduced  them  to  new  standards  and 
modes  of  life.  Many  are  not  returning.  The  great  prosperity  that  is 
continuing  through  the  country  has  found  only  a  weak  echo  in  the 
hills  of  the  Ozarks  and  additional  workers  are  still  leaving  to  share  in 
the  high  wages  outside.  The  past  five  years,  therefore,  have  seen  a 
critical  increase  in  the  emigration.  The  old  contentment  with  the 
simple  home  in  the  hills  was  based  in  part  on  a  lack  of  knowledge  of 
outside  conditions.  A  world-catastrophe  has  supplied  this  knowledge. 
The  selective  elimination  of  the  more  ambitious  of  the  younger 
generation  is  in  full  progress. 

Under  these  circumstances  attempts  by  railroad  immigration 
officials  and  state  bureaus  to  direct  immigrants  into  the  Ozarks  are 
misplaced.  If  any  effort  is  worth  while  it  must  be  concerned  with 
retaining  the  native  population.  Relative  to  developed  resources  the 
highland  is  more  densely  settled  than  its  neighboring  areas,  and  largely 
in  consequence  labor  commands  lower  returns.  Emigration  is  natural 
and  inevitable  as  long  as  it  is  directed  by  economic  pressure  as  at 
present.  The  better  sons  of  the  Ozarks  can  find  it  worth  their  while 
to  remain  only  if  defects  in  the  present  economic  adjustment  are 
found  and  remedied.  If  nothing  of  the  sort  happens,  the  drainage  of 
this  best  blood  will  continue  permanently  and  will  express  itself  in 
the  decreased  productivity  of  the  area.     The  movement  is  only  in 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  285 

slight  measure  similar  to  the  release  of  a  portion  of  the  population  by 
improved  methods  of  production  such  as  has  been  the  case  with 
power  farming  in  the  prairie  states.  The  emigration  now  in  progress 
indicates  the  beginning  of  actual  economic  decline  in  numerous 
sections,  if  not  yet  generally. 

It  does  not  follow  from  the  foregoing  that  the  people  of  the  Ozarks 
live  in  want.  An  initial  period  of  no  inferiority  has  been  succeeded 
by  a  century  in  which  contrasts  with  surrounding  regions  have 
grown  sharper  and  less  favorable.  The  consciousness  of  such  an 
unfavorable  comparison  is  in  the  main  a  matter  of  recent  growth. 
The  drifting  away  of  the  most  productive  part  of  the  population  is 
following  naturally  and  constitutes  a  threat  of  increasing  seriousness. 

The  half  of  Missouri  that  lies  in  the  Ozarks  possesses  less  than 
one-sixth  of  the  wealth  of  the  state.  In  terms  of  population,  however, 
the  situation  is  much  more  favorable.  Valuations  returned  by  the 
State  Board  of  Equalization  for  1918  are  approximately  $320  per 
capita  for  the  Ozarks,  as  against  575  dollars  for  the  entire  state. 
In  this  calculation  there  are  included  in  the  Ozarks  such  prosperous 
centers  as  Springfield,  Jefferson  City,  and  Cape  Girardeau,  as  well 
as  the  mining  regions  of  Joplin  and  the  St.  Francois  district.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  largest  area  of  rough  hill  country  in  Missouri,  embra- 
cing a  half-dozen  counties  of  extremely  low  total  valuations,  shows  per 
capita  valuations  nearly  equal  to  the  average  of  the  whole  Ozark 
Highland.  Two  of  the  roughest  counties  in  the  Ozarks  exceed  the  per 
capita  average  of  the  Ozarks  by  one-eighth.  The  explanation  is  that 
in  the  rough  hill  areas  the  hills  are  almost  entirely  non-agricultural 
and  the  population  is  concentrated  on  reasonably  good  valley  lands. 
Also,  in  a  comparison  of  the  Ozarks  with  the  remainder  of  Missouri 
it  must  be  remembered  that  St.  Louis  holds  a  full  third  of  the  wealth 
of  the  state,  and  that  St.  Louis  and  Kansas  City  together  account  for 
nearly  one-half  of  all  property.  According  to  per  capita  of  population, 
the  valuation  of  the  Ozark  region  is  easily  two-thirds  that  of  the 
remainder  of  Missouri  if  the  two  principal  cities  are  eliminated. 
Certainly  no  general  condition  of  poverty  prevails. 

If  the  region  gives  an  impression  of  poverty  to  the  casual  visitor 
the  explanation  must  be  found  in  the  simplicity  of  the  habits  of  the 
people  and  in  the  even  distribution  of  wealth.  Few  men  possess 
much  more  than  their  neighbors,  but  want  is  not  much  more  common 


•286  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

than  is  wealth.  There  are  a  few  poverty  spots  on  submarginal 
farming  lands,  which  are  not  in  the  supposedly  poorest  regions,  the 
rough  hill  sections.  Too  much  emphasis  has  been  given  to  the  idea 
of  poverty  in  the  Ozarks.  The  parallel  between  the  living  conditions 
of  the  Ozark  native  and  the  mountaineer  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee 
is  not  at  all  close,  and  even  less  so  is  that  with  the  poor  white  of  the 
southern  Coast  Plain.  A  degrading  environment  can  be  shown  only 
for  very  limited  tracts  and  these  are  for  the  most  part  outside  of  the 
cherty  limestone  regions.  The  trouble  lies  in  the  stagnation  of  life, 
as  expressed  by  the  lack  of  development  of  new  opportunities,  and 
in  part  in  an  incipient  contraction  of  standards  of  living  because  an 
outworn  economic  system  is  still  followed. 

The  economic  system  has  been  altered  only  in  minor  ways  from 
that  which  was  in  force  at  the  time  of  early  settlement.  The  average 
inhabitant  of  the  Ozarks  is  still  an  unspecialized  small  farmer  rather 
than  a  farmer  following  an  intelligent  practice  of  diversification. 
Of  labor  income  he  knows  nothing,  and  commonly  has  none.  The 
pursuits  which  he  follows  give  little  opportunity  for  the  accumulation 
of  a  surplus.  The  aim  of  labor  is  hardly  commercial,  the  labor 
being  expended  directly  toward  the  sustenance  of  the  family.  The 
condition  is  characteristic  of  primitive  groups.  The  economy  is 
based  primarily  on  agriculture,  but  agriculture  is  typically  only  a 
partial  means  of  subsistence. 

Corn  is  the  dominant  crop.  It  is  grown  on  thin  uplands  and  on 
stony  hillsides  as  predominantly  as  it  is  in  rich  bottoms.  It  is  pro- 
duced not  only  with  almost  total  disregard  of  the  character  of  farming 
land,  but  of  the  size  of  yield  as  well,  simply  because  it  has  a  larger 
direct  utility  to  the  individual  farmer  than  any  other  crop.  It  feeds 
the  family,  and  the  horses,  cattle,  and  hogs.  It  will  keep  without 
means  of  storage.  It  will  grow  in  the  most  poorly  prepared  ground. 
It  yields  the  largest  returns  of  food  per  acre  cultivated.  Also,  it  was 
grown  by  the  first  settlers  as  the  main  crop  and  their  descendants  are 
following  the  old  traditions.  From  the  standpoint  of  commercial 
development,  from  every  standpoint,  in  fact,  except  that  of  a  farm 
functioning  as  a  self-sufficing  unit,  corn  is  grown  very  much  in  excess 
of  the  best  interests  of  the  region.  Except  in  the  bottoms,  the  land 
has  been  much  too  heavily  "corned"  for  years  and  increasing  difficulty 
is  experienced  in  maintaining  yields.     But  from  the  highly  indi- 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  287 

vidualistic  viewpoint  of  the  native  it  is  the  most  suitable  crop  for  his 
social  system  or  the  lack  of  such  a  system. 

In  addition  to  being  a  corn  farmer,  the  resident  of  the  interior 
Ozarks  is  normally  a  live-stock  producer.  He  could  not  be  desig- 
nated, however,  a  rancher,  breeder,  or  feeder.  The  form  of  the 
industry  also  goes  back  to  first  frontier,  and  was  responsible  in  large 
measure  for  pioneer  immigration  into  the  Ozarks.  The  plateau 
shreds,  even  where  they  were  only  narrow  ridge  tops,  were  covered 
originally  with  grasses.  They  are  still  commonly  called  prairies.  On 
these  live-stock  grazing  was  instituted  at  an  early  date.  Fires  were 
set  habitually  by  the  pioneers  to  replenish  and  extend  the  grazing 
lands.  These  fires  extended  the  grass  lands  at  the  expense  of  the 
forests.  Grazing  itself  extended  into  the  forests  as  the  population 
increased.  Fires  and  long-continued  grazing  in  the  forests  have  inter- 
fered in  many  districts  with  the  growth  of  seedlings,  sprouts,  and  other 
undergrowth,  and  have  resulted  in  a  forest  floor  covered  with  grass 
and  weeds.  The  ridge  tops  are  now  converted  almost  entirely  to 
plowland,  and  grazing  has  therefore  suffered  a  restriction  to  the 
forested  areas,  which  are  nearly  equivalent  to  the  hillsides.  This 
poor,  volunteer  pasturage  among  the  trees  is  incapable  of  improvement 
and  by  reason  of  long-continued  grazing  at  all  seasons  has  been 
steadily  deteriorating.  With  the  elimination  of  the  natural  grass 
lands  the  cattle  industry  has  largely  passed  into  the  condition  of  a 
relict  industry. 

Hogs  fare  much  better,  being  essentially  forest  animals  and 
finding  here  a  varied  and  often  good  mast  of  acorns,  nuts,  berries,  and 
roots.  The  razor-back  animal  is  an  unimproved  but  successful 
adaptation  to  his  peculiar  environment.  Sheep  are  very  few,  because, 
roaming  at  will,  they  are  subject  to  serious  danger  from  dogs,  who 
are  also  unrestrained.  Turkeys  thrive  under  a  similar  life,  in  which 
they  partially  revert  to  an  undomesticated  condition. 

The  keeping  of  sfock  bears  virtually  no  relation  to  the  ownership 
of  land.  All  land  that  is  not  farmed  or  in  fenced  pastures  constitutes 
the  free  range.  This  consists  in  part  of  large  timbered  holdings 
belonging  to  absentee  owners.  Many  large  tracts  are  crossed  by 
the  property  lines  of  local  farmers  but  are  not  shut  off  by  fences.  The 
result  is  that  stock  ranges  widely  through  the  woods  for  most  of  the 
year  without  attention.     As  a  consequence  the  struggle  for  a  bare 


288  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

existence  keeps  it  in  poor  flesh.  Even  more  serious  is  the  reproduc- 
tion by  accidental  breeding  from  scrub  sires.  Against  the  ease  of 
this  method  of  live-stock  raising  are  to  be  set  the  very  low  quality 
of  the  product,  the  decreasing  carrying  power  of  the  range,  and  the 
uncertainty  of  the  returns. 

The  average  farm  contains  more  wooded  land  than  it  does  cleared 
land.  This  is  true  even  of  the  border  regions,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Springfield  area.  In  the  hill  counties  there  are  likely  to  be  three 
or  four  acres  of  timbered  land  for  every  acre  cleared,  in  each  farm. 
In  addition,  there  are  large  timber  tracts  that  are  not  included  in 
farms.  Timber  products,  therefore,  are  an  important  item  in  the 
economy  of  the  native.  These  items  are  produced  and  marketed 
principally  by  the  farming  population,  not  by  lumbermen.  The 
principal  products  are  ties,  and  in  some  localities  cord  wood  and  mine 
props.  The  important  stands  of  white  and  post  oak  are  especially 
valuable  for  ties,  of  which  the  aggregate  production  is  large.  The 
principal  winter  occupation  is  the  cutting  and  hewing  of  ties.  They 
are  then  hauled  out  over  the  frozen  roads,  or  later  rafted  downstream 
during  freshets.  The  industry  is  pursued  with  particular  zeal 
because,  among  a  group  of  part-time  occupations  that  yield  little 
for  sale,  it  provides  cash  returns.  The  very  great  increase  in  the 
price  of  ties  has  lately  stimulated  strongly  the  search  for  suitable  tie 
timber.  There  are  few  sections  in  which  the  trees  available  for  this 
purpose  are  not  fast  decreasing,  and  the  cutting  of  such  timber  has 
proceeded  into  the  most  remote  localities. 

Numerous  minor  and  incidental  occupations  are  followed  also 
for  their  cash  returns  or  for  purposes  of  barter  at  the  country  stores. 
Here  belong  the  digging  of  roots  such  as  ginseng,  golden  seal,  and 
blood  root,  hunting  and  trapping  for  skins,  and  the  digging  of  minor 
minerals,  such  as  tiff  (baryte)  and  fire  clay.  In  most  cases,  increased 
prices  have  made  good  a  decreasing  supply,  but  the  supply  of  these 
auxiliary  resources  is  in  general  markedly  declining. 

The  Ozark  farmer,  in  short,  is  following  a  system  of  production 
that  is  in  reality  simply  exploitation.  In  virtually  all  of  his  occupa- 
tions he  has  passed  the  period  of  largest- volume  returns,  although 
aggregate  values  may  still  be  mounting.  Increased  prices  cannot 
permanently  resist  the  actual  decline  that  is  threatening  the  produc- 
tive efficiency  of  the  individual.     Exploitation  is  a  mark  of  the 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  289 

frontier,  and  the  perpetuation  of  the  frontier  is  recorded  strikingly 
in  this  general  condition. 

The  reasons  for  this  peculiar  fixation  of  a  frontier  are  not  difficult 
to  determine.  In  the  first  place,  to  a  degree  not  equaled  elsewhere 
in  the  Middle  West,  the  people  of  the  Ozarks  are  descended  from 
frontiersmen.  The  parent-stock  represents  a  certain  aversion  to 
orderly  and  sustained  endeavor  and  therefore  to  intensive  production. 
To  what  extent  the  trait  persists  as  a  hereditary  quality  is  not  known, 
but,  given  the  opportunity,  the  native  of  the  Ozarks  appears  to  be 
about  as  frequently  successful  as  most  other  Missourians  or  Arkansans. 
The  difficulty  with  his  ancestry  seems  to  lie  not  so  much  with  physical 
inheritance  as  with  the  traditions  among  which  he  is  brought  up.  At 
the  least,  he  has  not  inherited  the  agricultural  experience  and  interests 
with  which  his  neighbors  of  the  plains  are  surrounded.  He  goes 
back  to  a  more  primitive  ancestry. 

The  biggest  element  in  the  retardation  of  Ozark  life  is  the  isolation 
that  the  surface  has  imposed  on  the  inhabitants.  A  chain  of  rugged 
hill  regions  is  thrown  about  the  interior  plateau  and  constitutes  a 
veritable  entanglement  of  obstacles  against  any  approach  from  the 
lines  of  communications  that  follow  the  Missouri,  Mississippi,  and 
Arkansas  rivers.  Even  more  significant  than  the  exclusion  of  the  out- 
side world  is  the  detached  manner  of  living  of  the  people.  Valley  is 
separated  from  valley;  valley  settlement  is  out  of  touch  with  ridge 
settlement;  often  family  is  isolated  from  family. 

The  simple  result  is  that  the  isolation  has  kept  social  and  eco- 
nomic progress  at  a  snail's  pace.  The  people  were  primitive  in  their 
condition  when  they  came,  they  are  nearly  as  primitive  now.  With- 
out strong  social  instincts  and  training  to  begin  with,  how  were  they 
to  achieve  common  interests,  common  opinion,  and  common  effort  ? 
For  the  economic  problem  of  the  Ozark  Highland  is  after  all  social  in 
its  fundamentals.  The  difficulty  that  the  people  experience  in  getting 
to  market  is  less  serious  than  their  failure  to  get  together.  There  has 
been  no  substantial  economic  development  because  topographic 
isolation  has  maintained  successfully  the  social  anarchy  of  the  frontier. 
It  is  the  solitary  position  of  the  individual,  rather  than  the  poverty 
of  the  soil,  that  at  bottom  is  at  fault  with  the  Ozarks.  The  so-called 
political  conservatism  of  the  Ozarks  is  well  known.  It  has  its  full 
social    and    economic    equivalents.     The    individualism    is    almost 


2QO  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

static.  The  individual  produced  under  this  system  is  bound  down 
by  it.  How  can  he  be  intelligent  enough  or  sufficiently  strong  to 
reshape  the  outworn  economic  order  ?  There  are  adequate  possibili- 
ties for  the  inhabitants  of  the  Ozarks,  but  these  can  be  realized  only 
by  fairly  advanced  co-operative  effort.  Of  co-operation  the  native 
knows  nothing  beyond  the  relief  of  a  neighbor  in  trouble.  The 
stakes  of  the  region  are  not  such  as  to  tempt  extraneous  capital, 
and  the  social  order,  therefore,  has  received  no  alteration  from  the 
outside.  Unless  the  region  is  to  become  decadent,  the  isolation  and 
its  resultant  excessive  individualism  must  be  broken  down,  and  this 
must  be  done  by  the  governments  among  which  the  highland  is 
divided. 

The  first  corrective  measure  must  be  improved  means  of  com- 
munication. The  construction  of  additional  railroad  lines  on  the 
long  shreds  of  plateaus  is  a  simple  matter.  However,  their  returns 
for  a  considerable  period  would  hardly  be  sufficient  to  tempt  private 
capital.  Unfortunately,  also,  several  Ozark  branch  lines  have  been 
abandoned  lately.  Similar  experiences  in  other  sections  of  the  coun- 
try indicate  that  the  time  is  probably  past  for  the  construction  of 
branch-line  railroads. 

The  main  wagon  roads  follow  ridge  tops.  Their  location  is 
determined  by  low  cost,  freedom  from  floods,  and  freedom  from 
erosion.  They  are  passable  throughout  the  year,  but  serve  directly 
only  the  settlements  on  the  ridges.  Over  large  sections  these  settle- 
ments are  not  as  flourishing  nor  as  promising  for  future  developments 
as  the  valley  settlements.  It  is  notorious  that  the  traveler  on  the 
main  roads  sees  very  little  of  the  better  land.  The  ridge  roads  are 
separated  from  the  valley  farms  by  steep  hills.  Connection  between 
the  two  is  made  by  rough  and  often  badly  washed  side  roads.  The 
secondary  roads  that  follow  the  valleys  are  subjectto flooding  with 
every  freshet  and  are  often  washed  out.  Fords  are  innumerable, 
bridges  few.  The  location  of  roads  was  determined  by  the  easiest 
lines  of  travel.  The  adjustment  is  complete  so  far  as  it  goes,  but  it  is 
based  on  unimproved  roads  that  are  simply  traces  worn  by  travel. 
Permanent  roads  are  needed  in  the  valleys.  Their  appropriate 
position  would  be  on  the  lower  flanks  of  valley  slopes  out  of  reach 
of  floods.  Roads  of  this  type  can  be  had  only  by  moderately  costly 
construction. 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  291 

The  road  situation  is  so  bad  that  it  is  almost  impossible,  and  con- 
sequently a  number  of  counties  are  now  undertaking  road-building  by 
bond  issues.  The  present  policy  of  state  aid  is  contributing  important 
funds  indirectly  from  the  wealthier  portions  to  those  Ozark  districts 
that  desire  to  avail  themselves  of  help.  There  is  an  unfortunate 
tendency,  however,  to  follow  the  locations  of  roads  as  they  have 
become  fixed  by  pioneer  custom  and  to  superimpose  the  improved 
road  on  the  all-weather  trail.  In  the  building  of  roads  there  is 
needed  not  merely  the  technical  skill  of  the  road  engineer,  but  a  close 
economic  analysis  of  the  distribution  of  good  farming  districts  and 
their  relation  to  road  facilities. 

The  live-stock  industry  as  a  co-operative  enterprise,  in  place  of  its 
present  individualistic  form,  is  indicated  as  the  dominant  ideal 
occupation  of  the  future.  (1)  Partly  as  the  result  of  the  long  period 
of  erosion,  partly  because  of  the  powerful  aid  of  solution,  valley 
bottoms  are  extraordinarily  numerous  and  large,  even  among  the 
roughest  hills.  Their  rich  soils,  annually  reinvigorated  by  floods, 
are  suited  to  continuous  cropping  to  corn.  The  only  argument  for 
rotation  of  crops  on  these  lands  is  the  elimination  of  diseases  of  the 
corn  plant  that  may  find  lodgment  in  the  ground.  On  the  valley 
lands,  soy  beans,  velvet  beans,  cow  peas,  clover,  and  alfalfa  also  grow 
very  well.  These  lands  may  grow  important  quantities  of  high-grade 
stock  feed.  (2)  Cheap  grazing  lands  are  available  in  large  amount. 
The  lower  valley  slopes,  the  slip-off  slopes  of  intrenched  meanders, 
benches  on  the  sides  of  valleys,  and  the  smaller  ridge  tops  especially 
are  well  suited  for  hay  and  pasture.  Many  ridge  lands  are  being 
cropped  that  should  not  be  under  plow.  Their  thin  clay  soils  are 
unprofitable  for  grain-growing,  but  will  produce  good  grass,  as  they 
once  did.  In  connection  with  a  really  profitable  live-stock  industry 
these  ridge  lands  would  be  employed  most  profitably  as  permanent 
grass  lands.  At  present  the  most  indigent  larger  group  of  farmers  in 
the  Ozarks  is  found  on  ridges  of  this  type.  Very  valuable  forage 
grasses  and  clovers  are  in  process  of  naturalizing  themselves  success- 
fully, and  with  some  protection  will  improve  the  quality  of  the 
forage  markedly.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  strikingly  poor 
quality  of  present  pastures  is  the  result  of  overgrazing  and  utter 
lack  of  care.  (3)  The  mild  climate  and  abundant  rainfall  extend  the 
grazing  season  almost  to  nine  months.    Woods,  cliffs,  and  coves  provide 


292  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

partial  winter  shelters,  too  often  the  only  ones  supplied  for  the  stock. 
Housing  and  winter  feeding,  however,  are  not  serious  problems. 
(4)  Probably  no  other  section  of  the  United  States  is  so  well  supplied 
with  springs.  Throughout  the  limestone  country  magnificent  springs 
of  cold  and  pure  water  abound  along  all  valleys.  The  assertion  is 
often  made  by  a  farmer  that  he  has  a  good  spring  in  each  pasture. 

Cattle,  hogs,  and  sheep  all  have  their  place  on  the  Ozark  farm. 
(1)  The  first  step  in  improvement  of  conditions  is  also  the  easiest.  It 
consists  in  the  elimination  of  undesirable  sires.  Even  this  is  a 
community  enterprise,  as  to  both  the  purchase  of  pure-bred  males  and 
the  disposal  of  the  undesirable  males.  The  custom  of  allowing  stock 
to  range  about  in  the  forests  is  not  likely  to  disappear  soon,  nor  is  it 
necessary  if  the  control  mentioned  is  exercised.  (2)  The  Ozarks 
constitute  potentially  a  great  dairy  country,  undeveloped  at  present 
except  for  certain  border  regions.  The  absence  of  dairying  is  due 
to  the  serious  difficulties  in  marketing  and  the  utter  lack  of  experience 
of  the  people.  Cheese  making  is  largely  independent  of  shipping 
facilities  and  could  be  undertaken  even  in  remote  valleys.  A  geo- 
graphical parallel  is  to  be  found  in  the  Carolina  Mountains,  the 
physical  conditions  being  somewhat  better  in  the  Ozarks.  In  remote 
Carolina  valleys  a  remarkable  success  has  been  scored  in  the  past  few 
years  by  co-operative  cheese  factories.  The  conditions  of  living  in 
many  an  Ozark  valley  could  be  transformed  similarly  under  proper 
direction.  (3)  A  successful  swine  husbandry  could  be  worked  out 
by  combining  farm  crops  with  mast  and  introducing  a  suitable  breed, 
as  for  instance  one  of  the  forest-bred  English  varieties  of  bacon  hogs. 
No  attention  is  being  given  to  the  preservation  and  increase  of  the 
kinds  of  trees  that  are  most  productive  of  mast,  for  exploitation  does 
not  heed  any  demand  except  that  of  an  immediate  profit,  even  if 
small. 

For  every  acre  in  the  Ozark  that  is  in  any  way  improved  there 
remain  two  acres  in  the  woods.  In  that  third  which  is  classed  as 
improved  land  is  included  a  good  deal  of  rough,  stumpy  pasturage 
with  a  partial  stand  of  timber  remaining.  In  the  hill  regions  the 
amount  of  improved  land  is  very  small.  It  is  least  in  Carter  County, 
with  only  9  per  cent  of  its  total  surface  improved.  The  wild  land 
for  the  most  part  is  covered  with  oak  timber,  cut  over  repeatedly. 
The  majority  of  the  timber  today  is  small,  and  where  grazing  has  not 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  293 

been  heavy  the  second  growth  is  dense.  Potentially,  it  is  one  of  the 
two  most  important  stands  of  oak  timber  in  the  United  States.  The 
removal  of  the  older  trees  and  the  neglect  and  injury  of  the  second 
growth  are  resulting  in  rapid  deterioration.  In  many  places  even 
the  acorn  mast  has  been  destroyed  by  the  cutting  of  seed  trees. 
Grazing  has  done  much  injury  to  the  forest  floor,  with  the  result  that 
the  growth  is  less  vigorous  than  climate  and  soil  would  indicate. 
The  good  timber  is  nearly  gone,  but  the  land  on  which  it  grows  is 
essentially  non-agricultural.  Little  of  it  has  been  laid  waste  by 
fires.  It  is  probably  no  exaggeration  to  estimate  that  fully  half  of  the 
Ozarks  can  never  be  good  for  anything  except  the  growth  of  trees.  It 
is  not  growing  good  trees  now  and  soon  will  be  virtually  non- 
productive. Missouri  is  facing  the  idleness  of  a  fourth  of  its  total 
area  without  so  much  as  a  forestry  office  in  the  state  to  take  notice  of 
the  situation.  Arkansas  is  in  no  better  condition.  The  problem  of 
restoring  these  forests  to  a  productive  condition  must  be  worked  out 
in  co-operation  with  the  farmers  who  own  a  good  half  of  the  forest 
land  and  who  will  continue  to  be  dependent  in  various  important 
ways  on  forest  products. 

As  yet  there  has  been  surprisingly  little  soil  destruction  in  the 
Ozarks.  Many  Ozark  streams  are  quite  clear,  even  in  flood.  Gradu- 
ally land  clearing  is  pushing  into  the  margins  of  the  "breaks"  with 
no  profit  to  the  farmer  and  with  the  threat  of  grave  damage  to  the 
countryside.  These  dangerous  clearings  for  the  most  part  are  made 
by  ridge  farmers  who  need  additional  acreage  and  are  taking  a 
chance  on  the  upper  slopes  of  the  valleys.  The  clean  cutting  of 
timber,  fortunately,  has  not  been  much  practiced,  as  it  is  of  no  advan- 
tage to  the  farmer.  Land  clearing  has  nearly  reached  the  limit  of 
safety,  and  will  shortly  pass  it  unless  the  economy  of  the  area  is  read- 
justed. The  states  concerned  are  still  in  good  season  for  the  intro- 
duction of  a  land  policy  that  will  save  the  forests  and  their  water 
power,  protect  farming  development,  and  relieve  the  taxpayers  from 
the  burden  of  supporting  large  areas  of  idle  lands. 

Roads,  live  stock,  and  a  forest  policy  point  the  solution  to  the 
stagnation  of  Ozark  life.  There  will  be  other  forms  of  development, 
which  even  now  are  under  way,  but  these  three  are  the  fundamentals. 
Water-power  will  be  developed  in  increasing  amounts,  but  its  benefits 
will  go  primarily  to  the  cities  that  are  situated  about  the  Ozarks. 


294  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Tourists  will  discover  increasingly  the  merits  of  a  recreation  in  Ozark 
streams,  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  native  will  not  have  his  simple 
hospitality  spoiled  by  summer  visitors.  Fruit-growing  has  received 
much  publicity  and  there  are  a  number  of  good,  established  fruit 
districts.  Elsewhere,  shipping  facilities  and  organization  present  dif- 
ficult problems.  Thin  soils  and  steep  slopes  are  antagonistic  to 
permanent  orcharding.  Missouri  possesses  in  her  loess  lands  a  much 
more  productive  fruit  soil,  much  better  located  than  the  interior 
Ozarks,  and  developed  for  orcharding  to  only  a  very  small  extent. 
It  would  probably  be  beneficial  to  the  development  of  the  Ozarks  to 
place  relatively  less  emphasis  on  the  possibilities  of  fruit. 

Help  is  needed  for  the  Ozarks.  The  condition  of  the  people  is  such 
that  they  cannot  well  help  themselves.  They  are  standing  singly, 
uninstructed  in  their  larger  possibilities.  It  is  a  numerous  popula- 
tion that  needs  to  be  made  more  effective,  before  degenerative  selection 
destroys  its  best  capacities.  State  investigators  here  and  there  are 
carrying  on  inquiries  into  Ozark  problems,  but  the  work  is  largely 
lost  because  advice  is  given  in  the  main  to  those  who  know  how  to 
call  for  it.  What  is  needed  above  all  is  a  policy  of  development  for 
the  region  as  a  whole  which  will  recognize  the  unity  of  the  problem, 
not  its  fragments.  If  the  states  involved  have  the  patience  and  the 
wit  to  plant  the  community  spirit  in  the  valleys  and  on  the  ridges  of 
the  Ozarks,  the  native  will  find  in  himself  and  in  his  environment  the 
resources  with  which  to  develop  a  permanent  constructive  economy  in 
place  of  the  present  self-destructive  system  handed  down  from  frontier 
ancestors. 

8.     AGRICULTURE  OF  SOUTH  DAKOTA' 

A  large  majority  of  the  people  in  South  Dakota  are  engaged  in 
agriculture.  In  1910  only  13 . 1  per  cent  of  the  entire  population  of  the 
state  resided  in  cities  and  towns  having  a  population  of  2,500  or  more, 
and  in  1900  only  10.2  per  cent.  At  the  taking  of  the  1910  census 
more  than  60  per  cent  of  the  dwellings  were  on  the  77,644  farms  of 
the  state.     There  were  only  5,226  persons  engaged  in  manufacturing, 

'Adapted  from  S.  S.  Visher,  "The  Geography  of  South  Dakota,"  South 
Dakota  State  Geological  and  Natural  History  Survey,  Bulletin  8,  pp.  115-24.  Mr. 
Visher  is  associate  professor  of  Geography,  University  of  Indiana. 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  295 

and  only  4,169  persons  engaged  in  mining,  quarrying,  and  well-drilling. 
These  industries  employed  less  than  5  per  cent  of  the  197,000  males 
of  eighteen  years  and  over.  The  percentage  engaged  in  commerce 
and  transportation  probably  is  larger  than  that,  but  the  figure  is 
not  available.  It  appears  likely,  however,  that  more  than  75  per  cent 
of  the  workers  of  South  Dakota  are  engaged  in  agricultural  and 
pastoral  pursuits. 

Farming  and  stock-raising  are  the  leading  occupations,  largely 
because  of  geographic  conditions.  The  wide  extent  of  nearly  level, 
fertile  plains,  grass-covered,  and  ready  for  the  plow,  and  fairly  well 
warmed  and  watered,  encouraged  agriculture. 

The  leading  types  of  agriculture  (extensive  farming  of  staple 
cereals  and  stock-raising)  and  the  kinds  of  crops  grown  are  responses 
to  geographic  conditions.  The  position  of  the  state,  far  from  the  chief 
markets  for  the  produce,  and  in  a  vast  area  having  similar  climatic 
and  soil  conditions,  small  local  markets,  and  without  quick  transporta- 
tion to  distant  markets,  discouraged  market  gardening  or  the  growing 
of  fancy  crops.  The  climate  is  unfavorable  to  horticulture,  in  com- 
parison with  that  of  many  other  regions.  The  uncertainty  of  the 
rainfall,  the  scanty  population,  and  the  cheapness  of  land  combine 
to  discourage  intensive  agriculture.  On  the  other  hand,  the  climate, 
topography,  soil,  and  native  vegetation  are  all  relatively  favorable 
to  the  grazing  industry  and  to  the  growing  of  certain  standard  crops, 
notably  wheat,  oats,  corn,  and  hay. 

Stock-Raising.  From  the  first  settlement  of  the  state,  a  major 
part  of  its  used  area  has  been  devoted  to  stock-raising.  The  nutri- 
tious native  grasses,  cured  to  hay  during  the  dry  autumns,  and  the 
light  snowfall  during  most  winters  always  will  favor  this  industry. 
Formerly  the  presence  of  much  unsettled  land,  and  the  ability  of  stock 
to  travel  many  miles  to  market  or  to  shipping-points  gave  grazing  a 
great  advantage  over  farming,  the  farmer  finding  vast  unsettled 
stretches  of  country  a  menace  because  of  prairie  fires  and  locusts. 
The  cost  of  transporting  crops  long  distances  in  many  cases  was 
prohibitive  or  greatly  reduced  the  profit.  Because  of  the  variable  and 
uncertain  rainfall  in  most  parts  of  the  state,  mixed  farming,  in  which 
stock-raising  formed  a  prominent  part,  has  proved  more  profitable 
than  either  cereal  farming  or  stock-raising  alone.  Consequently 
there  continue  to  be  great  numbers  of  stock  in  South  Dakota. 


296  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

9.    RELATION  OF  PHYSICAL  ENVIRONMENT  TO  THE  AGRICULTURAL 
INDUSTRIES  OF  THE  GREAT  PLAINS' 

The  physiographic  province  known  as  the  Great  Plains  consists  of 
vast  grassy  plains  and  plateaus  sloping  eastward  from  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  The  topography  varies  from  that  of  almost  level 
plains  to  rugged,  broken  country  such  as  the  Bad  Lands.  The 
deeper-lying  formations  antedate  the  Rocky  Mountain  uplift  and 
consist  of  ancient  deposits  of  sedimentary  rock.  The  surface  forma- 
tions, except  where  they  have  been  removed  by  erosion,  are  made  up 
of  sediments  brought  by  streams  from  the  elevated  region  to  the 
west  and  deposited  in  fanlike  aprons  over  the  Plains.  There  is  an 
eastward  slope  in  the  whole  of  the  Great  Plains  region  which  is  due 
partly  to  the  position  of  the  underlying  rock  and  partly  to  the  natural 
slope  of  the  constructional  surface  of  the  ancient  fanlike  aprons. 
In  western  Nebraska  the  eastward  inclination  is  at  an  average  rate 
of  nearly  12  feet  per  mile,  descending  from  an  altitude  of  more  than 
5,300  feet  in  the  western  part  to  about  1,600  feet  in  the  east,  but 
the  rate  of  inclination  is  more  rapid  in  the  west. 

The  region  is  composed  of  strata  of  varying  degrees  of  hardness 
and  greater  or  less  resistance  to  erosion,  in  which  the  present  relief, 
comprising  all  variations  of  topography  from  nearly  level  plains  to 
rugged  buttes  and  canyons,  has  been  developed  by  dissection  over 
the  surface  of  loosened  material  by  the  agencies  of  wind  and  water. 
In  Nebraska,  wind  has  been  a  more  active  agent  of  soil  formation  than 
water,  and  the  vast  sandhills  and  the  loess  owe  their  extensive  deposi- 
tion to  this  force.  In  the  northern  Great  Plains  glacial  deposits 
modify  the  surface. 

Where  the  running  water  has  been  the  principal  agent  of  erosion, 
the  extent  and  character  of  the  local  surface-sculpturing  in  any  part 
of  the  area  has  been  determined  by  the  amount  of  rainfall  in  that 
particular  locality.  In  the  eastern  part,  where  the  rainfall  is  ade- 
quate for  the  purpose,  erosion  has  smoothed  the  hills  and  given  the 
pleasing  rounded  contours  characteristic  of  the  humid  regions,  but  in 

1  Adapted  from  the  following  publications  of  the  United  States  Department 
of  Agriculture:  T.  D.  Rice,  "Reconnoissance  Survey  of  Western  Nebraska," 
Bureau  of  Soils,  1913,  pp.  7-17,  27-28,  34-35;  J.  A.  Warren,  "Agriculture  in  the 
Central  Part  of  the  Semiarid  Portion  of  the  Great  Plains,"  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry, 
Bulletin  No.   215,  pp.  9-24. 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  297 

the  western  portion,  where  the  rainfall  is  less  abundant,  the  cutting 
of  the  water  courses  has  been  more  abrupt,  and  deeply  cut  valleys, 
sharp  hills,  and  deep  gorges  are  characteristic  features  of  the  landscape. 

Climate.  The  Great  Plains  have  a  semiarid  continental  type  of 
climate.  It  is  impossible  to  fix  a  positive  and  definite  line  on  the  one 
side  of  which  we  shall  say  the  country  is  humid  and  on  the  other  semi- 
arid,  for  there  is  no  sudden  dropping-off  in  precipitation,  but  a  fairly 
uniform  decrease  from  east  to  west  across  the  Plains.  As  generally 
used,  the  term  refers  to  a  country  receiving  an  average  of  between 
10  and  20  inches  of  melted  snow  and  rain  annually,  but  in  determining 
aridity  or  humidity  evaporation  is  of  equal  importance  with  precipita- 
tion. In  southern  Texas  much  more  than  20  inches  of  precipitation 
may  be  required  to  make  a  humid  country,  but  20  inches  of  rainfall  in 
the  Red  River  region  of  North  Dakota  makes  a  distinctly  humid 
climate. 

Precipitation.  Given  a  fertile  soil,  the  yield  of  a  crop  depends 
upon  the  relative  distribution  of  heat,  moisture,  and  light  throughout 
the  season.  Given  favorable  conditions  with  respect  to  all  the 
foregoing  except  one,  that  one  becomes  the  limiting  factor  of  success — 
the  all-important  question.  In  most  of  the  Great  Plains  region  all 
these  conditions  but  one,  moisture,  are  favorable  for  crop  production. 
Thus  it  is  that  the  amount  and  distribution  of  rainfall  become  the 
question  pre-eminent,  and  moisture  conservation  becomes  the  vital 
problem  to  all  farmers. 

There  is  a  fairly  uniform  decrease  in  precipitation  from  east  to 
west  across  the  Plains.  This  decrease  is  1  inch  to  about  17  miles 
along  the  south  line  of  Kansas,  1  inch  to  about  21  miles  along  the 
north  line,  and  1  inch  to  about  40  miles  along  the  north  line  of  Ne- 
braska from  the  Missouri  River  west.  Over  most  of  the  region  70 
per  cent  or  more  of  the  precipitation  falls  during  the  growing  season. 

The  rainfall  is  very  uneven  in  distribution,  a  large  part  of  it 
falling  in  the  form  of  local  showers  which  cover  but  limited  areas 
and  are  often  torrential  in  character.  This  makes  the  rainfall 
extremely  variable,  both  as  to  annual  precipitation  and  distribution 
through  the  season.  Instead  of  calling  the  region  "semiarid"  it 
would  be  more  properly  described  as  varying  from  year  to  year  be- 
tween arid  and  humid.  This  variability  is  the  most  serious  feature 
of  the  climate.     If  dry  seasons  came  with  any  regularity  the  settler 


298  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

could  be  prepared  for  them,  but  coming  as  they  do  with  no  regularity 
and  without  warning,  they  are  the  constant  dread  and  often  the 
ruin  of  the  homesteader.  If  the  precipitation  were  fairly  uniform 
and  favorably  distributed  the  conditions  might  be  easily  met,  but 
this  variability  has  always  been  the  limiting  factor  of  success.  It  is 
this,  more  than  the  scarcity  of  moisture,  that  must  be  overcome. 

Evaporation.  From  an  agricultural  standpoint  evaporation  is  of 
equal  importance  with  precipitation,  although  few  people  appreciate 
this  fact.  It  is  this  factor  which  determines  the  amount  of  water 
needed  to  produce  a  crop.  The  water  actually  contained  in  the  crop 
at  any  time  is  so  small  as  not  to  be  worth  considering.  It  is  the 
water  that  passes  through  the  plants  into  the  air  and  the  amount 
lost  from  the  soil  which  determine  the  amount  necessary  for  the 
welfare  of  the  crop.  The  amount  of  water  within  reach  of  the  roots 
of  plants  is  of  no  greater  importance  than  the  rate  at  which  it  escapes 
through  the  leaves  and  stems.  The  water  used  by  the  plants  is  that 
which  passes  through  them  and  the  small  amount  retained  in  their 
bodies.  The  balance  of  the  precipitation  in  this  region  is  nearly 
all  lost  by  evaporation  directly  from  the  surface  of  the  soil,  very  little 
escaping  through  seepage. 

The  amount  of  water  used  by  plants  is  far  from  uniform  for  all 
parts  of  the  region,  being  greatest  in  the  warmest  and  windiest  parts 
and  growing  less  as  temperature  and  wind  velocity  decrease.  For 
this  reason  an  inch  of  water  in  the  Panhandle  of  Texas  is  not  compa- 
rable with  an  inch  of  water  in  North  Dakota.  The  amount  of  water 
lost  through  plants  in  the  semiarid  region,  or,  in  other  words,  the 
amount  of  water  necessary  to  produce  a  crop  if  all  loss  from  the  soil 
could  be  prevented,  is  not  well  known.  It  is,  however,  known  to  be 
far  in  excess  of  that  required  in  more  humid  sections. 

Winds.  The  semiarid  portion  of  the  Great  Plains  is  the  windiest 
extensive  area  in  the  United  States.  High  wind  velocity  has  an 
important  bearing  on  agriculture.  It  has  a  positive  value  as  a  source 
of  power  for  pumping  water  and  is  occasionally  utilized  to  run  feed- 
grinders  and  other  small  machinery.  It  also  enables  the  farmer  to 
cure  feed  quickly  and  in  excellent  condition.  The  value  of  the 
pastures  of  the  region  for  winter  grazing  are  due  in  large  part  to  the 
work  of  the  wind  in  curing  the  grasses  into  hay  on  the  ground.  How- 
ever, the  beneficial   results  fade  into  insignificance  when  compared 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  2^y 

with  the  damage  done.  On  many  days  it  is  a  great  hindrance  to 
labor,  especially  if  hay  or  grain  is  to  be  handled;  it  blows  the  soil 
badly,  sometimes  removing  several  inches  from  bare  fields  in  a  short 
time.  This  drifting  absolutely  prohibits  summer  tillage  on  light 
soils;  the  blowing  sand  cuts  off  crops  and  the  wind  does  much  damage 
by  whipping  and  splitting  the  leaves.  All  of  these  facts  mentioned, 
however,  are  of  small  importance  when  compared  with  the  effect  of 
wind  on  the  evaporation  of  water  from  the  soil  and  from  plants. 

Light.  The  whole  semiarid  country  is  a  region  of  intense  sunlight. 
On  account  of  the  clearness  of  the  air,  the  small  amount  of  cloud, 
and  the  rarity  of  the  air  caused  by  the  high  altitude,  the  sun's  rays 
lose  much  less  energy  before  striking  the  earth.  It  is  known  that 
plants  use  more  water  when  exposed  to  strong  light.  With  fairly 
favorable  conditions  of  heat  and  moisture  the  quality  and  yield  of 
grain  depend  largely  on  the  intensity  and  duration  of  light.  It 
seems  comparatively  certain  that  this  is  one  of  the  main  factors 
responsible  for  the  uniformly  high  quality  of  grain  produced  in  the 
semiarid  region  and  the  large  yields  obtained  whenever  an  adequate 
supply  of  moisture  is  available. 

Irrigation  Water.  The  extent  of  territory  in  this  region  that 
can  ever  be  irrigated  is,  indeed,  an  extremely  small  proportion  of  the 
whole.  At  best,  the  water  in  the  streams  is  sufficient  for  only  small 
patches  in  comparison  to  the  whole,  or  narrow  strips  along  the 
streams.  This  water  is  supplied  mainly  by  the  precipitation  in  the 
mountains.  The  amount  of  water  lost  by  surface  run-off  in  the  semi- 
arid  region  itself  is  comparatively  small  and  is  commonly  much 
exaggerated.  It  would  in  reality  make  only  a  thin  covering  over  the 
entire  surface.  We  see  water  flowing  in  a  draw  and  think  of  its  vol- 
ume, but  do  not  stop  to  think  how  far  apart  the  water  courses  are, 
and  from  what  a  large  area  the  little  stream  collected  the  water. 

Original  Settlement  of  the  Region.  For  forty  years,  at  least,  the 
history  of  the  settlement  of  the  Plains  has  been  one  of  periodic 
advance  and  retrogression.  Periods  in  which  settlement  was  rapid, 
energetic,  and  general  have  alternated  with  periods  when  abandon- 
ment, desertion,  and  return  were  almost  as  rapid  and  often  prose- 
cuted with  as  little  judgment.  But  each  wave  of  settlement  pushed 
permanent  agriculture  farther  west.  The  recoil  never  forced  it  back 
to  its  former  limits,  nor  were  the  desertions  ever  complete.     After 


300  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

each  exodus,  scattered  settlers  remained  all  over  the  territory  that  had 
been  occupied. 

The  first  wave  that  really  populated  the  semiarid  region  was  at  its 
height  in  1886.  This  wave  carried  settlement  across  the  western 
counties  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  and  well  into  Colorado.  There  was, 
however,  a  wide  strip  of  public  land  still  vacant  east  of  the  foothills 
across  Colorado  and  farther  north,  in  Wyoming,  and  in  some  of  the 
extreme  western  counties  of  Nebraska.  Not  only  did  the  settlers 
fail  to  appreciate  the  difficulties  before  them,  but  many  were  wholly 
unprepared  to  face  any  hardships.  They  came,  not  only  without 
any  knowledge  of  the  country,  but  without  money  with  which  to 
establish  themselves — without  means  of  maintenance  till  crops  could 
be  grown,  to  say  nothing  about  stock  and  machinery.  They  had 
little  or  no  working  capital.  They  believed  that  if  they  could  only 
get  a  "claim"  they  would  succeed  some  way. 

A  few  good  crops  came,  then  poor  seasons,  and  the  return  com- 
menced. Dry  seasons  and  the  panic  of  the  nineties  struck  together 
with  disastrous  results.  Lands  which  had  been  priced  at  from  $5  to 
$20  or  more  per  acre  were  offered  for  taxes,  and  often  without  a 
bidder.  Under  these  conditions  much  of  the  land  naturally  fell  into 
the  hands  of  loan  companies  and  farseeing  speculators.  In  one 
county  several  thousand  quarter  sections  were  allowed  to  revert  to 
the  county  for  taxes.  These  were  finally  all  sold  to  a  single  company 
at  $30  per  160  acres.  The  abandonment  was  so  complete  in  places 
that  towns  once  of  several  hundred  inhabitants  were  marked  only 
by  the  empty  school  buildings,  the  cellars,  and  the  hydrants 
remaining  from  the  city  water  systems. 

At  the  time  these  lands  were  first  taken  little  or  nothing  was 
known  by  the  average  settler  concerning  the  climate.  If  there  was  a 
suspicion  that  rainfall  was  deficient,  it  was  entirely  lost  sight  of  in  the 
delusion  that  rainfall  followed  the  plow.  The  homesteaders  con- 
fidently expected  that  in  a  few  years  the  short-grass  country  would 
prove  itself  the  equal  of  eastern  Nebraska  and  Iowa,  and  that  the 
same  methods  of  farming  would  be  equally  successful.  They  finally 
awoke  to  their  mistake,  and,  not  knowing  any  way  to  meet  the  hard 
conditions,  returned  generally  to  the  region  from  which  they  had  come. 

This  desertion  took  place  during  the  period  of  the  lowest  prices 
which  a  generation  has  known  and  during  the  most  severe  series  of  dry 


INTERIOR  UNITED  STATES  301 

seasons  experienced  in  forty  years,  if  not  in  the  entire  history  of 
the  country;  years  when  farmers  in  the  best  agricultural  sections  of 
the  country  were  obliged  to  sell  horses,  cattle,  and  hogs  for  anything 
they  would  bring,  for  lack  of  feed  to  keep  them.  Economic  factors 
were  as  potent  in  bringing  about  these  conditions  as  natural  ones. 

Beginning  about  the  year  1898  and  continuing  until  within  the  last 
two  years  (1911),  there  was  a  period  of  well-distributed  rainfall  over 
the  greater  part  of  the  Plains  section,  and  the  advance  of  population 
was  resumed.  The  present  settlement  promises  to  be  more  permanent 
than  the  first.  The  farmers  are  now  more  conservative  in  their  expec- 
tations of  the  country  than  were  the  pioneers,  and  they  are  also 
bringing  with  them  knowledge  of  scientific  agriculture  applicable  to 
the  Plains. 

In  considering  the  problem  of  agriculture  in  the  Plains  it  must 
be  understood  that  the  same  native  flora  which  existed  on  the  Plains 
when  they  were  first  settled  occupies  them  today;  the  same  climatic 
conditions  which  caused  the  ruin  of  the  early  settlers  must  be  met  by 
the  settlers  of  today;  the  same  soil  conditions  which  the  homesteader 
then  found  confront  the  "dry  farmer"  of  the  present;  the  same  grass 
mixture  which  pastured  the  first  homeseeker's  stock  and  in  some 
cases  furnished  hay  for  the  winter  is  still  there.  As  man  has  not 
changed  the  climate,  neither  has  he  changed  the  plant  growth  on  the 
prairies. 

Economic  Conditions  in  the  Great  Plains  Changed.  What  has 
just  been  stated  is  not  that  the  farmer  on  the  semiarid  Plains  today 
has  the  same  combination  of  conditions  to  meet  that  he  had  twenty- 
five  years  ago  when  the  region  was  first  invaded.  It  has  been  pointed 
out  that  agricultural  factors  are  of  two  classes,  natural  and  artificial, 
and  one  of  these  sets  of  factors  is  as  important  as  the  other.  While 
the  forces  of  the  first  group  are  fixed,  those  of  the  second  are  constantly 
changing.  It  is  just  as  essential  to  have  a  market  as  to  have  a  crop. 
Whatever  differences  there  may  be  between  the  conditions  that 
surround  the  settler  on  the  dry  lands  today  and  those  that  faced 
the  settler  of  a  generation  ago  on  the  same  land,  these  differences 
are  not  in  soil,  climate,  or  native  vegetation.  They  are  economic 
and  industrial  differences — differences  in  the  machinery  available, 
the  methods  of  cultivation  practiced,  the  varieties  of  crops  at  hand 
.durum  wheat,  brome-grass,  kafir,  milo,   sorghum,  emmer,  alfalfa 


302  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  hardy  species  of  barley  and  oats),  and  the  prices  of  products. 
The  changes  in  these  respects  are  great,  so  great  that  the  total  combina- 
tion of  all  conditions  make,  as  it  were,  almost  another  country.  The 
improvement  in  machinery  is  so  great  that  Professor  Snyder,  of 
the  substation  at  North  Platte,  Nebraska,  has  said,  "Take  away 
the  disk,  the  press  drill,  and  the  corn  machinery,  and  western  Nebraska 
would  still  be  a  place  for  the  cattleman."  A  parallel  statement  with 
regard  to  the  crops  that  have  been  introduced  during  the  last  fifteen 
years  may  be  made,  but  great  as  is  the  effect  of  these  changes,  the 
advance  in  prices  of  products  is  of  still  greater  importance. 


CHAPTER  XII 

WESTERN  UNITED  STATES 

1.     THE  RELATION  OF  WATER  RESOURCES  TO  ECONOMIC 
ACTIVITIES  IN  THE  WEST1 

Irrigation.  Few  people  need  to  be  reminded  that  the  prosperity 
of  the  West  depends  largely  upon  an  adequate  supply  of  water  for 
irrigation.  Water,  rather  than  land,  is  the  open  sesame  to  the 
agricultural  development  of  the  semiarid  regions.  Vast  areas  of 
rich  soil  await  only  water  to  make  them  "blossom  like  the  rose." 
To  other  vast  areas  water  has  already  been  brought  from  varying 
distances,  and  these  are  now  among  the  most  productive  of  all  our 
agricultural  lands.  Irrigation  alone  is  responsible  for  the  sugar-beet 
fields  of  Utah,  the  alfalfa  fields  of  Idaho,  and  the  orange  groves  of 
California. 

So  literally  has  water  meant  wealth  to  the  Rocky  Mountain  and 
Pacific  Coast  states  that  the  "Golden  West"  no  longer  need  base  its 
claim  to  the  title  on  the  magic  metal  that  brought  it  fame  and  pros- 
perity in  the  early  days.  The  gold  of  the  grain  field  and  of  the  citrus 
grove  is  now  worth  more  than  the  gold  of  the  mine.  The  $247,000,000 
which  represents  the  annual  value  of  the  crops  produced  on  the 
150,000  farms  comprising  the  13,200,000  acres  of  irrigated  land  in 
the  West  is  nearly  three  times  as  great  as  the  value  of  the  precious 
metals  produced  annually  in  the  same  region.  Colorado,  pre- 
eminently a  land  of  minerals,  now  produces  each  year  on  irrigated  lands 
a  crop  worth  more  than  the  entire  product  of  its  mining  industries 
and  approximately  twice  as  much  as  the  output  of  precious  metals. 
California,  the  "Golden  State,"  contributes  annually  nearly  four 
times  as  much  wealth  in  crops  as  in  precious  metals. 

If  the  precipitation  were  as  evenly  distributed  in  the  West  as  it 
is  in  the  East,  there  would  not  be  the  need  for  irrigation  that  now 

1  Adapted  from  Samuel  T.  Dana,  What  the  National  Forests  Mean  to  the  Water 
User,  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Forest  Service,  1919,  pp.  3-20. 

3°3 
11 


304  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

exists.  But  it  is  not  evenly  distributed,  and  that  is  where  the  trouble 
lies.  Except  for  a  narrow  strip  along  the  Pacific  Coast  from  San 
Francisco  north  to  the  Canadian  line,  the  great  bulk  of  the  precipi- 
tation occurs  in  the  mountains.  Throughout  the  Coast  Ranges,  the 
Cascades  and  Sierra  Nevadas,  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  Colorado 
Plateau,  the  rain  and  snowfall  is  far  greater  than  in  the  intermediate 
valleys  and  plateaus. 

The  result  is  that  the  majority  of  water-users  depend  for  their 
supply  on  water  that  originates  a  considerable  distance  away.  Some 
of  the  most  productive  agricultural  lands  in  the  region  receive  hardly 
more  than  enough  precipitation  to  support  a  desert  vegetation,  while 
the  evaporation  is  correspondingly  great.  Greeley,  Colorado,  Provo, 
Utah,  Phoenix,  Arizona,  and  Fresno  and  Riverside,  California,  all  of 
which  are  in  the  center  of  extremely  productive  sections,  have  an 
annual  precipitation  of  less  than  15  inches  with  an  annual  evaporation 
from  a  free  water  surface  at  least  three  or  four  times  as  much. 

As  a  natural  consequence  of  the  difference  in  amount  of  precipi- 
tation in  the  mountains  and  at  the  lower  elevations,  the  former  are 
generally  forested  and  the  latter  treeless.  The  national  forests,  of 
course,  are  located  in  the  mountains,  where  the  trees  are.  From  the 
brush-covered  foothills  of  the  San  Jacinto  and  San  Bernardino  Moun- 
tains in  southern  California  to  the  magnificent  Douglas  fir  forests  of 
the  Olympic  Mountains  in  northern  Washington,  and  from  the  pifion 
and  juniper  stands  of  the  southern  Rockies  in  New  Mexico  to  the 
pine  forests  of  the  northern  Rockies  in  Montana  and  Idaho,  the 
mountains  and  the  national  forests  coincide. 

An  intimate  relation,  therefore,  exists  between  the  national  forests 
and  irrigated  lands  throughout  the  West.  At  least  85  per  cent,  and 
very  likely  more,  of  the  water  used  to  irrigate  these  13,200,000  acres, 
whether  it  comes  from  surface  streams  and  lakes  or  from  underground 
sources,  has  its  origin  in  the  mountains  where  the  national  forests 
are  located.  Obviously,  not  all  of  this  mountain  area  is  forested,  nor 
is  all  of  the  forested  area  under  federal  ownership.  At  the  same  time, 
the  national  forests  include  a  large  part  of  the  area  from  which  the 
bulk  of  the  irrigation  water  is  derived,  and  must  therefore  exert  an 
important  influence  on  the  amount  and  character  of  the  supply. 

No  figures  are  available  as  to  the  exact  value  added  to  these  lands 
by  the  application  of  water,  but  it  unquestionably  runs  into  the  hun- 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  305 

dreds  of  millions  of  dollars.  Without  water  much  of  this  area  would 
be  practically  worthless,  and  the  value  even  of  that  portion  on  which 
dry  farming  is  feasible  would  be  greatly  reduced.  In  the  vicinity  of 
Salt  Lake  City,  Utah,  for  example,  irrigated  lands  deriving  their 
water  from  the  Wasatch  National  Forest  are  valued  at  from  $100  to 
$1,000  per  acre,  with  an  average  of  probably  $400  per  acre;  while 
land  without  water  in  the  same  district,  except  where  it  requires 
drainage,  is  practically  valueless.  Near  Los  Angeles,  California, 
unimproved  lands  with  water  rights  are  worth  from  $200  to  $500  per 
acre,  while  bearing  orange  or  lemon  groves  may  be  valued  at  $3,000 
or  even  more  per  acre.  What  the  water  supply  protected  by  the 
Angeles  National  Forest  means  to  this  region  is  also  well  illustrated 
by  the  value  of  the  crops  produced  on  irrigated  lands  that  without 
water  would  be  of  little  or  no  agricultural  value.  In  1915,  25,750 
acres  devoted  to  citrus  fruits,  alfalfa,  and  sugar  beets,  deriving  their 
irrigation  water  from  the  San  Antonio  watershed,  with  an  area  of 
only  24  square  miles,  yielded  crops  valued  at  $5,400,000;  while  5,870 
acres  of  citrus  fruits,  deriving  their  water  from  the  San  Dimas  water- 
shed, with  an  area  of  only  18  square  miles,  yielded  crops  valued  at 
$2,600,000. 

Water  Power.  Irrigation  represents  one  of  the  vital  needs  for 
water  in  the  West,  but  there  are  others.  Water  is  the  "white  coal" 
which  furnishes  or  will  furnish  the  motive  power  for  lighting  systems, 
trolley  lines,  and  manufacturing  plants  everywhere  in  the  western 
states.  As  such  it  constitutes  an  immensely  valuable  resource.  The 
western  mountains  contain  more  than  72  per  cent  of  the  potential 
water-power  of  the  United  States.  Through  lack  of  markets,  only  a 
comparatively  small  part  of  this  has  been  utilized,  but  in  the  last 
twenty  years  great  strides  have  been  made  in  development.  In  the 
decade  from  1902  to  191 2,  for  example,  water-power  development 
in  the  western  states  increased  451  per  cent,  or  more  than  four  times 
as  rapidly  as  in  the  rest  of  the  country.  How  rapidly  water-power 
is  developed  in  the  future  will  depend  solely  on  how  many  new  indus- 
tries and  people  make  their  home  in  the  West.  Judged  by  how  many 
have  gone  there  in  the  past,  the  demands  of  the  western  states  upon 
their  "white  coal"  will  continue  to  multiply. 

No  less  than  42  per  cent  of  the  water-power  resources  of  the 
eleven  western  states,  or  approximately  31  per  cent  of  the  water- 


3O0  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

power  resources  of  the  entire  country,  is  actually  within  the  national 
forests.  Moreover,  a  large  part  of  the  remaining  power,  although 
developed  outside  of  the  forests,  is  derived  from  streams  rising  in 
them.  In  191 5  nearly  42  per  cent  of  the  water-power  already  installed 
was  developed  by  plants  some  part  of  which  occupied  national-forest 
lands  or  which  were  directly  dependent  on  storage  reservoirs  con- 
structed on  national-forest  lands,  and  13.6  per  cent  more  was  similarly 
dependent  on  other  public  lands.  Even  these  figures,  however,  do 
not  bring  out  the  full  significance  of  the  national  forests  in  their 
relation  to  the  water-power  resources  of  the  West.  A  large  part  of 
these  resources  outside  of  the  forests  are  so  located  as  to  be  extremely 
difficult  of  development  under  present  conditions,  and  so  a  continually 
increasing  proportion  of  new  water-power  developments  is  utilizing 
sites  within  national  forests  or  other  public  lands. 

Navigation.  Farther  downstream,  in  the  lower  reaches  of  the 
rivers  and  in  the  harbors  into  which  they  flow,  water  contributes 
still  further  to  western  prosperity.  Inland  water  transportation  in 
the  Mountain  and  Pacific  states  will  never  attain  the  development 
of  which  it  is  capable  in  the  eastern  and  central  states,  but  it  is  already 
of  considerable  importance,  and  should  become  increasingly  so  as  the 
population  grows  denser  and  traffic  correspondingly  heavier.  Accord- 
ing to  the  1916  report  of  the  Chief  of  Engineers,  United  States  Army, 
there  were  at  that  time  some  26  navigable  streams  in  the  western 
states,  with  a  navigable  length  of  approximately  1,746  miles  and  an 
annual  movement  of  over  14,000,000  tons  valued  at  more  than 
$250,000,000. 

The  relation  of  the  national  forests  to  navigation  is  not  strikingly 
obvious,  since  practically  all  the  navigable  portions  of  western  streams 
lie  outside  of  the  forest  boundaries.  Yet  by  far  the  greater  part  of 
the  water  that  they  carry  originates  in  their  upper  courses,  which  are 
to  a  large  extent  included  within  the  national  forests.  Any  influence 
that  the  forests  may  exert  on  this  water  is  therefore  felt  indirectly, 
but  none  the  less  surely,  by  the  streams  and  by  the  harbors  into  which 
they  flow. 

Drinking  Water.  Ordinary  drinking  water  may  lack  the  romantic 
associations  of  some  other  beverages,  but  it  nevertheless  is  an  every- 
day necessity  for  thousands  of  families  scattered  on  farms  and  ranches 
and  in  numerous  small  settlements  throughout  the  West  and  for  the 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  307 

still  larger  population  comprised  in  the  towns  and  cities.  How  much 
effort  and  money  must  be  expended  by  western  cities  in  obtaining  a 
pure  and  abundant  water  supply  is  shown  by  the  examples  of  Los 
Angeles  and  San  Francisco,  the  first  of  which  has  considered  it  worth 
while  to  spend  some  $25,000,000  to  bring  water  from  Owens  Valley 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Sierras  across  250  miles  of  desolate  and  rugged 
country;  while  San  Francisco  is  going  back  190  miles  into  the  fast- 
nesses of  the  Sierras  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $77,000,000  in  order  to 
get  its  supply  from  the  famous  valley  of  the  Hetch  Hetchy. 

Some  732  western  towns  and  cities,  with  an  aggregate  population 
of  2,265,000,  depend  on  the  national  forests  for  their  domestic  water 
supply.  This  does  not  include,  of  course,  ranches  and  small  settle- 
ments equally  dependent  on  the  forests,  nor  the  towns  and  cities 
securing  their  domestic  water  from  streams  and  underground  supplies 
which  are  at  some  distance  from  the  forests,  but  which  rise  from 
sources  within  them.  Denver,  Colorado,  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah,  Los 
Angeles,  California,  and  Portland,  Oregon,  are  conspicuous  examples 
of  large  cities  which  are  insured  a  pure  and  abundant  water  supply  by 
the  national  forests.  So  important  is  this  function  of  the  forests  that 
many  communities  have  entered  into  co-operative  agreements  with 
the  Forest  Service  for  the  better  protection  of  the  watersheds  from 
which  they  get  their  supplies. 

Erosion.  Perhaps  the  most  obvious  relation  that  exists  between 
forests  and  water  is  the  tendency  of  the  tree  cover  to  check  erosion. 
The  leaves  and  branches  of  the  trees  prevent  the  rain  from  beating 
upon  the  soil  as  it  does  in  the  open;  the  cover  which  they  afford  delays 
the  melting  of  snow  in  the  spring;  the  upper  layers  of  the  forest  soil 
act  as  an  enormous  sponge  that  absorbs  large  quantities  of  water 
which  in  turn  are  passed  on  to  the  great  reservoir  of  mineral  soil 
beneath;  and  finally,  the  surface  cover  of  stumps,  fallen  twigs, 
branches,  and  even  whole  trees  acts  as  a  mechanical  obstruction  to 
prevent  rapid  run-off.  The  surface  run-off  from  forest  areas  is  less, 
both  in  total  amount  and  in  velocity,  than  that  from  similarly  situated 
unforested  areas.  The  steeper  and  more  rugged  the  topography,  the 
more  marked  is  this  contrast. 

In  hilly  country  some  erosion  is,  of  course,  inevitable  under  any 
conditions.  When  the  soil  cover  of  trees,  underbrush,  and  litter  is 
kept  intact,  however,  this  is  more  often  beneficial  than  otherwise, 


308  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

since  only  the  lighter  soil  particles  are  washed  away,  to  be  later 
deposited  in  the  more  level  lands  below,  adding  to  their  fertility. 
But  when  this  protective  cover  is  interfered  with,  whether  by  fire, 
destructive  lumbering,  overgrazing,  or  injudicious  clearing  of  land 
for  agriculture,  the  proportion  of  coarser,  infertile  materials  washed 
away  increases  greatly  and  transforms  erosion  from  a  constructive 
into  a  dangerously  destructive  force,  difficult  of  control  and  capable 
of  doing  untold  damage. 

From  the  standpoint  of  the  water-user,  the  tendency  of  the  moun- 
tain forests  to  prevent  erosion  is  of  the  utmost  importance.  Wherever 
storage  reservoirs  must  be  used,  whether  for  municipal  supplies, 
irrigation,  or  water-power,  they  are  exposed  to  the  ever  present  danger 
of  silting  up.  Every  bit  of  soil  brought  down  by  the  streams  and 
deposited  in  them  reduces  their  capacity  and  consequently  their  effect- 
iveness by  just  so  much.  This  sedimentation  is  serious  under  any 
condition,  but  doubly  so  when,  as  not  infrequently  happens,  no  other 
satisfactory  dam  sites  are  available  and  the  reservoir  cannot  be 
replaced  at  a  reasonable  cost. 

Water  heavily  laden  with  eroded  material  often  decreases  the 
efficiency  and  increases  the  cost  of  maintaining  diversion  dams,  pipe 
lines,  flumes,  canals,  and  other  irrigation  works.  Sometimes  such 
water  damages  the  crops  to  which  it  is  applied,  and  not  infrequently 
it  seriously  injures  or  even  ruins  the  land  by  burying  it  under  a  mass 
of  sand,  gravel,  bowlders,  and  other  infertile  debris.  Excessive 
erosion  may  interfere  seriously  with  navigation  by  filling  the  streams 
with  material  which  is  deposited  in  their  lower  reaches  and  in  the 
harbors  into  which  they  empty. 

The  action  of  the  forest  in  reducing  surface  run-off  tends  also  to 
regulate  the  flow  of  streams.  Instead  of  rushing  away  in  uncontrol- 
lable torrents,  the  water  is  absorbed  into  the  great  reservoir  of  mineral 
soil,  from  which  it  is  gradually  paid  out  to  the  springs  and  streams. 
This  tends  to  decrease  the  high  water  run-off  and  to  increase  the  low 
water  run-off.  Both  results  are  good.  The  decrease  in  the  high 
water  run-off  means  that  there  is  less  danger  of  destructive  floods 
and  less  waste  of  valuable  water;  while  the  increase  in  low  water 
run-off  means  that  a  larger  supply  of  water  is  available  during  the 
dry  season,  when  it  is  particularly  needed.     It  is  the  low  water  flow 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  309 

that  to  a  great  extent  determines  the  availability  of  any  given  supply 
for  municipal  use,  irrigation  or  hydroelectric  development. 

What  One  National  Forest  Does.  A  typical  example  of  the  ways 
in  which  the  national  forests  benefit  the  water-user  is  furnished  by 
the  Pike  National  Forest  in  Colorado.  This  forest  extends  along 
the  main  range  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  from  somewhat  north  of 
Denver  to  south  of  Colorado  Springs,  and  includes  within  its  bound- 
aries a  considerable  portion  of  the  headwaters  of  the  South  Platte 
and  Arkansas  rivers. 

Irrigation  by  means  of  water  coming  from  the  mountains  included 
in  the  Pike  National  Forest  had  its  modest  beginnings  in  i860  along 
the  South  Platte  River  in  South  Park  and  also  near  Denver.  Since 
then  the  area  on  which  irrigation  is  practiced  has  grown  steadily,  until 
now  it  is  estimated  at  some  400,000  acres,  valued  at  about  $40,000,000 
and  with  an  annual  crop  production  of  over  $10,000,000.  On  many 
acres  where  water  is  not  available  dry  farming  is  practiced,  but  the 
results  are  uncertain  and  the  yields  much  less  than  on  irrigated  land. 
The  value  of  water  in  this  region  is  so  great  that  the  natural  flow  of 
the  streams  is  greatly  overappropriated,  and  there  is  need  for  every 
additional  drop  that  can  be  developed  or  stored.  Practically  all  of 
the  Great  Plains  lying  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  is  potentially 
agricultural  land,  and  the  only  limit  to  its  development  is  the  amount 
of  water  which  can  be  secured  for  irrigation.  So  well  recognized  is 
the  part  played  by  the  forest  cover  in  protecting  the  water  supply 
that  in  one  case  an  organization  of  farmers  has  protested  against  any 
cutting  of  timber  on  certain  watersheds. 

No  less  important  is  the  use  of  the  water  for  domestic  and  mu- 
nicipal purposes.  Denver  has  its  main  storage  reservoir,  Lake  Chees- 
man,  with  a  capacity  of  about  26,000,000,000  gallons  and  a  watershed 
of  1,152,000  acres,  in  the  heart  of  the  Pike  Forest.  Colorado  Springs 
has  a  series  of  reservoirs  which  also  get  their  supply  from  the  Pike. 
Altogether,  some  thirty-five  cities  and  towns  with  an  aggregate 
population  of  275,000,  and  an  investment  in  water  works  of  over 
$17,600,000,  obtain  their  domestic  supply  from  this  forest.  The 
watersheds  supplying  Denver,  Colorado  Springs,  Manitou,  Cascade, 
and  Idaho  Springs  are  given  special  protection  against  fire.  At  the 
request  of  local  residents,  Congress  has  added  nearly  28,000  acres  to 


310  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

the  Pike  Forest,  while  farther  north,  on  the  Colorado  National  Forest, 
Congress  in  1016  authorized  the  addition  of  some  540,000  acres  for 
the  purpose  of  watershed  protection. 

Where  fire  has  destroyed  the  forest  cover  on  certain  of  the  water- 
sheds within  the  Pike,  young  trees  arc  being  planted.  Already  some 
3,000  acres  have  been  planted  by  the  Forest  Service  on  the  watersheds 
denuded  by  the  great  fire  of  1866,  from  which  Colorado  Springs  and 
its  suburbs  obtain  their  water,  and  plans  have  been  perfected  for  the 
reforestation  of  an  additional  9,000  acres. 

The  development  of  hydroelectric  power  bids  fair  to  constitute 
another  important  use  of  the  streams  which  take  their  rise  in  the 
Pike  National  Forest.  It  is  only  in  recent  years  that  water  in  this 
region  has  been  utilized  for  power,  but  the  possibilities  for  develop- 
ment offered  by  the  streams  are  tremendous. 

Placer  mining,  which,  aside  from  drinking  and  bathing,  probably 
called  for  the  first  use  of  water  on  the  Pike  National  Forest,  is  now 
practically  a  thing  of  the  past.  The  use  of  water  in  the  milling  of 
ores,  however,  is  quite  common  in  a  number  of  districts,  and  there 
are  many  mills  which  could  not  operate  without  an  abundant  and 
constant  supply. 

The  value  of  water  as  a  scenic,  or  esthetic,  asset,  and  its  contribu- 
tion to  recreation  in  the  region,  should  also  not  be  overlooked.  To 
the  Pike's  Peak  region  come  thousands  of  visitors  every  year,  attracted 
by  the  scenery  and  climate.  Periodically  dry  streams  and  eroded 
stream  beds  are  far  from  attractive,  and  in  helping  to  prevent  erosion 
and  to  maintain  a  steady  stream  flow  the  forest  adds  materially  to 
the  value  of  the  region  for  the  tourist  and  pleasure-seeker. 

2.     THE  DESERT  REGION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES' 

The  desert  region  of  the  United  States  forms  a  great  triangle 
whose  base,  800  miles  long,  is  the  Mexican  border  from  the  Peninsular 
Mountains,  in  southern  California,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Pecos  River, 
in  Texas,  and  whose  apex  is  in  north-central  Oregon.  The  west 
side  of  this  huge  desert  triangle  is  the  mountain  wall  formed  by  the 
Peninsular  Mountains,  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  the  Cascade  Range; 

1  Adapted  from  O.  E.  Meinzer,  Preface  to  John  S.  Brown,  "Routes  to  Desert 
Watering  Places  in  the  Salton  Sea  Region,  California,"  United  States  Geological 
Survey,  Water  Supply  Paper  490- A,  p.  1. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  311 

the  east  or  northeast  side  is  a  less  definite  line  extending  from  north- 
central  Oregon  through  Salt  Lake  City  and  Santa  Fe  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Pecos  River.  It  covers  about  500,000  square  miles,  or  very 
nearly  one-sixth  of  the  area  of  the  United  States. 

This  region  is  by  no  means  devoid  of  natural  resources  or  human 
activity.  It  contains  prosperous  cities,  fertile  agricultural  districts, 
forest-clad  mountains,  a  large  aggregate  number  of  watering  places, 
many  rich  mines,  and  an  unknown  wealth  of  mineral  deposits.  But  the 
localities  that  have  water  supplies  are  widely  separated  oases  in  a 
vast  expanse  of  silent,  changeless,  unproductive  desert,  whose  most 
impressive  feature  is  its  great  distances  and  whose  chief  evidences 
of  human  occupation  are  the  long  roads  that  lead  from  one 
watering  place  to  another. 

In  the  future  existing  oases  will  be  enlarged,  many  new  ones  will 
be  created,  and  the  mineral  and  agricultural  product  of  the  region 
will  be  greatly  increased.  But  in  spite  of  all  that  man  can  do  this 
large  region  will  remain  essentially  a  desert. 

Travelers  in  this  region  must  depend  for  their  existence  on  the 
desert  water  holes  (springs,  wells,  or  natural  tanks),  many  of  which 
are  separated  from  one  another  by  a  hard  day's  journey  with  team  and 
wagon.  For  most  of  the  region  the  water  holes  have  never  been 
accurately  mapped  or  described,  no  systematic  provision  has  been 
made  for  maintaining  them,  and  the  roads  leading  to  them  have  not 
been  marked  with  substantial  and  reliable  signs.  Hence  travel  in 
the  remote  parts  of  the  region  has  been  a  precarious  and  sometimes 
a  dangerous  undertaking. 

3.     SEMIARID  HIGHLANDS  OF  THE  SOUTHWEST1 

Arizona  is  divided  into  two  main  physiographic  provinces,  the 
Colorado  Plateaus  and  the  Arizona  Highlands;  but  some  physiog- 
raphers recognize  a  third,  including  the  southwestern  part  of  the 

1  Adapted  from  the  following  Bulletins  of  the  University  of  Arizona,  Agricultural 
Experiment  Station:  A.  M.  McOmie,  "Dry- Farming  in  Arizona,"  No.  84,  pp.  400- 
530;  G.  F.  Freeman,  "Alfalfa  in  the  Southwest,"  No.  73,  pp.  233-35;  Alfred  J. 
McClatchie  and  J.  Eliot  Coit,  "Relation  of  Weather  to  Crops  and  Varieties 
Adapted  to  Arizona  Conditions,"  No.  78,  p.  52;  F.  W.  Wilson,  "  Improved  Types 
of  Sheep  for  the  Southwest,"  No.  6g,  pp.  621-26. 


312  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

state  that  lies  within  the  Colorado  Desert.  Because  of  the  very 
limited  rainfall  in  this  last  division  it  cannot  be  considered  a  region 
with  dry-farming  possibilities;  consequently  only  the  first  two  prov- 
inces are  discussed  in  this  bulletin. 

The  Colorado  Plateaus.  The  Colorado  Plateaus  province  includes 
northeastern  Arizona,  southeastern  Utah,  southwestern  Colorado, 
and  northwestern  New  Mexico.  In  Arizona  its  southwestern  border 
runs  fairly  straight  from  the  northwest  corner  of  the  state  to  a  point 
slightly  south  of  the  middle  of  the  eastern  boundary.  The  Colorado 
Plateaus  province  consists,  mainly,  of  a  series  of  table  lands  5,000 
or  more  feet  above  the  sea-level  with  occasional  intrusions  and  extru- 
sions of  igneous  rocks,  particularly  in  the  southeast  portion. 

Soils.  Many  strata  outcrop  in  belts  on  the  surface  of  the  plateaus, 
sandstones  and  shaly  sandstones  covering  the  largest  area.  Soils 
resulting  from  the  weathering  of  these  strata  as  a  rule  are  rich  in 
iron,  poor  in  clay,  and  infertile.  In  some  places  sandstone  strata 
are  covered  with  a  thin  veneer  of  limestone,  and  the  resulting  soil 
is  somewhat  more  productive.  Strata  of  lava  cover  the  next  largest 
area.  Soil  formed  by  decomposition  of  this  material  is  usually  high 
in  fertility,  but  in  the  Colorado  Plateaus  province  most  of  the  lava 
has  appeared  too  recently  to  allow  of  much  more  than  mechanical 
disintegration.  Limestone  strata  outcrop  on  quite  extensive  areas, 
the  principal  one  being  the  Kaibab  Plateau,  most  of  which  lies  north 
of  the  Grand  Canyon.  Well-weathered  limestone  soils  are  very  fer- 
tile. A  considerable  area  of  alluvial  soils  is  found.  The  abrupt 
slope  of  the  Colorado  Plateaus  province,  averaging  about  200  feet 
per  mile,  assists  rapid  erosion  by  the  young  rivers  of  the  region. 
The  finer  and  more  disintegrated  portions  of  exposed  strata  are 
transported  great  distances,  separated  by  gravity,  and  deposited 
in  the  broader  valley  bottoms.  Soils  thus  formed,  composed  of  the 
finest  materials  of  various  strata,  are  very  fertile. 

Water  Supply.  The  general  arrangement  of  strata  in  the  plateaus 
is  unfavorable  for  economic  development  of  ground  water.  In  places, 
wells  have  been  drilled  to  a  depth  of  more  than  1,500  feet  without 
success.  However,  water  is  occasionally  found  near  the  surface  of  the 
Plateaus,  but  only  in  localized  spots,  and  in  many  cases  it  is  so  charged 
with  minerals  that  it  is  unfit  for  domestic  use.  Water  may  usually 
be  developed  at  a  slight  depth  along  the  main  courses  of  the  valleys, 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  313 

but  it  is  often  strongly  alkaline.  In  some  places,  notably  near  St. 
Joseph,  artesian  water  has  been  found  at  depths  of  200  to  800  feet. 

About  an  inch  of  precipitation  is  the  normal  increase  for  every 
500  feet  of  added  altitude  on  the  border  of  the  Plateaus,  and  for  every 
250  feet  within  the  border  of  the  Plateaus.  However,  the  abrupt- 
ness of  the  southwestern  and  western  boundaries  of  the  region  causes 
precipitation  of  moisture  from  passing  winds  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  lower  elevations  in  plateaus  beyond  are  arid  or  semiarid.  In 
general,  only  the  highest  plateaus  have  an  annual  precipitation  of 
more  than  22  to  24  inches.  There  are  distinct  summer  and  winter 
precipitation  maxima  and  great  differences'  between  temperatures  at 
the  various  elevations. 

Arizona  Highlands.  The  Arizona  Highlands  province,  a  continu- 
ation of  the  Great  Basin,  is  a  mountainous  belt  from  70  to  150  miles 
wide,  crossing  the  state  from  northwest  to  southeast.  It  is  character- 
ized by  short  and  nearly  parallel  mountain  ranges  of  monoclinal 
structure  and  rarely  above  8,000  feet  elevation.  For  the  most  part 
these  mountains  are  abrupt  and  denuded  of  soil  except  in  timbered 
places.  Alluvial  soils  of  many  of  the  valleys  and  basins  that  occur 
throughout  the  area  are  valuable  for   agricultural   purposes. 

Throughout  the  Arizona  Highlands  province,  precipitation  mostly 
falls  in  local  torrential  showers,  and  the  resultant  water  erosion  is 
excessive  and  important.  The  surface  of  the  region  exposes  many 
strata,  intrusions,  and  extrusions,  and  there  are  few  large,  uniform 
areas  of  interest  to  dry-farmers,  except  in  the  southeastern  part 
where  extensive  fertile  limestone  soils  are  found.  The  localized  pre- 
cipitation varies  greatly  from  year  to  year,  and  over  no  large  area 
is  the  average  more  than  16  to  17  inches.  Temperatures  are  generally 
higher  and  precipitation  lower  than  in  the  Colorado  Plateaus  province. 
The  entire  Arizona  Highlands  province  must  be  classed  as  arid  and 
semi-arid. 

Climate.  It  is  essential  that  the  climatic  conditions  of  Arizona  be 
understood  by  farmers,  since  they  are  not  duplicated  in  any  other  part 
of  the  United  States,  excepting  in  adjacent  regions  of  bordering 
states,  and  are  subject  to  extreme  variations  in  relatively  short 
distances. 

Arizona,  in  common  with  all  of  the  region  between  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and   the  Coast  Ranges,  is  subject   to  great   variations 


314  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

between  minimum  and  maximum  temperatures.  The  effects  of 
extreme  temperatures,  however,  are  not  so  pronounced  as  in  a  humid 
climate.  The  wide  variation  in  temperatures  of  night  and  day  has  a 
decided  effect  upon  plants.  Certain  sorghums,  for  example,  which 
will  mature  in  a  given  number  of  days  in  a  region  having  approxi- 
mately the  same  maximum  temperature  as  Snowflake  (east-central 
Arizona)  fail  to  ripen  at  the  latter  place  in  a  considerably  longer  time, 
though  they  may  not  be  at  all  injured  by  frost.  Night  tempera- 
tures of  the  frost-free  season  in  the  higher  altitudes  of  Arizona, 
while  not  low  enough  to  directly  injure  tender  plants,  are  too  low 
to  permit  proper  development  throughout  a  large  part  of  the  growing 
period. 

Furthermore,  there  is  a  greater  variation  between  average  and 
extreme  dates  of  the  last  killing  frost  in  spring  and  the  first  in  autumn 
than  is  ordinarily  expected.  For  this  reason  it  is  more  or  less  risky 
to  plant  crops  which  demand  all  of  the  expected  frost-free  season 
for  their  maturity. 

In  general  there  are  two  precipitation  maxima,  one  in  midwinter 
and  one  in  midsummer.  Winter  precipitation,  which  is  of  greater 
importance  in  northeastern  Arizona,  occurs  either  as  snow  or  a 
gentle  downfall  of  rain  and  penetrates  quite  completely  into  the 
ground.  Individual  showers  usually  cover  a  considerable  territory. 
Summer  rains,  of  primary  importance  in  southern  Arizona,  occur 
as  local  torrential  showers,  often  lasting  but  a  few  minutes  and  rarely 
continuing  more  than  a  couple  of  hours.  It  is  difficult  to  have  these 
rains  penetrate  well,  since  \  inch  of  precipitation,  occurring  in  a  few 
minutes,  is  apt  to  start  a  considerable  surface  run-off,  and  occasionally 
more  than  75  per  cent  of  the  heavier  showers  is  lost  in  this  way. 
Individual  showers  of  \  or  \  inch,  occurring  at  intervals  of  two  or 
three  days,  have  no  real  value,  and  often  necessitate  considerable 
work  to  preserve  a  mulch.  An  inch  of  precipitation  falling  thus 
intermittently  may  be  detrimental;  whereas,  if  the  showers  had 
come  very  close  together,  or  if  an  inch  of  precipitation  had  fallen 
in  one  or  two  showers,  the  effect  would  have  been  beneficial. 

The  amount  of  moisture  lost  by  surface  run-off  is  great,  often 
being  sufficient  to  close  all  traffic  for  several  hours  at  a  time  even  on 
main  roads.  Since  so  much  value  is  lost  in  this  manner,  one  of  the 
problems  of  successful  farming  is  proper  utilization  of  floods.     In 


• 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  315 

this,  Arizona  Indians  are  masters.  There  are  thousands  of  acres 
within  the  state  which  may  be  irrigated  occasionally  by  these  floods. 

Dry-Farming.  The  Indians  of  Arizona,  numbering  from  40,000 
to  45,000,  have  contributed  very  materially  to  agriculture  in  the 
state.  Dry-land  crop  varieties,  which  have  been  grown  by  them  for 
an  indefinite  period,  are  among  the  most  promising;  and  their  cultural 
practices,  with  some  modifications,  are  the  bases  of  successful  dry- 
farming  in  Arizona.  The  total  area  within  the  state  at  present  set 
aside  as  Indian  reservations  is  about  17,500,000  acres.  According 
to  careful  estimates  it  is  possible  to  irrigate  nearly  one-quarter  million 
acres  of  these  lands,  109,992  acres  now  being  under  projects.  The 
agricultural  value  of  lands  in  the  reservations  varies  from  worthless 
to  the  best  in  the  state. 

Since  the  rainy  season  of  1905,  when  accidental  plantings  of 
barley  by  teamsters  feeding  their  animals  by  the  roadside  attracted 
the  attention  of  land-hungry  settlers,  a  persistent  and  increasingly 
ingenious  effort  has  been  made  to  discover  methods  of  utilizing  our 
semiarid  lands  for  farming  purposes.  In  the  southern  part  of  the 
state  at  the  altitudes  of  the  great  valleys  it  is  fairly  well  determined 
that  the  ordinary  rainfall  should  be  supplemented  by  stored  or 
pumped  irrigating  waters,  used  at  critical  times  to  start  or  save  a 
crop.  Subsequent  work  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state  at  some- 
what higher  average  altitudes  indicates  that  it  is  possible,  with  good 
management  and  skilful  handling,  to  produce  a  fairly  reliable  output 
of  dry-farmed  forages  without  the  help  of  irrigating  water. 

In  the  southern  part  of  the  state  the  crops  apparently  best  adapted 
to  altitudes  of  4,000  feet  with  a  long  growing  season  include  kafir, 
club-top  sorghum,  milo,  and  tepary  beans.  In  the  northern  part 
of  the  state,  under  less  stringent  conditions,  the  crops  that  may  be 
grown  include  not  only  kafir,  club-top  sorghum,  milo,  and  tepary 
beans,  but  also  various  Indian  corns  such  as  Papago  sweet  corn, 
White  Hopi  corn,  and  other  quick  growing,  drought-resistant  varieties. 
Sudan  grass  for  hay,  potatoes,  and  several  varieties  of  beans,  and 
even  orchard  fruits,  have  been  found  feasible  under  these  conditions. 

But  of  equal  importance  with  the  production  of  these  forages 
has  been  their  preservation  as  silage,  in  which  form  but  a  small  per- 
centage of  nutritive  value  is  lost  as  compared  with  the  very  great 
loss  in  nutritive  value  incidental  to  the  common  practice  of  cutting 


316  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  shocking  such  forages.  This  silage  is  used  to  great  advantage 
in  connection  with  live  stock  of  all  kinds,  particularly  range  cattle 
which  are  subject  from  year  to  year  to  a  period  of  shortage  during 
which  an  average  of  2  per  cent  or  more  die,  the  remainder  coming 
through  in  very  poor  condition  for  the  next  season's  operations.  The 
silo,  in  fact,  properly  developed,  is  the  range  stockman's  salvation 
if  he  will  utilize  it  to  the  best  advantage. 

Importance  of  Alfalfa  in  the  Southwest.  Every  agricultural  com- 
munity has  its  staple  product.  What  corn  is  to  Illinois,  wheat  to 
Kansas,  and  cotton  to  the  Gulf  states,  alfalfa  is  to  Arizona.  More 
than  one-third  of  all  her  cultivated  land  is  devoted  to  its  culture; 
and  the  revenues  from  it  add  more  than  two  million  of  dollars  annually 
to  the  wealth  of  her  farmers.  More  valuable  than  any  other  single 
crop,  it  forms  the  basis  of  the  agricultural  wealth  of  the  state — the 
safeguard  of  cattlemen  in  times  of  drought,  the  raw  material  for  a 
growing  dairy  industry,  the  natural  food  for  fine,  fat  stock,  and  the 
conserver  of  soil  fertility  by  its  deeply  penetrating,  nitrogen-gathering 
roots. 

Within  thirty  years  alfalfa  rose  from  comparative  insignificance 
to  the  most  important  place  in  our  agriculture.  The  reason  for  this 
quick  rise  of  alfalfa  to  dominance  lies  in  its  almost,  perfect  adaptation 
to  our  soil  and  climate,  and  to  the  abundance  of  rich  forage  which  it 
producer  The  experience  of  two  thousand  years  has  shown  that  it 
thrives  best  in  the  soils  and  climate  of  arid  and  semiarid  regions.  No 
crop  is  so  perfectly  at  home  under  irrigation  and  none  so  well  adapted 
to  withstand  the  extremes  of  heat  and  atmospheric  aridity  to  which 
it  is  often  subjected  in  this  dry  subtropical  country. 

Alfalfa  succeeds  admirably  in  all  parts  of  the  Southwest  where 
suitable  soil  and  sufficient  water  are  available.  It  is  little  affected 
by  altitudes  encountered  within  the  farming  sections  of  the  state.  It 
succeeds  in  the  Imperial  Valley  of  California,  below  the  sea-level  and 
on  the  farming  lands  around  Prescott  and  Flagstaff  at  elevations  of 
over  6,000  feet.  When  supplied  with  plenty  of  water  it  will  make 
some  growth  in  every  month  of  the  year  in  the  lower  valleys,  but  at 
the  high  elevations  of  northern  and  southeastern  Arizona  it  is 
completely  dormant  in  winter.  Seven  cuttings  are  the  rule  in  the 
vicinity  of  Yuma,  six  cuttings  in  the  Salt  River  Valley,  five  in 
the  upper  Gila  Valley,  and  from  three  to  four  at  high  altitudes  in  the 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  317 

northern  part  of  the  state.  Growth  is  most  rapid  in  spring  and  early 
summer,  and  the  second  cutting  is  usually  the  heaviest.  In  mid- 
summer, due  to  the  intense  heat  and  the  attacks  of  leaf  hoppers  and 
the  larvae  of  the  alfalfa  butterfly,  the  crop  is  usually  light,  but  with 
the  coming  of  the  cooler  weather  of  September  the  growth  is  more 
vigorous.  Varieties  differ  in  this  respect.  The  ordinary  American 
and  Turkestan  types  show  most  the  effect  of  summer  retardation 
of  growth,  whereas  the  Peruvian  and  Mediterranean  alfalfas  show 
least. 

The  Sheep  Industry.  Sheep-breeding  is  one  of  the  more  important 
agricultural  industries  of  Arizona,  and,  with  improved  management  of 
the  open  ranges  and  the  prospective  increase  of  our  irrigated  valley 
pastures,  promises  further  profitable  development.  Of  the  52,362,000 
sheep  (1912)  in  the  United  States,  valued  at  $181,170,000,  about 
1,510,000,  valued  at  $6,493,000,  are  found  in  Arizona.  Thus,  an 
industry  of  such  magnitude,  in  a  country  peculiarly  adapted  to  a 
specialized  breed,  offers  a  promising  field  for  improvement.  This  can 
be  effected  with  regard  to  both  wool  and  -mutton.  While  Arizona 
ranks  thirteenth  among  the  states  in  the  size  of  her  flocks,  she  drops 
to  fourteenth  place  in  wool  production.  From  the  standpoint  of 
mutton  production,  the  raising  of  "Early  Desert"  or  "Phoenix" 
lambs  also  seems  to  afford  an  opportunity  for  extensive  and  profitable 
development. 

The  present  era  of  sheep-raising  in  the  state  dates  from  the 
introduction,  late  in  the  seventies  and  early  in  the  eighties,  of  bands 
of  Spanish  and  French  Merino  origin  from  California.  Prior  to  this 
time,  cattle-herding  had  been  almost  the  only  range  industry,  except- 
ing among  the  Navajo  Indians  and  the  Mexican  colonists  who  had 
held  flocks  for  many  generations.  In  the  wool  of  these  first  Cali- 
fornian  flocks  came  the  seeds  of  alfilaria,  which  has  been  further 
disseminated  by  the  same  agency  until  today  it  forms  one  of  the 
most  important  forages  on  the  winter  and  spring  ranges,  materially 
promoting  the  welfare  of  the  agency  that  brought  it. 

The  Arizona  flocks,  because  of  the  predominating  Merino  blood, 
furnish  a  fine,  short-staple  wool,  classed  on  the  markets  as  "territory 
wool."  The  average  clip  for  Arizona  is  six  pounds,  but  this  includes 
the  light-fleeced  Navajos  which  lower  the  average.  The  shrinkage 
of  Arizona  wool  in  scouring  is  stated  to  be  65  per  cent,  but  valley 


318  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

sheep  should  make  a  better  showing  since  their  wool  is  dense  and  they 
are  less  exposed  to  blowing  sands.  The  light-shearing  Navajos,  of 
which  numerous  flocks  are  found  on  the  Navajo  Indian  Reservation 
in  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  furnish  a  long,  rather  coarse-staple 
wool  of  great  value  to  the  native  weavers. 

The  Sheep  Ranges  of  Arizona.  Following  the  seasons,  the  flocks 
of  northern  Arizona  migrate  from  their  summer  mountain  pasture 
in  the  north  to  the  winter  desert  ranges  farther  south,  of  which  the 
largest  lie  north  and  east  of  Phoenix.  The  cool  northern  mountain 
range  is  utilized  from  May  until  August,  when  the  flocks  begin  to 
drift  slowly  across  the  higher  mesas  toward  the  lower  desert  ranges. 
With  the  advent  of  warm  weather  in  the  spring  they  again  drift  back 
across  the  higher  mesas  to  their  summer  mountain  pastures.  Thus 
twice  each  year  the  higher  mesas  furnish  transitional  pasture,  well 
suited  to  the  needs  of  these  migratory  flocks.  Not  only  does  this 
shifting  of  the  range  keep  the  flocks  in  similar  climates  at  most  seasons 
of  the  year,  but  the  pastures  at  the  various  elevations  are  used  when 
at  their  best.  The  flocks,  moreover,  are  usually  on  or  near  the  sum- 
mer ranges  when  ready  for  market.  Thus  the  important  sheep 
centers  in  Arizona  are  found  at  Flagstaff,  Ash  Fork,  Seligman,  Canon 
Diablo,  Williams,  and  Winslow,  on  the  main  line  of  the  Sante  Fe 
Railroad  and  Prescott  on  the  branch  line  extending  to  Phoenix. 

The  summer  mountain  pastures  afford  numerous  bunch  grasses, 
such  as  pine  grass  or  Arizona  fescue,  wheat  grass,  and  mutton  grass, 
besides  grama  grasses  and  several  mountain  brome  grasses  locally 
called  "wrild  oats."  In  addition  to  grasses,  these  pastures  abound 
in  various  forage  plants  including  wild  vetches,  beans,  clovers,  gera- 
niums, yarrow,  and  other  herbs,  usually  regarded  as  weeds,  which 
make  suitable  forage  for  sheep.  Among  stockmen,  sheep  are  reputed 
to  clear  the  forests  of  weeds  in  preference  to  grass,  which  is  left  in 
large  part  for  the  cattle. 

The  higher  mesas  at  the  time  of  the  spring  migration  abound 
in  alfilaria  and  winter  bunch  grass,  and,  to  a  less  extent,  in  winter 
annuals  such  as  poppies,  lupines,  and  purple  paintbrush.  During 
the  summer  and  fall  from  July  to  October,  crowfoot  or  mesa  grama 
grass  grows  abundantly.  At  all  times  upon  the  mesas  there  is  a 
plentiful  supply  of  several  small  shrubs,  collectively  called  "ramita" 
which  are  browsed  eagerly  by  sheep. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  319 

The  pastures  of  the  irrigated  valleys  correspond  more  nearly 
to  those  of  eastern  farms.  Here  the  principal  forage  is  alfalfa, 
supplemented  by  intercultures  of  barley,  wheat,  and  oats,  and,  at 
times,  by  sorghum,  milo  maize,  and  corn.  Weeds  may  always  be 
utilized  as  forage.  During  the  winter,  valley  flocks  are  pastured  in 
part  on  the  surrounding  desert  range. 

The  lower  mesas,  or  winter  desert  ranges,  supply  an  abundance 
of  characteristic  winter  annuals,  chief  of  which  are  several  species 
of  the  well-known  Indian  wheat  and  various  representatives  of  the 
borage  and  mustard  families.  Here,  also,  alfilaria  makes  an  impor- 
tant forage,  although  less  abundant  than  on  the  higher  mesas. 

Sometimes,  however,  cold  seasons  check  the  growth  of  winter 
annuals,  and  flockmasters  reach  the  lower  ranges  to  meet  disappoint- 
ment and  loss.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  this  uncertainty  of 
winter  pasture  may  be  offset,  in  part  at  least,  by  the  use  of  silos. 
Corn  and  sorghum  may  be  grown  with  the  summer  rain  in  certain 
favored  localities  and  siloed  for  subsequent  use.  These  conditions 
have  an  important  bearing  on  the  production  of  early  lambs  for  the 
eastern  markets. 

The  extreme  conditions  of  intensely  hot  days  followed  by  chilly 
nights  which  prevail  for  several  months  each  year  in  semiarid  regions, 
where  forage  also  is  scant  and  parched,  and  water  scarce  and  saline, 
require  a  type  of  sheep  with  somewhat  different  constitutions  than 
those  of  moist  countries  with  abundance  of  cool,  succulent  pasture 
and  sweet  waters.  The  successful  type  in  the  Southwest  must  be 
active  enough  to  gather  forage  over  considerable  areas  under  an 
intense  sun,  for  there  is  usually  little  shade,  and,  at  the  same  time 
to  carry  a  fairly  dense  fleece.  Heat  resistance  requires  greater  develop- 
ment in  the  sheep  of  the  irrigated  valley  than  in  range  sheep  that 
pass  the  summer  at  higher  levels.  Another  important  feature  is 
immunity  to  the  sheep  botfly.  These  insects  are  the  cause  of  great 
mortality  among  sheep  on  the  lower  pastures  and  seem  especially 
destructive  among  the  sluggish,  heavy  mutton  breeds. 


320  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

4.    THE  BUTTE  MINING  DISTRICT1 

Like  other  midcontinental  states,  Montana  embraces  within  its 
borders  the  western  part  of  the  Great  Plains  region  and  the  eastern 
part  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  or  Cordilleran  region.  The  Mountain 
region,  comprising  the  western  third  of  the  state,  is  an  assemblage  of 
ranges  whose  eastern  front  extends  northwestward  from  the  borders 
of  the  Yellowstone  Park  to  the  Canadian  line.  Its  southern  part  is 
traversed  by  well-defined  ranges,  with  intervening  valleys  whose 
fertile  river  bottoms  and  bench  lands  are  well  settled  and  extensively 
cultivated. 

The  Butte  district  lies  in  a  well-defined  mountainous  tract  in 
the  center  of  this  system  of  ranges.  This  tract,  which  lies  mostly  in 
Jefferson  County,  has  long  been  famous  for  its  mineral  wealth.  Helena, 
the  capital  of  the  state,  stands  on  its  northern  flanks,  and  Butte, 
the  greatest  mineral-producer  of  the  country,  on  its  southern  foothills. 
The  broad  Deer  Lodge  Valley,  to  the  west,  separates  it  from  the 
towering  peaks  of  the  Mount  Powell  Range.  On  the  east  it  is  bounded 
by  a  continuous  depression,  formed  by  several  separate  valleys,  which 
cuts  it  off  from  the  higher  ranges  beyond.  The  tract  thus  outlined  is 
broad  and  relatively  low,  none  of  its  summits  exceeding  9,000  feet  in 
height,  but  it  forms  the  main  continental  watershed  separating  the 
streams  tributary  to  the  Missouri  River  from  those  flowing  into  the 
Pacific  Ocean. 

Though  often  called  the  Bowlder  Mountains,  the  tract  contains 
no  sharply  outlined  peaks,  nor  do  its  hills  constitute  a  well-defined 
range.  Its  central  part  is  covered  by  a  forest  of  small  pines,  its  lower 
slopes  are  open  and  grassy,  and  its  valleys  are  arid;  in  scenery  and 
mountain  sculpture  it  presents  a  contrast  to  the  more  alpine  type  of 
the  adjoining  ranges.  Its  geology  is  equally  distinctive,  and  in  this, 
as  in  its  geographic  relations,  it  constitutes  a  unit. 

The  city  of  Butte  is  the  largest  settlement  in  the  state.  It  is 
built  about  and  over  the  copper  mines  which  support  it  as  well  as  the 
neighboring  city,  Anaconda,  20  miles  distant,  where  the  chief  industry 
is  the  reduction  of  the  Butte  ores.     Four  transcontinental  railways 

1  Adapted  from  Walter  H.  Weed,  "Geology  and  Ore  Deposits  of  the  Butte 
District,  Montana,"  United  States  Geological  Survey,  Professional  Paper  74, 
pp.  16-22.     Mr.  Weed  is  a  member  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  321 

run  to  Butte,  and  its  traffic  surpasses  that  of  all  the  other  cities  of 
the  state  combined. 

To  one  approaching  the  city  the  general  appearance  is  most 
desolate.  Bare,  brown  slopes,  burnt  and  forbidding,  from  which  all 
vegetation  was  long  ago  driven  by  the  fumes  from  the  smelters,  rise 
from  an  almost  equally  barren  valley.  The  city  lies  toward  the  base 
of  the  slopes.  Within  it  and  dotting  all  the  hills  about  rise  red  mine 
buildings,  which,  with  the  great  heaps  of  gray  waste  rock  from  the 
mines,  form  the  most  conspicuous  feature  of  the  landscape.  The 
waters  of  Silverbow  Creek  flow  through  the  valley  toward  the  west, 
encircling  the  base  of  the  slopes.  West  of  the  city  is  the  sharply 
conical  hill,  Big  Butte,  from  which  the  city  takes  its  name.  In 
itself,  the  city  is  not  unpleasing,  showing  compact,  well-built,  brick 
business  blocks  and  many  residences  on  hills  which  command  mag- 
nificent mountain  views.  The  growth  of  the  city  northward  is 
limited  by  the  land  owned  by  the  mining  companies,  and  the  abrupt 
transition  from  compactly  built  blocks  to  the  bare  surfaces  of  many 
of  the  mining  claims  is  very  striking. 

In  the  copper  area  the  slopes  are  gridironed  by  railway  tracks 
leading  to  the  different  mines,  and  great  mine  buildings,  tall  smoke- 
stacks, and  steel  hoist  frames  mark  the  course  of  the  greater  veins. 
Throughout  the  most  of  the  silver  area  the  monotonous  aspect  of  the 
slopes  is  relieved  only  by  occasional  shaft  houses,  now  mostly  deserted, 
and  by  the  almost  innumerable  prospect  pits  and  trenches,  which 
simulate  gopher  holes.  Heaps  of  waste  are  everywhere  prominent, 
attesting  by  their  great  size  the  extent  of  the  underground  workings. 
The  many  prospect  pits  and  shafts  permit  a  tracing  of  the  veins, 
which  otherwise  would  be  in  many  places  impossible. 

The  district  is,  as  a  whole,  distinguished  by  a  lack  of  prominent 
rock  outcrops  or  strong  topographic  features.  The  Butte  alone  is 
conspicuous.  In  the  north  part  of  the  district  a  number  of  striking 
rock  outcrops  do  occur,  but  throughout  the  mineralized  area  disinte- 
gration and  decomposition  have  been  active  agents  and  good  outcrops 
are  rare. 

The  climate  is  rigorous,  owing  to  the  altitude  and  midmountain 
situation,  but  precipitation  is  not  abundant,  the  few  streams  are 
small,  and  the  water  supply  not  plentiful.  Silverbow  Creek,  the 
largest  stream,  rises  in  the  high  granite  region  to  the  north,  and 


322  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Missoula  Gulch  has  a  small  natural  supply.  A  few  springs  on  the 
otherwise  bare  and  arid  slopes  afford  scanty  flows.  The  city  has, 
however,  an  abundant  water  supply,  derived  from  the  high  peaks  to 
the  south,  and  ditches  bring  water  from  higher  levels  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Continental  Divide  for  the  use  of  the  concentrating  plants 
and  smelters.  Vegetation  is  practically  absent,  but  the  stumps  seen 
on  Anaconda  Hill  attest  a  former  forest  growth  and  Dublin  Gulch 
is  said  to  have  been  once  green  with  verdure  and  trees.  Though 
the  higher  country  near  by  is  green  and  wooded,  the  Butte  district 
was  never  abundantly  watered  nor  deeply  wooded,  resembling  in 
this  respect  the  foothill  tracts  surrounding  the  valley  outside  the 
limits  of  the  district. 

Gold  Mining.  The  discovery  of  the  rich  placer  gold  deposits  in 
1863  caused  an  extraordinary  influx  of  population  to  the  hitherto 
almost  unknown  mountainous  region  of  Montana.  A  multitude  of 
prospectors,  trained  in  the  gold  placers  of  California,  poured  into  the 
state  and  searched  every  valley  and  gulch  for  gold-bearing  gravels. 
Gold  was  first  noticed  in  the  placer  gravels  of  the  Butte  district  in 
1864.  The  following  winter  the  Summit  Valley  district  was  organized 
and  claims  were  staked  out.  Placer  mining  was  not  so  remunerative 
here  as  at  other  camps  of  the  state,  for  the  gold  was  of  low  grade. 
Several  ditch  lines  were  built,  and  in  1866-67  three  of  these  carried 
water  to  the  "diggings."  The  amount  of  gold  washed  at  Butte 
during  the  three  years  of  placer  mining  has  been  estimated  at 
$1,500,000. 

The  quartz  veins  prominent  on  the  hillsides  about  the  placer  field 
were  promptly  located  by  the  early  miners.  Claims  along  the  Rain- 
bow lode  at  Walkerville,  a  suburb  of  Butte,  were  located  in  the  middle 
sixties;  and  at  the  Mountain  Chief  mine,  ore  was  taken  out,  shipped 
by  wagon  train  to  Fort  Benton  and  by  steamer  down  the  Missouri, 
eventually  reaching  Newark,  New  Jersey.  The  town  of  Butte  was 
laid  out  in  the  fall  of  1866  and  reached  its  greatest  prosperity  of  this, 
its  early  stage,  in  1867-68;  later  it  was  nearly  deserted  until  1875, 
when  copper-smelting  began.  After  this  it  grew  rapidly  and  became 
a  city  in  1879. 

Silver  Mining.  No  excitement  arose  over  silver  ores  until  the 
rich  oreshoot  of  the  Travona  mine  was  found  in  1865.  No  important 
development  of  the  property  occurred  until   1876,  when  the  first 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  323 

successful  treatment  of  the  silver  ores  of  the  district  was  commenced. 
The  climax  of  what  may  be  called  the  silver  period  of  Butte's  history 
was  reached  in  1887.  The  period  of  active  silver  mining  continued 
until  1892,  when,  in  common  with  other  silver-producers,  the  Butte 
mines  were  almost  prostrated  by  the  decline  in  the  price  of  silver. 
The  present  importance  of  Butte  as  a  producer  of  silver  and  gold  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  each  pound  of  copper  produced  contains  0.0375 
ounce  of  silver  and  $0.0025  in  gold,  or  approximately  $0,021^  in 
precious  metals. 

Copper  Mining.  The  advent  of  the  railroads  marked  the  begin- 
ning of  Butte's  prosperity.  The  Utah  Northern,  which  was  finished 
to  Butte  in  1881,  gave  access  through  Ogden  to  the  markets  of  the 
world  over  the  Union  Pacific  lines.  In  1888,  the  Montana  Central 
Railway,  which  for  some  months  had  been  racing  with  the  Northern 
Pacific  to  get  to  Butte,  was  completed  and  thrown  open  for  traffic. 
A  few  years  later  the  Northern  Pacific  built  a  fine  from  Three  Forks 
direct  to  Butte.  The  Montana  Union  Road  from  Butte  to  Garrison, 
on  the  Northern  Pacific,  built  by  the  Union  Pacific  interests,  was 
finished  in  1893.  It  is  now  owned  and  operated  by  the  Northern 
Pacific  system.  The  main  fine  of  the  Chicago,  Milwaukee  &  Puget 
Sound  Railroad  runs  through  Butte. 

In  the  year  1883  the  Anaconda  Company  commenced  the  erection 
near  Anaconda,  about  27  miles  west  of  Butte,  of  what  soon  became 
one  of  the  largest  copper-smelting  plants  of  the  world.  The  organi- 
zation of  the  Amalgamated  Copper  Company,  in  1899,  was  one  of 
the  most  important  events  in  the  history  of  Butte.  As  a  holding 
corporation  this  company  soon  acquired  control  of  the  larger  copper 
properties  of  the  district,  and  now  controls  all  the  large  mines. 

The  enormous  value  of  its  metallic  product  makes  the  Butte 
district  the  most  important  mining  center  in  the  United  States  and 
the  second  greatest  in  the  world.  Its  annual  production  is  exceeded 
in  value  only  by  that  of  the  Rand,  in  South  Africa,  which  was 
$101,000,000  in  1905  against  about  $65,000,000  for  Butte.  Up  to 
the  close  of  1906  the  total  product  of  the  Butte  district  may  be 
roughly  estimated  at  $650,000,000,  which  is  considerably  in  excess 
of  that  of  Leadville  and  probably  about  that  of  the  Comstock  lode. 

It  is  not  possible  to  obtain  strictly  accurate  data  concerning  the 
early  production  of  the  district,  for  in  the  pioneer  days  no  records 


324  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

were  made  and  in  later  years  some  of  the  larger  companies,  for  business 
reasons,  have  not  been  willing  to  disclose  their  exact  output.  The 
statistics  presented  in  various  publications,  however,  show  that  up  to 
January  i,  1906,  971,000  ounces  of  gold,  194,000,000  ounces  of  silver, 
and  3,961,000,000  pounds  of  copper  were  mined  in  the  district. 
Silver  in  the  district  is  now  mainly  a  by-product  of  copper  mining, 
the  copper  ores  containing  about  f  ounce  of  silver  to  20  pounds  of 
copper,  or,  in  value,  about  14  per  cent  of  silver  to  86  per  cent  of 
copper  (1906).1 

5.    WATER  RESOURCES  OF  CALIFORNIA3 

The  water  problem  in  California,  as  in  most  states  lying  west 
of  the  Mississippi  River,  is  one  of  great  economic  importance.  The 
East  has  no  water  problem  comparable  in  magnitude  with  that  of 
the  West.  To  give  an  idea  of  the  significance  of  the  problem  as 
it  exists  today  in  California  is  the  purpose  of  this  paper. 

California,  the  second  largest  state  in  the  Union,  includes  approxi- 
mately 160,000  square  miles  of  the  extreme  southwest  of  the  United 
States.  Its  latitude  is  equivalent  in  range  to  that  part  of  the  Atlantic 
Coast  extending  from  Boston  to  Savannah.  Partly  because  of  its 
position  and  partly  because  of  its  diversified  topography  it  is  a  region 
of  great  climatic  contrasts. 

The  Rainfall.  Precipitation,  the  only  element  of  climate  here 
considered,  ranges  from  1  or  2  inches  per  year,  on  the  average,  in  the 
Mohave  Desert,  to  more  than  100  inches  per  year  in  the  Sierra 
Nevada  Mountains.  Within  the  state  are  also  included  the  region 
of  greatest  known  snowfall  in  the  United  States  and  regions  in  which 
snow  of  measurable  amount  has  never  been  known  to  fall. 

There  is  a  general  increase  in  average  precipitation  from  the 
southeast  to  the  northwest,   the  mountains  are  regions  of  heavy 

1  The  Butte  district  ranks  first  among  the  copper-producing  districts  of  the 
United  States,  its  output  in  1916  being  17.42  per  cent  of  the  total  for  the  entire 
country.  It  produced  30.16  per  cent  of  the  total  output  of  blister  copper  in 
the  United  States  from  1868  to  1016  inclusive.  In  1916,  Montana  ranked 
second  to  Arizona  in  copper  production  {Mineral  Resources  of  the  United  States, 
1016,  Part  I,  pp.  636-88). 

2  Adapted  from  Andrew  H.  Palmer,  "Water  Power  in  California,"  Journal  of 
Geography,  February,  iqiq,  pp.  41-53.  Mr.  Palmer  is  meteorologist  in  the  United 
States  Weather  Bureau. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  325 

precipitation,  while  the  interior  basins  and  the  southeastern  plateau 
regions  have  deficient  precipitation.  Records  show  that  there  is  an 
increase  in  average  annual  precipitation  up  to  a  height  of  5,000  feet,  in 
the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  a  decrease  above  that  height.  The  average 
annual  rate  of  increase  up  to  5,000  feet  is  about  8.5  inches  for  every 
1,000  feet.  The  ultimate  source  of  practically  all  the  rainfall  in 
California  is  the  Pacific  Ocean.  As  the  moisture  from  it  is  brought 
in  by  westerly  winds,  the  eastern  and  northeastern  slopes  of  the 
mountains  receive  much  less  precipitation  than  the  western  and 
southwestern  slopes.  The  rainfall  is  unequally  distributed  through- 
out the  year,  winter  being  the  wet  season,  and  summer  the  dry  season. 
Toward  the  north  the  distribution  of  rainfall  through  the  year 
becomes  more  nearly  equalized.  In  southern  California  about  90 
per  cent  of  the  annual  precipitation  occurs  during  the  winter  half- 
year,  while  in  northern  California  the  proportion  is  about  75  per 
cent. 

The  heaviest  recorded  precipitation  for  a  calendar  year  in  Cali- 
fornia is  156.90  inches,  which  occurred  in  191 1  at  La  Porte,  Plumas 
County  (Sierra  Nevada),  altitude  5,000  feet.  Nearly  every  year  at 
one  or  more  stations  precipitation  is  recorded  exceeding  100  inches. 
As  the  greater  part  of  the  annual  precipitation  occurs  during  six 
months,  extraordinary  amounts  sometimes  fall  within  short  intervals. 
The  greatest  amount  recorded  in  one  month  is  71.54  inches,  which 
fell  during  January,  1909,  at  Helen  Mine,  Lake  County  (Coast 
Range),  altitude  2,750  feet.  The  greatest  amount  recorded  in  24 
hours  is  16.71  inches,  which  fell  January  16-17,  1916,  at  Squirrel  Inn, 
San  Bernardino  County,  altitude  5,280  feet.  At  Campo,  San  Diego 
County,  altitude  2,543  feet,  11.50  inches  of  rain  fell  in  1  hour  and  20 
minutes,  on  August  12,  1891.  The  significance  of  these  figures  is 
apparent  when  it  is  realized  that  1  inch  of  rain  is  equivalent  to  more 
than  100  tons  of  water  to  the  acre. 

By  way  of  contrast,  consider  the  record  of  Bagdad,  San  Ber- 
nardino County,  altitude  784  feet,  where  no  measurable  rain  fell 
from  October  3,  191 2,  to  November  8,  1914,  inclusive — a  period  of 
more  than  two  years.  At  Indio,  Riverside  County,  20  feet  below 
sea-level,  no  measurable  rain  fell  from  November,  1893,  to  January, 
1895,  a  period  of  more  than  a  year.  At  several  stations  in  the 
Imperial  Valley  and  at  one  in  Death  Vallev.  both  of  which  depressions 


326  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

are  below  sea-level,  there  have  been  periods  of  a  year  in  which  less 
than  an  inch  of  rain  fell. 

Snowfall.  Since  most  of  the  precipitation  comes  during  the 
winter  season,  the  elevated  portions  of  the  state  have  abundant 
snowfall.  Tamarack,  Alpine  County  (Sierra  Nevada),  altitude  8,000 
feet,  has  an  average  winter  snowfall  of  43.4  feet,  based  upon  a  record 
of  eight  years.  Nearly  all  of  the  stations  in  the  higher  portions  of 
the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  receive  more  than  100  inches  of  snow 
every  winter.  The  greatest  amount  recorded  during  one  winter  is 
73.7  feet,  which  fell  at  Tamarack  during  the  winter  of  1906-07. 
From  40  to  50  feet  of  snow  has  been  known  to  accumulate  on  the 
ground  at  one  time  in  the  high  Sierra  Nevada.  Professor  R.  DeC. 
Ward  states: 

The  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  well  deserve  their  name.  To  them 
California  owes  much,  if  not  most,  of  her  present  prosperity  and  her  promise 
for  future  growth  and  development.  The  many  feet  of  winter  snowfall 
which  accumulate  on  the  upper  slopes  mean  millions  upon  millions  of 
dollars  each  year  to  the  farmers  and  fruit-growers  of  southern  California. 
Were  all  this  precipitation  to  fall  as  rain,  every  winter  would  witness 
devastating  floods,  and  every  summer  would  wither  and  destroy  the  crops. 

As  may  be  surmised  from  the  foregoing  data,  California  has 
a  water  problem  of  great  complexity.  The  foundation  of  it  lies  in 
the  nature  of  the  precipitation,  i.e.,  its  irregular  distribution  both 
in  time  and  place.  Irrigation,  floods,  city  water  supply,  and  water 
power  are  all  intimately  related  subdivisions  of  the  general  water 
problem. 

Controls  of  Water  Power.  There  are  five  well-recognized  factors 
which  control  the  flow  of  streams  and  therefore  determine  the  water- 
power  available  at  any  time.  With  particular  reference  to  conditions 
obtaining  in  California,  these  are  as  follows: 

1.  Climate:  For  California  the  climatic  features  here  involved 
and  discussed  at  length  in  the  introductory  paragraphs  may  be 
summarized  thus:  deficient  precipitation  in  the  lowlands,  abundant 
precipitation  (mostly  snow)  in  the  mountains,  nearly  all  of  it  occur- 
ring during  the  winter  half-year,  while  the  summer  half-year  is 
everywhere  dry  and  hot  with  excessive  evaporation  and  almost 
unbroken   sunshine.     All  these  features  conspire   to  produce  high 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  327 

water  in  the  streams  during  the  first  six  months  of  the  year  and  low 
water  during  the  latter  six  months. 

2.  Topography:  In  contrast  to  much  of  the  eastern  United 
States  the  country  west  of  the  Missouri  is  characterized  by  physio- 
graphic immaturity.  It  is  a  region  of  marked  topographic  contrasts 
with  swiftly  flowing  streams  of  sharp  gradient  and  correspondingly 
high  potentialities  for  power  development.  The  states  of  Washington, 
Oregon,  and  California  alone  are  estimated  to  have  40  per  cent  of  the 
developable  water-power  of  the  country.  Moreover,  the  collection 
of  water  in  natural  or  artificial  reservoirs  at  considerable  heights  in 
such  a  region  makes  possible  the  development  of  power  plants  where 
the  head  or  pressure  is  great. 

3.  Underlying  Rock:  The  permeability  of  the  underlying  rock  is 
an  important  consideration.  In  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains,  where 
most  of  California's  water-power  is  to  be  found,  the  rocks  are  of 
great  variety,  but  they  are  mostly  hard  granites,  more  or  less  imper- 
vious to  water  and  not  easily  eroded. 

4.  Vegetation:  Whether  or  not  the  headwaters  and  drainage 
basin  of  a  stream  are  forested,  determines  in  large  measure  the  rate 
of  run-off.  Generally  speaking,  when  the  headwaters  of  a  stream 
are  densely  forested  the  run-off  is  slow  and  steady;  while,  if  the 
forest  cover  has  been  removed  or  the  basin  is  naturally  bare  of  vege- 
tation, the  run-off  is  sporadic,  and  destructive  floods  are  frequent. 

5.  Artificial  Agencies:  Reservoirs,  either  in  the  form  of  natural 
lakes  or  artificial  dams,  naturally  affect  the  flow  of  streams  to  a 
large  extent.  In  California  there  are  comparatively  few  natural 
lakes  of  large  size  along  the  streams.  Artificial  dams,  however,  are 
numerous  and  increasing  in  number  from  year  to  year. 

Hydroelectric  Development  in  California.  The  great  modern  devel- 
opments of  industrial  power  have  been  those  connected  with  elec- 
tricity and  oil,  and  while  California  is  remote  from  commercial  coal 
supplies,  in  both  of  ihese  new  sources  of  power  the  state  ranks  high. 
About  70  per  cent  of  the  power  used  comes  from  fuel  oil  and  natural 
gas,  and  about  20  per  cent  from  water-power.  But  the  oil  output 
will  soon  have  attained  its  maximum  and  will  begin  to  decline,  and  the 
total  power  requirements  increase  from  10  to  15  per  cent  per  annum. 

The  first  hydroelectric  plants  in  California  were  primarily  experi- 
ments, and  the  energy  was  used  locally  to  operate  mills  and  mining 


328  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

machinery.  The  first  commercial  hydroelectric  high-tension  trans- 
mission in  the  state  was  the  plant  erected  in  the  town  of  Folsom  in 
1895.  It  supplied  the  city  of  Sacramento.  Since  that  time  develop- 
ment has  been  rapid.  Today  19  power  companies  operate  80  plants, 
producing  nearly  700,000  horse-power  and  supplying  electrical  power 
to  596  cities  and  towns. 

The  progress  of  electrochemistry  and  the  rapid  industrial  develop- 
ment of  California  explain  in  a  measure  the  rapidly  increasing  use  of 
hydroelectric  power.  While  agriculture  has  long  been  the  leading 
occupation  in  the  state  and  perhaps  will  remain  the  leading  one  for 
some  time  to  come,  manufacturing  is  increasing  at  a  more  rapid  rate 
than  is  agriculture.  According  to  the  California  Development  Board, 
the  value  of  California  manufactures  has  increased  from  $67,000,000 
in  1870  to  $750,000,000  in  1917. 

Irrigation.  Successful  agriculture  requires  that  the  land  shall 
receive  a  minimum  of  18  inches  of  water  per  year.  A  large  part  of 
California — including  most  of  the  southern  part  of  the  state,  all  of 
the  San  Joaquin  Valley,  much  of  the  Sacramento  Valley,  and  a  portion 
of  the  northeastern  plateau  region — have  an  average  annual  precipi- 
tation of  less  than  that  amount.  By  means  of  artificial  irrigation, 
however,  much  of  this  land  has  been  reclaimed,  and  as  a  result  Cali- 
fornia ranks  high  in  agriculture,  particularly  in  horticulture.  The 
Census  of  1910  shows  that  39,352  (44.6  per  cent)  of  the  88,197  farms 
were  irrigated.  The  area  irrigated  was  about  2,664,000  acres.  Tn 
the  1916  report  of  the  California  State  Board  of  Agriculture  it  is 
stated  that  84  per  cent  of  the  irrigation  water  used  in  the  state  came 
from  streams,  13.2  per  cent  from  pumped  wells,  and  only  0.6  per 
cent  from  artificial  reservoirs. 

Water-power  and  irrigation  are  intimately  related  phases  of  the 
larger  water  problem,  and  neither  can  be  discussed  without  a  refer- 
ence to  the  other.  In  water-power  development  little  or  no  water 
is  consumed,  as  it  is  in  irrigation.  The  power  plants  simply  extract 
the  potential  energy  of  the  water  as  it  descends  and  make  no  further 
use  of  it  after  it  has  passed  the  water  wheels  or  turbines.  The  power 
plants  are  situated  in  the  mountains,  while  the  agricultural  fields 
are  in  the  lowlands  and  foothills.  Hence  it  would  appear  that  there 
should  be  no  conflict  in  water  rights.  There  has  been,  however, 
an  unfortunate  antagonism  between  users  of  irrigation  water  and 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES 


32C 


power  interests,  an  antagonism  which  to  some  extent  has  delayed 
water-power  development.  The  ranchmen  desire  the  water  to  come 
down  from  the  mountains  in  large  quantities  during  the  dry  season, 
while  the  power  plants  can  use  it  only  at  a  regular  rate,  more  or  less 
constant  throughout  the  year. 

Flood  Control.  Though  much  of  the  lowland  of  California  has 
deficient  precipitation,  it  is  nevertheless  subject  to  destructive  floods. 
Notable  floods  occurred  along  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joaquin 
rivers  in  1907,  1909,  and  191 1,  in  the  vicinity  of  Los  Angeles  in  1914, 
and  in  the  vicinity  of  San  Diego  in  19 16.  The  first-named  floods 
were  due  primarily  to  warm  spells  in  midwinter,  with  rain  falling  in 
the  Sierra  Nevada  while  the  ground  was  deeply  covered  with  snow. 
The  last-named  flood  was  due  primarily  to  excessively  heavy  rain- 
fall throughout  southern  California.  When  it  is  remembered  that 
most  of  the  heavy  precipitation  comes  within  a  period  of  six  months 
and  sometimes  within  a  shorter  period,  the  cause  of  floods  can  readily 
be  understood;  and  when  monthly  and  daily  excesses  of  precipitation 
like  those  mentioned  in  the  introductory  paragraphs  of  this  article 
occur,  it  is  evident  that  floods  also  contribute  another  factor  to  the 
California  water  problem. 

City  Water  Supply.  When  cities  are  small  their  water  needs  can 
easily  be  satisfied;  but  when  they  attain  the  size  of  San  Francisco 
or  Los  Angeles  the  domestic  water  supply  becomes  a  matter  of 
considerable  importance  and  involves  heavy  expenditure.  The 
development  of  the  water  supply  in  each  of  these  cities  merits 
attention. 

At  the  present  time  San  Francisco  is  constructing  at  an  enor- 
mous cost  an  aqueduct  from  the  Hetch  Hetchy  district  which  is 
designed  to  deliver  by  force  of  gravity  a  quantity  of  water  some- 
what in  excess  of  400  million  gallons  daily — under  extreme  con- 
ditions 500  million  gallons.  When  completed,  the  aqueduct  from  the 
intake  to  the  center  of  San  Francisco  will  be  189  miles  long.  When 
construction  was  begun,  in  191 2,  the  city  did  not  propose  in  the 
immediate  future  to  build  any  plant  for  the  development  of  hydro- 
electric power.  Power  development  was  considered  subordinate 
to  domestic  water  supply.  But  the  city  planned  carefully  to  con- 
serve all  reasonable  opportunities  for  power  development  against 
the  time  when  it  would  become  expedient  to  use  them. 


33°  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Though  at  this  present  moment  the  aqueduct  is  not  complete, 
the  power  is  already  needed.  About  one-half  of  the  electric  street 
railway  lines  in  San  Francisco  are  municipally  owned,  and  plans 
are  under  way  for  the  purchase  of  the  remaining  privately  owned 
lines.  Furthermore,  an  electric  street-lighting  system  is  at  present 
being  installed  which,  when  completed,  will  be  one  of  the  most 
efficient  in  the  United  States.  Municipal  needs  for  electric  power 
have  become  almost  as  urgent  as  domestic  water  needs.  In  view 
of  these  conditions,  a  4,000  horse-power  hydroelectric  plant  was 
installed  on  the  Hetch  Hetchy  aqueduct  and  is  already  in  operation. 
It  is  estimated  that  in  three  years  San  Francisco  will  have  surplus 
power  for  sale  and  that  the  receipts  from  this  source  will  practi- 
cally pay  interest  on  the  cost  of  the  mountain  development  of  the 
system. 

A  few  years  ago  Los  Angeles  recognized  that  its  future  growth 
was  dependent  upon  an  adequate  water  supply.  At  huge  cost  an 
aqueduct  259  miles  in  length  was  constructed  to  reservoirs  in  the 
Owens  Valley,  near  the  eastern  base  of  Mount  Whitney.  In  its 
construction,  also,  power  development  was  a  subordinate  consider- 
ation, though  provision  was  made  for  future  utilization  when  the 
demand  should  justify  the  installation  of  power  plants.  In  1917 
there  were  three  hydroelectric  power  plants  in  operation  along  the 
Los  Angeles  aqueduct,  and  these  were  capable  of  generating  40,456 
horse-power. 

Future  Development.  The  United  States  Geological  Survey  is 
authority  for  the  statement  that  the  water-power  in  California  ranges 
from  over  3,200,000  horse-power  at  low  water  to  7,800,000  horse- 
power at  high  water.  In  19 17  less  than  8  per  cent  of  the  available 
power  was  being  utilized.  There  are  various  indications  that  this 
proportion  will  be  materially  increased  during  the  next  few  years. 
Rapid  industrial  development,  increasing  municipal  needs  of  power 
for  electric  sfreet  and  interurban  railways  and  for  street-lighting, 
additional  power  for  pumping  irrigation  water  when  no  wind  is 
available — all  these  demand  accelerated  hydroelectric  development. 
In  1914  there  was  about  500,000  primary  horse-power  used  in  manu- 
factures. It  is  estimated  that  the  demand  in  1918  is  about  50  per 
cent  greater.  Ocean  steamers  are  given  preference  in  coal  deliveries, 
oil  and  labor  are  increasingly  difficult  to  obtain,  and  the  price  of 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  331 

each  is  steadily  rising.  Increased  hydroelectric  development  would 
ease  the  situation,  and  the  benefits  derived  would  extend  beyond  the 
borders  of  the  state. 

As  water-power  consumes  no  fuel,  its  substitution  for  steam 
power  would  release  to  other  uses  all  the  extensive  transportation 
facilities  now  engaged  in  moving  fuel.  It  would  also  release  a  con- 
siderable volume  of  labor  which  could  be  used  to  advantage  in  other 
fields.  In  191 7  there  were  some  3,000  miles  of  electric  railways  in 
California,  the  greater  porportion  of  which  were  operated  by  hydro- 
electric power.  Eventually  all  of  this  mileage  and  more  will  be 
so  operated.  There  were  also  over  12,000  miles  of  steam  railroads 
in  operation.  In  time  a  large  portion  of  this  mileage  will  be  electri- 
fied. Plans  are  already  under  consideration  by  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad  to  electrify  its  mountain  division.  The  Western  Pacific 
Railroad  crosses  the  Sierras  along  the  Feather  River  Canyon,  at  the 
very  edge  of  a  mountain  torrent  in  which  more  energy  goes  to  waste 
each  year  than  is  generated  in  all  the  steam  locomotives  operated 
by  that  company. 

The  future  of  water-power  development  in  California,  however, 
is  not  without  its  difficulties.  Some  of  the  undeveloped  power 
sites  are  too  remote  from  the  market  to  be  utilized  at  present,  and 
an  uncertain  number  are  not  yet  commerical  prospects.  The  initial 
cost  of  installation  of  a  modern  hydroelectric  plant  is  relatively 
high,  and  for  that  reason  water-power  development  is  necessarily 
delayed  when  the  demands  for  capital  are  so  varied  and  urgent  as 
they  are  at  present.  In  order  to  prevent  unavoidable  interruptions 
of  hydroelectric  power  an  auxiliary  steam  plant  is  necessary,  and 
this  adds  to  the  cost.  For  sentimental  reasons  various  waterfalls, 
which  are  situated  in  recreation  centers  like  the  Yosemite  National 
Park  and  are  aesthetically  beautiful,  will  not  be  immediately  avail- 
able for  development,  but  must  eventually  be  put  to  use.  Further- 
more, California  is  a  region  of  frequent  earthquake  disturbance. 
Weather  Bureau  records  show  that  this  is  the  region  of  greatest 
instability  in  the  whole  United  States.  However,  engineers  now 
take  these  seismic  disturbances  into  consideration  in  planning  dams 
and  aqueducts,  which,  as  at  present  constructed,  are  practically 
earthquake-proof  so  far  as  these  frequent  but  slight  disturbances 
are  coi>cerned. 


332  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

6.    THE  VALLEY  OF  CALIFORNIA1 

The  Great  Interior  Valley  of  California,  which  occupies  the  central 
part  of  the  state,  is  almost  500  miles  in  length  with  an  average  width 
of  between  40  and  50  miles,  and  extends  in  a  general  northwest- 
southeast  direction  from  the  city  of  Redding  on  the  north,  to  a 
point  south  of  Bakersfield.  It  is  flanked  on  its  eastern  side  by  the 
Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  and  on  its  western  side  by  the  Coast 
Ranges.  The  valley  is  inclosed  around  its  northern  end  by  the 
Klamath  Mountains,  connecting  the  east-side  and  west-side  ranges, 
and  around  its  southern  end  by  the  Tehachapi  Mountains,  which 
likewise  may  be  considered  as  the  merging,  in  this  part  of  the  state, 
of  the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  and  the  Coast  Ranges.  The  bound- 
ary of  the  valley  on  all  sides  is  relatively  distinct,  but  somewhat  more 
so  on  the  western  than  on  the  eastern  side.  The  ends  are  rounded 
or  blunt  rather  than  sharply  pointed.  The  Golden  Gate  at  San 
Francisco  is  a  break  in  the  Coast  Ranges  through  which  the  drainage 
waters  find  an  outlet  to  the  west.  However,  the  bottom  of  this 
opening  across  the  mountain  ranges  is  lower  than  sea-level,  so  that  the 
sea  advances  as  an  arm  through  the  ranges  into  the  valley.  The 
rivers  of  the  valley,  therefore,  enter  the  sea  within  the  valley,  and  do 
not  flow  as  rivers  across  the  inclosing  ranges.  Elsewhere  the  inclosing 
ranges  are  practically  unbroken. 

That  part  of  the  Great  Interior  Valley  lying  north  of  the  drainage 
outlet  through  the  Coast  Ranges  is  known  as  the  Sacramento  Valley, 
being  drained  by  the  Sacramento  River,  which  enters  the  valley  as 
a  large  stream  through  a  gorge  in  the  inclosing  ranges  at  its  northern 
end.  The  southern  and  larger  part  is  known  as  the  San  Joaquin 
Valley,  and  is  drained  by  the  San  Joaquin  River,  which  is  formed 
largely  within  the  valley  by  the  union  of  a  number  of  streams  from 
the  surrounding  mountains,  mainly  from  the  Sierra  Nevada  Moun- 
tains.    The  two  main  streams  mentioned  unite  just  inside  the  break 

1  Adapted  from  the  following  Reports  of  Field  Operations  of  the  Bureau  of  Soils, 
United  States  Department  of  Agriculture:  J.  W.  Nelson,  J.  E.  Guernsey,  L.  C. 
Holmes,  and  E.  C.  Eckmann,  "Reconnoissance  Soil  Survey  of  the  Lower  San 
Joaquin  Valley,  California,"  1918,  pp.  7-17;  L.  C.  Holmes  and  J.  W.  Nelson, 
"Reconnoissance  Soil  Survey  of  the  Sacramento  Valley,  California,"  191 5,  pp.  9-15, 
147-48;  A.  T.  Strahorn.  J.  W.  Nelson,  L.  C.  Holmes,  and  E.  C.  Eckmann,  "Soil 
Survey  of  the  Fresno  Area,  California,"  191 2,  pp.  2092,  2165-66. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  333 

in  the  Coast  Ranges.  There  is  no  natural  boundary  between  the  two 
main  valleys,  as  they  merge  at  the  confluence  of  the  north  and  south 
drainage  in  a  low  region  belonging  as  much  to  one  valley  as  to  the 
other. 

The  Great  Interior  Valley  consists  of  a  broad,  basin-like  valley 
which  has  been  filled  to  unknown  depths  by  wash  from  the  inclosing 
mountains.  This  vast  amount  of  valley-filling  material  has  been 
deposited  by  different  agencies,  operating  through  long  periods  of  time. 
It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  deposits  were  accumulated  in  salt  or 
brackish  water,  while  others  were  laid  down  in  fresh  water.  It  is 
likely,  however,  that  most  or  nearly  all  of  the  present  surface  deposits 
were  distributed  across  land  surfaces  as  alluvial-fan  and  flood-plain 
material  by  the  present  streams  or  their  counterparts.  It  is  only 
along  the  margins  of  the  valley  that  consolidated  rocks  which  repre- 
sent much  earlier  formations  of  both  sedimentary  and  igneous  char- 
acter are  encountered.  The  side  slopes  of  the  valley  have  a  relatively 
low  gradient  and  are  longer  on  the  east  side  than  on  the  west,  owing 
to  the  larger  quantities  and  coarser  texture  of  filling  material  carried 
in  from  the  eastern  mountains.  Regular  slopes  seldom  extend  to  the 
trough  of  the  valley,  usually  being  marked  in  their  lower  parts  by 
flattened  or  basin-like  surfaces. 

Drainage.  The  drainage  of  the  area  is  effected  by  a  large  number 
of  streams  which  flow  down  the  valley  slopes  approximately  at  right 
angles  to  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joaquin  rivers.  The  streams  of 
the  east  side  enter  the  valley  through  intrenched  bottoms  or  minor 
alluvial  valleys  and  proceed  to  the  main  valley  trough  without  receiv- 
ing any  lateral  drainage,  while  those  on  the  west  side  are  less  well 
defined  and  have  no  alluvial  bottoms.  All  of  the  main  streams  come 
from  the  east  side  of  the  valley  and  pursue  rather  parallel  courses  to 
the  valley  trough,  where  they  join  the  main  valley  drainage.  The 
west  side  of  the  valley  contributes  relatively  little  drainage,  owing  to 
the  less  extensive  watersheds  and  lower  precipitation.  In  the  south- 
ern part  of  its  valley  the  Sacramento  is  an  aggrading  rather  than  an 
eroding  stream.  It  has  built  natural  levees,  therefore,  along  its 
banks,  which  stand  a  few  feet  higher  than  the  land  back  of  them  and 
between  them  and  the  riverward  termination  of  the  alluvial  fans  built 
by  the  streams  entering  the  valley.  These  low  areas  are  called 
*  basins,"  the  most  important  being  the  Sutter  Basin,  on  the  east 


334  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

side  of  the  river  south  of  the  Marysville  Buttes,  the  American  Basin 
on  the  east  side  just  above  Sacramento,  the  Colusa  Basin  on  the  west 
side  of  the  river  opposite  the  Sutter  Basin,  and  the  Yolo  Basin  across 
the  river  from  Sacramento. 

The  control  of  flood  waters  is  one  of  the  most  immediate  problems 
in  the  agricultural  development  of  the  Sacramento  Valley.  Large 
expenditures  have  been  made  in  the  construction  and  maintenance  of 
levees,  and  a  fairly  efficient  system  protects  much  of  the  valley  in 
years  of  ordinary  or  low  rainfall.  Previous  efforts  have  been  some- 
what without  organization,  but  comprehensive  plans,  with  considera- 
tion for  all  the  complicated  factors  involved,  are  now  being  worked 
out.  Much  of  the  valley  floor  cannot  be  farmed  because  of  periodic 
overflow.  In  addition  to  protection  from  surplus  waters,  drainage 
has  been  supplied  to  relieve  certain  soils  of  sluggish  internal  drainage. 
The  systems  are  in  most  cases  effective  and  of  the  open-ditch  type, 
drainage  water  being  largely  pumped  from  the  area  over  the  inclosing 
levees.  Such  drainage  will  be  necessary  for  other  areas  of  low  basin 
land  now  being  reclaimed  from  overflow.  Water  storage  in  properly 
placed  reservoirs  will  no  doubt  aid  in  the  problem  of  protecting  the 
main  valley  trough  from  floods,  and  many  of  the  valley-slope  soils 
from  intermittent  overflow. 

The  lower  San  Joaquin  Valley  as  a  whole  has  better  surface 
drainage  and  is  subject  to  less  destructive  floods  than  the  Sacramento 
Valley.  The  poorest-drained  parts  are  the  San  Joaquin  Delta 
region  and  the  flat  region  adjoining  the  trough  of  the  valley,  which 
have  slight  fall  and  receive  surplus  water  from  both  adjacent  valley 
slopes  and  from  the  overflow  of  the  San  Joaquin  River. 

The  level  of  the  ground  water  is  dangerously  high  in  a  large 
part  of  the  area  about  Fresno  and  is  still  rising  in  some  portions  of 
the  irrigated  sections.  Drainage  would  remove  this  danger  and  aid 
in  the  removal  of  the  alkali. 

Soil.  The  soils  of  the  California  Valley  occur  in  great  complexity. 
They  are  closely  identified  with  the  various  rock  masses  of  the  parallel 
ranges  of  mountains  bordering  the  valley.  The  valley  has  undergone 
several  important  transitions  which  have  had  an  important  effect  on 
the  soils.  They  are  broadly  divided  into  five  general  groups, 
(i)  Residual  soils  from  consolidated  rocks,  largely  along  the  valley 
margins.     (2)  Soils  derived  from  old  valley-filling  material  consisting 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  335 

of  the  weathered  and  otherwise  altered  products  of  unconsolidated 
water-laid  deposits.  These  largely  occupy  positions  along  the  outer 
valley  slopes  or  rolling  areas,  at  elevations  relatively  lower  than 
those  of  the  residual  soils.  (3)  Soils  derived  from  alluvial  and  recent 
alluvial  fan  deposits  which  occupy  the  lower  parts  of  the  valley 
or  the  valley  slopes  now  largely  within  the  influence  of  modern 
streams.  A  wide  range  of  soils  is  found  within  this  province,  and 
upon  them  the  greater  part  of  the  intensive  agricultural  development 
of  the  region  has  taken  place.  (4)  Windlaid  soils,  which  are  of  moder- 
ate extent,  but  of  wide  occurrence.  (5)  Soils  of  miscellaneous  char- 
acter. 

Throughout  the  California  Valley  large  areas  are  affected  by 
injurious  quantities  of  alkali.  One  of  the  largest  areas  is  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Sacramento  Valley,  in  regions  of  low  gradient 
and  stagnated  drainage,  bordering  the  "basins"  of  that  locality. 

Climate.  The  climate  of  this  area  is  characterized  by  a  rainy 
winter  season  and  a  dry  summer  season.  The  winter  days  usually 
are  rainy,  cloudy,  or  foggy  and  cool,  but  some  bright,  warm  days  are 
interspersed;  the  summer  is  marked  by  practically  cloudless  days, 
low  humidity,  and  high  temperature.  The  winter  season  commonly 
is  considered  as  extending  from  November  to  April,  although  there 
are  wide  variations  in  the  duration  of  the  rainy  period. 

Precipitation.  The  rainfall  of  the  California  Valley  decreases 
from  north  to  south,  and  with  minor  exceptions  is  considerably  less  on 
the  western  side  of  the  valley  than  on  the  eastern  side.  The  heaviest 
precipitation  occurs  in  the  higher  region  along  the  eastern  margin  of 
the  valley.  Red  Bluff,  in  the  northern  extremity  of  Sacramento 
Valley,  has  an  annual  rainfall  of  24.9  inches;  Sacramento  at  the 
southern  end,  19.28  inches;  Stockton,  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
San  Joaquin  Valley,  14.57  inches;  Fresno  in  the  central  part,  10.04 
inches;   and  Bakersfield,  in  the  extreme  southern  part,  5.39  inches. 

The  rainfall  is  well  distributed  through  the  winter  months,  and 

owing  to  the  gentle  manner  in  which  most  of  it  falls,  it  is  nearly  all 

absorbed  by  the  soil,  which  is  moistened  to  considerable  depths  where 

subsoil    conditions    are    favorable.     Long-season    crops,    however, 

frequently  suffer  for  moisture  as  summer  advances,  because  of  the 

inability  of  the  soil  to  retain  sufficient  moisture  from  the  winter 

rains  to  bridge  over  the  dry  period. 
12 


336  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Snowfall  is  rare  in  the  area  except  in  the  foothill  margin,  where 
light  and  quickly  disappearing  snows  usually  occur  each  season. 
One  or  more  inches  of  snow  occasionally  falls  in  the  northern  end  of 
the  Sacramento  Valley. 

Fog  is  of  common  occurrence  throughout  the  rainy  season  in  all 
but  the  foothill  regions.  The  fog,  forming  in  the  night  along  the 
lower  parts  of  the  valley,  often  extends  well  up  toward  the  higher 
lands  and  usually  continues  for  sometime  after  daybreak.  Occasion- 
ally it  persists  throughout  the  entire  day,  as  in  the  delta  region  and 
along  the  major  rivers. 

During  the  summer  months  the  temperatures  are  high.  Tempera- 
tures of  ioo°  F.  are  common,  and  at  practically  all  points  in  the 
valley  extremes  of  no°  to  1150  have  been  recorded.  Farming  opera- 
tions are  carried  on  continuously,  however,  and  heat  prostrations  are 
practically  unknown.  This  is  due  to  the  low  relative  humidity. 
The  nights  are  seldom  oppressive.  Freezing  temperatures  occur  at 
intervals  through  the  winter  months.  Light  frosts  are  of  common 
occurrence,  and  thin  films  of  ice  are  sometimes  formed  in  the  lower 
portions  of  the  valley.  A  minimum  winter  temperature  of  200  F. 
is  rare,  and  a  minimum  of  about  250  F.  is  unusual.  The  range  of 
winter  temperatures  is  affected  by  the  elevation  and  by  the  move- 
ment of  air  currents.  The  most  severe  cold  is  often  experienced 
along  the  trough  of  the  valley  and  in  the  smaller  river  valleys,  where 
the  local  topography  restricts  the  movement  of  the  air.  Along 
the  foothill  slopes  and  on  the  more  rolling  parts  of  the  floor  of  the 
valley  frosts  are  commonly  very  light,  and  in  exceptional  years  only 
is  the  degree  of  cold  sufficient  to  affect  the  growth  of  the  more  tender 
crops.  Throughout  the  winter  and  spring  months  there  is  an  abund- 
ant growth  of  vegetation. 

Somewhat  similar  temperature  conditions  prevail  in  the  Sacra- 
mento Valley.  However,  light  frosts  and  thin  films  of  ice  frequently 
occur  during  the  winter  months  in  the  northern  part  of  the  valley, 
while  southward  the  cold  diminishes  somewhat  on  account  of  the 
greater  frequency  of  fogs.  Frosts,  destructive  to  the  more  tender 
crops,  occur  as  early  as  November  at  times  and  may  continue  until 
early  in  April,  but  they  are  usually  confined  to  the  winter  months  and 
do  not  affect  the  hardy  vegetables  and  truck  crops.  Late  spring 
freezes  are  very  rare,  and  damage  to  early-blooming  fruit  seldom 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES 


337 


occurs  in  the  areas  of  good  air  drainage.  Among  the  crops  most 
affected  by  late  spring  freezes  are  almonds,  cherries,  and  apricots. 

The  average  annual  temperature  for  the  valley  is  about  the  same 
as  in  the  southern  California  citrus  belt,  but  the  winter  temperatures 
are  lower  and  the  summer  temperatures  higher  in  the  Sacramento 
Valley.  The  valley  floor,  river  bottoms,  and  depressed  areas  are 
much  more  subject  to  freezes  than  are  the  surrounding  foothills  and 
lower  mountain  slopes.  The  foothill  slopes  up  to  about  1,200  feet 
elevation  have  a  minimum  temperature  during  the  winter  months  of 
from  one  to  five  degrees  higher  than  that  over  the  flatter  and  lower 
part  of  the  valley  floor.  This  makes  the  foothills  section  a  more 
favorable  location  for  citrus-fruit  orchards. 

A  marked  climatic  feature  of  the  California  Valley  are  the  occa- 
sional strong  north  winds,  popularly  called  "northers."  They  occur 
at  irregular  periods  of  several  weeks  and  during  the  summer  months 
are  hot,  dust-laden,  and  oppressive.  These  desiccating  winds,  when 
they  occur  at  the  time  of  ripening  grain  and  fruits,  result  in  consider- 
able damage.  Considerable  loss  of  moisture  occurs  from  the  soil 
during  these  winds.  The  evaporation  from  plants  is  also  excessive, 
and  vegetation  generally  has  a  drooping  or  wilted  appearance. 
In  fall,  winter,  and  spring  the  northers  are  cold  and  disagreeable. 
These  winds  attain  a  velocity  of  20  to  25  miles  an  hour,  and  blow 
for  periods  of  about  three  days. 

Agriculture.  There  is  little  definite  information  available  with 
respect  to  conditions  in  California  prior  to  1840.  The  limited  records 
indicate  that  there  was  an  Indian  population,  plentiful  game,  and 
a  large  number  of  wild  horses  and  cattle.  The  Indians  made  no 
attempt  to  till  the  soil,  and  the  Mexicans  who  succeeded  them  did 
but  little  more,  confining  their  efforts  to  cattle-raising.  The  Ameri- 
cans who  settled  in  the  valley  in  the  forties  engaged  in  more  methodical 
stock-raising,  and  during  the  fifties  the  production  of  crops  to  supply 
the  demands  of  the  miners  who  had  settled  in  the  region  was  slowly 
developed.  The  first  efforts  in  this  direction  consisted  of  growing 
wheat,  without  irrigation,  which  largely  gave  way  later  to  barley, 
owing  to  decreases  in  returns  from  the  former  crop.  Grain  farming 
in  the  sixties  began  to  assume  an  importance  equal  to  that  of  stock 
grazing.  At  this  time  irrigation  began  to  develop,  bringing  about  a 
decided   change  in   the  character   of   crops  grown  and   in   general 


338  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

conditions  of  agriculture.  During  the  seventies  several  ditch  systems 
were  constructed  and  irrigation  farming  was  extended,  and  it  became 
apparent  this  form  of  agriculture  was  destined  to  become  the  pre- 
dominant type.  As  the  area  irrigated  has  expanded,  a  marked 
diversification  of  crops  and  cropping  systems  has  taken  place,  and  the 
present  agriculture  includes  the  production  of  both  general  farm 
crops  and  many  special  crops  introduced  from  widely  separated 
districts. 

Prior  to  the  settlement  and  irrigation  of  this  area  most  of  the 
valley  floor  was  treeless.  In  the  slightly  more  moist  soils  of  the 
foothills  there  were  extensive  growths  of  oak,  while  at  higher  eleva- 
tions were  pine  and  similar  trees.  Along  the  rivers  in  the  well-watered 
bottoms  sycamore,  Cottonwood,  willow,  and  oak  thrived,  and,  with 
the  accompanying  underbrush  and  vines,  the  growth  was  often  so 
thick  as  to  form  dense  jungles.  The  deltas  are  well  watered,  and 
here  there  was  a  heavy  growth  of  trees  almost  dense  enough  to  form 
true  forest.  Cottonwood,  sycamore,  and  willow  grew  close  to  the 
streamways,  while  the  intervening  lands  carried  groves  of  gigantic 
oaks  and  a  carpet  of  waving  grasses.  The  combination  of  feed,  shade, 
and  water  made  this  an  ideal  stock  country,  and  for  many  years  it 
was  devoted  entirely  to  grazing. 

At  the  present  time  the  developed  portion  of  the  area  is  well  pro- 
vided with  trees  (exclusive  of  orchard  trees),  but  the  non-irrigated 
portions  are  still  as  barren  as  before  the  settlement  of  the  country. 
The  roadways  are  commonly  bordered  by  lines  of  fig  or  olive  or  other 
trees,  which  not  only  afford  a  pleasant  shade  during  the  long,  hot 
summer,  but  yield  a  revenue  to  the  owner  as  well.  Eucalyptus  and 
palms  are  a  common  occurrence,  and  some  magnificent  specimens 
of  these  trees  are  to  be  found  in  various  parts  of  the  area. 

7.     FOREST  RESOURCES  AND  THE  LUMBER  INDUSTRY 
IN  THE  PACIFIC  STATES1 

Growth  of  the  Lumber  Industry.  The  development  of  the  lumber 
industry  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  our  last  great  coniferous  timber  reserve, 
has  already  progressed  far.  The  first  sawmill  in  the  Northwest 
began  operations  on  Puget  Sound  in  1845.     Within  a  decade  lumber- 

1  Adapted  from  Report  on  Senate  Resolution  jix,  United  States  Department  of 
Agriculture   Forest  Service,  pp.  23-24. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  339 

ing  became,  and  still  is,  the  chief  industry  in  western  Washington. 
The  cut  for  a  good  many  years  was  used  locally  or  shipped  into 
California  or  exported.  Not  much  timber  was  cut  until  after  com- 
pletion of  the  Northern  Pacific  Railway  in  1882,  and  then  for  a  number 
of  years  only  in  special  grades.  Twelve  years  later  lower  freight 
rates  were  made  on  eastern  lumber  shipments  and  the  pronounced 
development  of  the  west-coast  industry  began. 

Very  little  lumber  was  cut  in  California  prior  to  the  beginning  of 
gold-mining  in  1849.  Lumbering  in  the  redwood  belt  began  about 
i860  and  grew  steadily.  In  1899,  Washington,  Oregon,  and  California 
cut  a  little  more  than  2,900,000,000  board  feet.  Production  increased 
slowly  until  in  1918  the  total  was  slightly  in  excess  of  8,590,000,000 
board  feet.  Washington  became  the  leading  state  in  lumber  produc- 
tion in  1905  and  has  since  held  this  place,  except  only  in  1914,  when 
it  fell  slightly  below  Louisiana.  The  present  cut  is  about  4,500,000,- 
000  board  feet  annually.  Oregon  at  present  is  the  third  state,  with 
a  lumber  cut  for  1918  of  a  little  more  than  2,700,000,000  board  feet. 
That  for  California  has  never  exceeded  1,500,000,000  feet. 

In  the  twelve  years  between  1906  and  1918  the  cut  of  the  west 
coast  increased  only  about  one  and  one-third  billion  feet,  largely 
because  of  the  inability  of  the  product  to  displace  southern  pine  in 
the  eastern  and  middle  western  markets  under  the  handicap  of  higher 
freight  rates.  Within  the  last  year,  however,  shipments  have  increased 
and  yellow-pine  markets  up  to  the  very  boundaries  of  the  producing 
territory  have  been  invaded. 

Original  and  Remaining  Forests.  The  commercial  forest  area  of 
the  Pacific  Coast  states  has  been  reduced  to  approximately  57,586,000 
acres.  A  large  percentage  of  this,  about  39,370,000  acres,  is  in  virgin 
stands,  not  all,  however,  of  accessible  high-grade  timber,  for  there  is 
a  large  percentage  of  relatively  inferior  and  inaccessible  areas.  This 
is  an  important  factor  which  is  usually  overlooked  in  the  consideration 
of  the  western  timber  supply.  Second  growth  of  saw-timber  size 
covers  about  5,292,000  acres,  and  smaller  second  growth  6,425,000 
acres,  while  non-restocking  areas  cover  6,500,000  acres. 

Of  the  volume  of  the  original  forest  no  satisfactory  statistics  are 
available.  The  present  stand,  however,  is  about  1,141  billion  board 
feet,  or  practically  half  of  the  remaining  saw  timber  in  the  United 
States.     Oregon  leads  with  a  total  stand  of  494  billion  feet;    that 


340  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

of  Washington  is  334  billion;  and  that  of  California,  313  billion. 
Six  hundred  and  eighty-six  billion,  or  more  than  half  of  the  total, 
occurs  in  the  Douglas  fir  belt  of  western  Oregon  and  Washington. 

Douglas  fir  comprises  559  billion  feet,  and  of  this  505  billion, 
or  nearly  one-fourth  of  the  remaining  stand  of  saw  timber  in  the 
United  States,  is  in  Washington  and  Oregon.  Estimates  by  species 
are  as  follows: 

Board  Feet 
Lumber  Scale 

Douglas  fir  (western  Washington  and  Oregon) 558,571,000,000 

Western  yellow  pine  and  Jeffrey  pine 183,453,000,000 

Western  hemlock  (largely  in  western  Washington  and 

Oregon) 94,000,000,000 

True  firs 82,479,000,000 

Redwood  (California  Coast  Range  north  of  San  Fran- 
cisco)    72,208,000,000 

Sugar  pine  and  western  white  pine  (largely  sugar  pine, 

Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  in  California) 38,485,000,000 

Western  red  cedar  (western  Washington  and  Oregon)  49,000,000,000 

Spruce  (Washington  and  Oregon) 13,355.000,000 

Lodgepole  pine 4,566,000,000 

Others 44,914,000,000 


Total 1,141,031,000,000 

The  total  area  cut  over  is  approximately  6,125,000  acres,  of  which 
two-thirds  is  in  Washington  and  Oregon,  and  a  very  large  percentage 
west  of  the  Cascades  in  the  Douglas  fir  belt.  As  already  indicated, 
the  total  non-restocking  area  of  the  Pacific  Coast  states  is  estimated 
at  6,500,000  acres,  but  this  is  only  a  part  of  the  sum  total  of  depletion, 
since  there  has  been  great  and  needless  loss  from  the  destruction  of 
virgin  stands  by  fire  and  other  causes  on  a  part  of  the  6,425,000  acres 
now  supporting  second  growth.  The  area  burned  over  annually  in 
these  three  states  is  shown  by  Forest  service  data  to  amount  to  450,000 
acres,  and  the  loss  in  timber  to  about  600,000,000  board  feet. 

Logging  operations  are  now  removing  annually  a  little  less  than 
2  per  cent  of  western  Washington's  timber  and  less  than  1  per  cent  of 
western  Oregon's  timber.  Yet  the  reasonably  accessible  timber  and 
that  in  private  ownership  is  going  very  much  faster,  and  with  decreas- 
ing southern  pine  production  enormous  pressure  to  increase  the  cut 
may  be  expected. 


WESTERN  UNITED  STATES  341 

The  situation  in  Grays  Harbor  County  illustrates  the  rapid 
exploitation  which  in  a  surprisingly  short  time  is  to  end  the  industry 
locally.  About  twenty  years  ago  there  were  in  this  county  750,000 
acres  of  timber  and  only  about  75,000  acres  of  cuttings.  Now  there 
are  355,000  acres  of  stumps.  One-sixteenth  of  the  county's  private 
timberland  is  being  cut  over  annually.  In  twenty-five  years  the 
supply  of  privately  owned  virgin  timber  will  be  gone. 

King  and  Snohomish  counties,  Washington,  the  scene  of  the 
earliest  lumbering  operations  in  the  Northwest,  also  illustrate  local 
exhaustion  of  virgin  timber  in  the  not  very  remote  future.  Forty 
billion  of  the  original  eighty  billion  of  feet  of  commercial  timber 
has  been  cut.  Thirty  billion  of  the  remainder  is  in  private  ownership, 
and  is  now  being  felled  at  the  rate  of  800,000,000  feet  annually. 
Indications  are  that  this  private  timber  will  be  gone  in  about  thirty- 
five  years. 

The  factor  of  local  consumption  must  also  be  considered.  Cali- 
fornia is  an  example.  Its  industry  is  large  and  promises  to  grow. 
From  the  earliest  days  California  has  been  an  important  source  of 
export  material.  Large  quantities  are  still  exported  to  the  Fast  and 
to  foreign  countries;  but  up  to  the  present  time  the  state's  popula- 
tion and  agricultural  and  industrial  development  have  more  than 
kept  pace  with  the  output  of  lumber,  so  that  it  is  doubtful  whether 
production  has  exceeded  consumption  since  1875.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  lumbering  on  Puget  Sound,  California  has  imported  large 
amounts  of  fir.  The  per  capita  lumber  cut  of  the  state  has  been 
approximately  equal  to,  or  slightly  in  excess  of,  the  average  per  capita 
consumption  of  the  United  States  since  between  1869  and  1879, 
while  the  average  consumption  of  the  state  is  probably  somewhat 
greater  than  for  the  country  as  a  whole.  In  1910,  southern  California 
alone  used  the  equivalent  of  about  half  the  total  cut  of  the  state, 
a  per  capita  consumption  of  at  least  twice  that  of  the  whole  United 
States. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  PRINCIPAL  GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO1 

By  Alice  Foster 

Mexico  is  a  land  of  contrasts — topographic,  climatic,  and  indus- 
trial. So  great  are  these  contrasts  that  few  generalizations  can  be 
made  about  the  country  as  a  whole  or  about  the  people  as  a  group. 
The  climatic  contrasts  are  in  part  the  result  of  topography,  and  the 
industrial  contrasts  are  due  largely  to  physical  conditions,  among 
which  topography  and  climate  are  particularly  significant. 

Various  conditions  combine  to  give  Mexico  a  striking  assembly 
of  topographic  and  climatic  contrasts.  The  country  occupies  a 
complete  east-west  section  across  the  continent  and  includes  within 
the  space  of  some  500  miles  Gulf  Coastal  Plain,  east-facing  mountain 
slope,  plateau,  west-facing  mountain  slope,  and  Pacific  Coastal  Plain. 
While  the  latitudinal  extent  of  170  is  equal  to  about  two- thirds  that 
of  the  United  States  and  involves  rather  wide  climatic  differences, 
the  contrasts  due  to  topography  are  much  more  striking.  In  every- 
day conversation  as  well  as  in  scientific  writing,  the  Mexicans  use 
the  expressions  tierra  caliente  (hot  country)  and  tierra  fria  (cold 
country)  as  regional  terms  to  designate  respectively  the  tropical  low- 
lands and  the  mountain  slopes  and  plateaus  above  the  frost  line. 
There  are  marked  differences  in  the  amount  and  character  of  precipita- 
tion and  in  its  distribution  throughout  the  year.  The  annual  precipi- 
tation varies  from  more  than  100  inches  on  the  Gulf  slope  of  the  high- 
land in  southern  Mexico  to  approximately  3  inches  in  the  Colorado 
Delta.  Southern  Mexico  has  a  distinct  rainy  season  from  June 
to  October,  characterized  by  heavy  downpours  coming  as  daily 
convectional  showers;  but  the  higher  Gulf -facing  slopes  east  of  Mexico 
City  have,  in  addition  to  this  rainy  season,  a  season  of  fine,  drizzly 
rains  lasting  throughout  the  winter.  In  Northern  Mexico  the  scant 
precipitation  comes  as  infrequent  violent  showers. 

1  Written  for  this  volume.     Miss  Foster  is  assistant  professor  of  geography 
at  Mount  Holyoke  College. 

342 


GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO  343 

Conditions  of  surface  and  climate  are  grouped  in  various  combina- 
tions and  associated  with  other  physical  conditions,  such  as  depth 
and  richness  of  soil,  extent  and  nature  of  water  resources,  the  presence 
of  forests  or  grass  lands,  and  the  existence  and  accessibility  of  useful 
minerals.  While  the  grouping  of  factors  varies,  in  some  respects, 
even  within  narrow  limits,  yet  commonly  a  single  factor  or  group 
of  factors  is  so  significant  and  far-reaching  in  its  effects  as  to  establish 
essential  unity  of  the  physical  environment  over  wide  areas. 

In  harmony  with  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  physical  environ- 
ment, industries,  social  customs,  density  of  population,  and  political 
relations  vary  greatly  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  In  the  north- 
west there  are  arid  plains  where  the  few  inhabitants  eke  out  a  scanty 
subsistence;  farther  east  there  are  grassy  plains  which  furnish  pas- 
turage for  immense  herds  of  cattle,  and  along  the  Gulf  coast  there  are 
humid  plains  whose  fertile  soil  and  high  temperature  fit  them  to  be 
richly  productive  agricultural  areas.  The  western  highlands  have 
abundant  rainfall,  but  their  surface  is  so  rough  and  the  valleys  are  so 
narrow  that  few  people  live  there;  in  the  eastern  highlands,  although 
the  surface  is  rough,  certain  valleys  with  rich  soil  support  a  dense 
agricultural  population;  and  the  highland  about  Mexico  City,  be- 
cause of  level  surface,  fertile  soil,  geographic  position,  and  valuable 
mineral  resources,  is  the  most  densely  populated  part  of  the  country. 
On  the  Gulf-facing  slope  of  the  highland  there  are  mountain  districts 
where  power  resources  and  ready  access  to  the  outside  world  have  led 
to  the  development  of  large-scale  manufacturing  industries,  and  where 
the  natives,  through  contact  with  people  from  abroad,  have  lost  many 
of  those  provincialisms  and  primitive  arts  which  travelers  are  fond  of 
describing;  and  in  the  highlands  of  the  south  and  west  there  are 
other  mountain  districts  where,  because  of  extreme  isolation,  quaint 
old  customs  are  kept  up,  the  most  primitive  apparatus  is  in  use, 
and  the  people  have  never  learned  the  Spanish  language.  There 
are  districts  intimately  connected  with  Mexico  City,  the  political 
and  commercial  center  of  the  country,  by  railway,  telegraph,  and 
telephone  service,  so  that  the  larger  business  transactions  are  carried 
on  through  the  wholesale,  importing,  and  banking  firms  of  the  capital ; 
and  there  are  outlying  districts  so  isolated  from  the  chief  centers  of 
Mexican  population  by  barriers  of  mountain  country,  sea,  desert, 
or  impenetrable   tropical  forest   that   the  people  scarcely   consider 


344  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

themselves  Mexicans,  and  that  such  commercial  relations  as  exist  are 
chiefly  with  some  outside  country. 

Because  of  these  contrasts,  an  adequate  study  of  Mexico  must 
be  based  upon  a  realization  that  in  the  various  sections  of  the  country 
different  forces  have  influenced  human  interests  and  activities  and 
that  the  problem  of  adjustment  to  environment  has  been  different 
for  each  section.  Considering  the  more  important  contrasts  and 
similarities  in  the  physical  environment  and  the  resulting  contrasts 
and  similarities  in  human  interests  and  activities,  it  is  convenient  to 
recognize  the  following  major  geographic  divisions: 

i.  The  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  (the  Western  Sierra  Madre) 

2.  The  Sonoran  Desert 

3.  The  Central  Plateau 

4.  The  Sierra  Madre  Oriental  (the  Eastern  Sierra  Madre) 

5.  The  Northern  Basins  (the  Chihuahua  Semidesert) 

6.  The  Northern  Gulf  Coastal  Plain 

7.  The  Eastern  Tierra  Caliente  (East-Coast  Hot  Country) 

8.  The  Western  Tierra  Caliente  (the  Pacific  Valleys  and  Coastal  Plain) 

9.  The  Sierra  del  Sur  (the  Southern  Sierra) 

10.  The  Highland  of  Chiapas 

1.  THE  SIERRA  MADRE  OCCIDENTAL 
The  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  includes  the  belt  of  narrow  plateaus 
and  mountains  extending  southeastward  from  the  International  bound- 
ary in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  to  approximately  latitude  210  N.  where 
it  merges  into  the  volcanic  province  of  Mexico.  The  southern  bound- 
ary is  formed  by  the  canyon  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  Santiago.  The  region 
consists  of  a  series  of  elongated  high  plateaus  trenched  by  deep  canyons 
and  bordered  on  the  east  and  west  by  mountains  somewhat  lower 
than  the  plateau  level.  The  plateaus  are  remnants  of  a  vast  lava 
plain,  beneath  which  older  mountains  were  buried  so  deep  as  to  obscure 
the  trend  of  ranges.  In  the  mountainous  borders,  which  are  the 
dissected  edges  of  the  plateaus,  the  lava  cover  is  removed,  or  remains 
only  in  irregular  fragments,  and  deep  valleys  are  cut  into  the  under- 
lying older  rocks. 

The  eastern  mountain  border  is  narrow  and  rises  abruptly  to 
altitudes  several  thousand  feet  above  the  grassy  plains  which  border 
the  Sierra  belt  on  the  east.  The  stream  valleys  in  this  section  are 
narrow  canyons  1,000  feet  or  more  in  depth,  with  valley  flats  developed 


346  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

only  as  narrow  and  discontinuous  strips.  The  streams  dwindle 
in  volume  after  leaving  the  mountains,  and  most  of  them  disappear 
near  the  western  border  of  the  plains.  The  western  border  of  the 
Sierra  region  is  a  wild  and  rugged  mountain  belt  with  a  precipitous 
descent  to  the  desert  lowlands  at  the  north  or  the  narrow  Pacific 
Coastal  Plain  at  the  south.  This  mountain  belt  consists  for  the  most 
part  of  lateral  valleys  and  spurs,  the  former  deeply  incised  into  the 
plateau,  the  latter  projecting  toward  the  coast,  in  many  places — 
particularly  near  the  southern  end  of  the  region — almost  reaching  it. 

The  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  is  of  significance  to  man  in  several 
distinct  ways.  The  mineral  wealth  of  Mexico  is  closely  associated  in 
origin  with  the  history  of  the  Sierras.  Ages  ago,  during  the  period  of 
lava  flows,  the  older  mountains  were  enriched  with  veins  of  silver, 
copper,  lead,  gold,  and  other  metallic  ores.  These  ores  have  been 
mined  since  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Conquest  and  are  today  one  of 
the  principal  considerations  in  the  mind  of  the  American  business 
man  when  he  speaks  of  Mexico  as  a  "land  of  great  opportunities." 
In  the  plateau  belt  the  mineral  treasures  are  buried  hundreds  of  feet 
deep,  but  in  the  mountain  borders  the  deeply  incised  valleys  have 
rendered  the  ores  accessible.  Rainfall  in  this  upland  region  is  suffi- 
cient so  that  the  plateau  summit  and  the  upper  mountain  slopes 
have  fine,  open  forests  of  pine,  oak,  and  cedar  with  grassy  forest  floors. 
These  forests  furnish  an  invaluable  supply  of  construction  timber  for 
the  mining  districts,  and  the  streams  which  rise  in  them  supply  the 
water  essential  for  the  mining  camps  and  towns  and  for  irrigation 
in  the  lower  reaches  of  the  valleys  and  on  the  arid  plains  which  flank 
the  western  Sierras. 

The  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  is  a  formidable  barrier.  The  steep 
gradient  and  bowlder-strewn  beds  of  the  marginal  valleys,  the  high 
altitude  and  the  rough  lava  surface  of  the  plateau  belt  tend  to  repel 
rather  than  invite  human  occupation.  In  addition,  the  valleys  are  so 
young  that  in  only  a  few  places  along  their  courses  are  there  strips  of 
alluvium  suitable  for  cultivation.  Consequently  it  is  a  region  of 
sparse  population  with  few  and  difficult  routes  of  communication, 
and  with  little  promise  of  local  traffic  to  encourage  the  building  of 
roads  except  to  the  mining  camps.  Its  barrier  nature  has  hindered 
greatly  the  development  of  the  Pacific  valleys  and  Coastal  Plain, 
whose  best  route  to  the  markets  of  the  interior  of  Mexico  leads  at 


GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO  347 

present  north  by  rail  to  the  United  States,  thence  east  over  the  South- 
ern Pacific  Railway,  and  back  into  Mexico  by  the  Mexican  Central. 
Railroads  extend  parallel  to  the  Sierra  belt  on  the  east  and  west,  and 
branch  lines  extend  from  these  to  the  mining  camps  in  the  mountain 
borders,  but  not  a  single  line  has  been  completed  as  yet  across  the 
Western  Sierra  to  the  coast.  The  only  line  connecting  the  interior 
with  the  Pacific  Coast  lies  south  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  and 
has  its  terminus  at  Manzanillo,  Colima. 

2.     THE  SONORAN  DESERT 

The  Sonoran  Desert  occupies  a  wedge-shaped  portion  of  north- 
western Mexico,  including  most  of  Lower  California  and  extending  as 
far  south  as  the  state  of  Nayarit  (formerly  the  territory  of  Tepic). 
The  region  is  a  broad,  shallow  trough  bordered  by  the  foothills  of  the 
Sierra  Madre  Occidental  and  the  low  mountains  which  form  the  axis 
of  the  peninsula  of  Lower  California.  The  deepest  part  of  the 
trough  is  covered  by  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  from  which 
the  ascent  is  abrupt  to  the  range  on  the  west.  The  broad  plain  which 
slopes  seaward  from  the  Sierras  is  interrupted  by  scattered  northwest- 
southeast-trending  ranges,  which,  like  the  bordering  mountains,  are 
composed  of  crystalline  rock.  The  steep  slopes  of  these  ranges  rise 
abruptly  from  the  parched,  sandy  plain  and  give  the  impression  of  lost 
ranges  "buried  to  the  ears"  in  the  desert  sand.  In  reality,  the 
crystalline  rock  is  continuous  from  range  to  range  beneath  a  compara- 
tively shallow  layer  of  marine  sediment  and  torrent-spread  alluvium. 

Desert  conditions  are  particularly  extreme  in  the  northern  part, 
and  between  the  Colorado  and  Yaqui  rivers,  a  distance  of  500  miles, 
no  stream  ever  reaches  the  sea.  Some  intermittent  streams  rise  in 
the  Sierras,  rush  violently  down  the  steep  slopes  during  the  mid- 
summer and  midwinter  rainy  seasons,  and  spread  out  into  torrential 
sheet  floods  upon  the  desert  plains,  only  to  be  absorbed  well  back  from 
the  sea  by  the  parched  air  and  sand.  Farther  south,  the  bordering 
Sierras  are  higher  and  the  rainfall  is  somewhat  greater,  so  that  some 
of  the  streams  have  sufficient  volume  to  reach  the  sea.  In  the  lower 
reaches  of  the  valleys  and  on  their  alluvial  fans  agriculture  is  possible, 
for,  even  though  the  stream  be  intermittent,  the  porous  alluvium 
stores  up  the  storm  water  brought  down  from  the  mountains.  Irriga- 
tion is  practiced  in  a  number  of  places  and  is  possible  in  many  others 


348  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

at  relatively  small  expense.  Since  this  part  of  the  coast  has  direct 
railroad  connection  with  the  United  States,  the  raising  of  early 
fruits  and  vegetables  under  irrigation  for  American  markets  is  a 
promising  industry. 

While  the  Sonoran  Desert  as  a  whole  is  capable  of  supporting 
only  a  sparse  population,  there  are  certain  favored  areas  whose 
economic  possibilities  have  attracted  capital  from  abroad.  Among 
these  are  the  prosperous  irrigated  district  of  the  Colorado  Delta,  and 
the  copper-mining  districts  of  Santa  Rosalia  and  Cananea,  in  Lower 
California  and  Sonora  respectively. 

3.    THE  CENTRAL  PLATEAU 

The  Central  Plateau  occupies  the  part  of  the  Mexican  highland 
which  has  been  the  center  of  human  interest  throughout  historic 
times.  The  highland  of  Mexico  rises  gradually  from  the  Rio  Grande 
on  the  north  to  a  maximum  elevation  in  the  Mexico  City  section, 
where  the  eastern  and  western  mountains  approach  each  other.  This 
highest  part  of  the  highland,  with  an  altitude  some  5,000  feet  greater 
than  that  of  El  Paso  (3,370  ft.),  is  the  Central  Plateau.  It  consists  of 
a  group  of  extensive  lacustrine  plains  (los  Llanos)  inclosed  by  volcanic 
ranges  and  peaks,  some  of  the  peaks  rising  to  more  than  10,000  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  Llanos.  The  sedimentary  filling  of  the  basins 
is  volcanic  ash  and  rock  waste  from  the  neighboring  mountains,  and 
was  laid  down  in  the  great  water  bodies  which  once  occupied  the 
basins.  Lake  Texcoco,  Lake  Chalco,  and  numerous  small  lakes  and 
swamps  are  remnants  of  the  former  extensive  lakes. 

The  more  elevated  of  these  plains  are  some  7,500  feet  above  sea- 
level,  hence  they  have  the  climate  of  low-latitude  highlands.  There  is 
marked  periodicity  in  rainfall,  most  of  the  annual  precipitation  com- 
ing in  daily  convectional  showers  from  June  to  October.  During 
the  cooler  months  light  frosts  are  common,  and  snow  is  not  unknown. 
Temperatures  are  relatively  low  throughout  the  year,  making  sunny 
rooms  desirable.  The  daily  range  of  temperature  is  high,  and  even 
in  July  the  night  and  early  morning  temperatures  are  decidedly 
chilly,  especially  to  one  accustomed  to  a  middle-latitude  climate. 
There  is  a  marked  temperature  contrast  between  sunshine  and  shadow. 
While  surfaces  exposed  to  the  sun's  rays  become  intensely  hot,  it  is 
always  cool  in  the  shade.  Atmospheric  humidity  is  low,  and  evapora- 
tion is  rapid. 


GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO  349 

Soil,  surface,  and  climate  upon  the  Central  Plateau  are  relatively 
favorable  for  agriculture  and  stock-raising.  The  lacustrine  sedi- 
ments are  deep  and  fertile,  the  sunlight  is  intense,  the  rainfall  is  con- 
centrated largely  in  the  warmer  season  and  irrigation  is  possible 
in  many  places.  Wheat,  maize,  and  barley  are  important  crops  in 
the  level  sections,  the  maguey  is  grown  upon  the  mountain  slopes  as 
well  as  on  the  Llanos,  and  large  quantities  of  truck  products  are 
produced  by  irrigation. 

Since  the  Spanish  Conquest,  mineral  resources  have  been  an  out- 
standing feature  of  the  physical  environment  in  the  Central  Plateau. 
Igneous  and  metamorphic  rocks  of  several  geological  ages  outcrop 
in  the  numerous  mountain  ranges  which  characterize  its  surface. 
Gold  and  silver  are  the  most  important  products,  and  the  mines  at 
Pachua  in  the  state  of  Hidalgo,  Guanajuato  in  the  state  of  the  same 
name,  and  Real  del  Oro  in  the  state  of  Mexico  are  among  the  historic 
mining  districts.  These  and  other  districts  have  furnished  markets 
for  agricultural  products  and  manufactured  goods  and  in  many  ways 
have  contributed  notably  to  the  industrial  development  of  the  country. 

In  a  number  of  Plateau  cities  important  manufacturing  industries 
have  grown  up  in  recent  years,  attracted  by  the  advantage  afforded 
by  the  market  and  labor  supply  in  the  densely  populated  section, 
although  in  many  cases  the  power  for  the  factories  is  developed  in 
the  Sierra  Madre  Oriental  beyond  the  border  of  the  plateau.  Among 
the  more  widely  known  of  the  factories  are  the  Puebla  cotton  mills,  the 
Toluca  brewery,  and  the  woolen  mills,  cotton  mills,  and  breweries  of 
the  City  of  Mexico. 

On  account  of  these  economic  activities  the  Central  Plateau  is 
the  most  densely  populated  part  of  Mexico.  At  present,  although 
ii  constitutes  only  one-sixth  of  the  total  area  of  the  country,  it  has 
two-thirds  of  the  cities  and  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  total  population.1 
As  a  result  the  City  of  Mexico,  which  dominates  the  region,  is  the 
railway,  commercial,  financial,  and  cultural  center  of  the  Republic. 

4.    THE  SIERRA  MADRE  ORIENTAL 

The  Sierra  Madre  Oriental  is  a  belt  of  folded  mountains  extending 
along  the  Gulf  Coast  from  near  the  Rio  Grande  to  Oaxaca.  The 
mountain  belt  is  narrow,  and  increases  in  altitude  from  north  to 

1  S.  W.  Cushing,  "The  Distribution  of  Population  in  Mexico,"  Geographi- 
cal Review,  April,  1921,  p.  234. 


3 SO  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

south.  This  Sierra  differs  from  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  in  being 
less  elevated,  except  in  the  southern  part;  in  being  composed  chiefly 
of  sedimentary  rocks,  dominantly  limestone;  and  in  being,  in  general, 
a  less  formidable  barrier.  The  slopes  are  rounded,  and  since  the 
rainfall  is  abundant,  they  are  forested. 

The  region  is  in  topographic  maturity,  hence  agricultural  land 
is  limited  to  the  narrow  valley  bottoms.  The  warm  temperature, 
the  abundant  rainfall,  and  the  high  quality  of  the  alluvial  soils  derived 
from  the  limestone  hills  make  these  valley  farms  richly  productive. 
From  the  forested  slopes  are  obtained  construction  timber  and  wood 
for  charcoal,  which  is  the  household  fuel  in  general  use.  Numerous 
waterfalls,  especially  east  of  Mount  Orizaba,  form  a  valuable  power 
resource,  a  small  part  of  which  is  utilized  for  lighting  the  cities  of  the 
region  and  as  a  motive  power  for  factories  located  in  these  cities  and 
on  the  Central  Plateau.  The  most  important  of  these  factories  are 
the  textile  mills  of  the  Orizaba  district. 

5.     THE  NORTHERN  BASINS.     THE  CHIHUAHUA  SEMI-DESERT 

The  region  of  the  northern  basins  occupies  the  extensive  area  of 
semi-desert  plains  and  scattered  ranges  lying  between  the  Eastern  and 
Western  Sierras.  It  is  related  to  the  Sierra  Madre  Oriental  in  that  the 
ranges  in  both  regions  are  of  sedimentary  strata,  folded,  faulted, 
fractured,  and  affected  by  many  igneous  intrusions.  The  two  regions 
differ  in  the  character  of  the  intermontane  areas  and  in  the  external 
characteristics  of  the  mountains.  While  in  the  Sierra  region  the 
rounded  slopes  are  forested  and  are  separated  by  narrow  valleys,  the 
basin  region  is  characterized  by  broad  lacustrine  plains  or  bolsons, 
above  which  rise  the  unburied  summits  of  rugged  and  barren  desert 
ranges,  completely  isolated  from  each  other  by  the  sedimentary  fill. 
The  rainfall  is  scant  and  evaporation  rapid,  so  that  most  of  the  streams 
which  rise  in  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  are  lost  in  the  sand  of  the 
bolsons  within  a  short  distance  of  the  mountains.  However,  the 
Rio  Conchos  flows  across  the  state  of  Chihuahua  and  joins  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  a  number  of  streams  empty  into  salt  lakes  in  the  central 
part  of  the  region.  Important  among  these  are  the  Rio  Nazas  and 
Rio  Nievas  which  furnish  irrigation  water  for  the  Laguna  district. 

This  region  has  never  supported  a  dense  population,  but  it  has 
economic  possibilities  which,  under  scientific  management,  are  con- 


GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO  351 

siderable.  The  scant  rainfall  has  a  decided  summer  maximum,  so 
that  the  broad  plains  are  covered  with  grass  which  furnishes  excellent 
pasturage  for  range  cattle.  In  some  portions,  as  in  the  Laguna 
cotton  district  and  near  the  Rio  Grande,  water  is  available  for  irri- 
gation, and  agriculture  is  important.  A  greater  development  of 
irrigation  seems  probable  for  the  future.  The  construction  of  storage 
reservoirs  along  the  eastern  border  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental 
will  conserve  a  greater  supply  of  water.  Moreover,  the  bolsons 
themselves  serve  as  enormous  reservoirs,  in  which  is  stored  water 
supplied  by  the  rainfall,  by  the  run-off  from  the  neighboring  ranges, 
and  by  streams  which  rise  in  the  Western  Sierras.  In  many  places 
the  water  table  rises  to  within  a  few  feet  of  the  surface1  (6-30).  In 
such  places  the  ground  water  may  be  utilized  for  irrigation  by  pump- 
ing from  common  wells  if  economic  conditions  warrant,  and  in  a  few 
places  there  is  a  possibility  of  securing  water  from  artesian  wells. 
The  mining  districts  of  Chihuahua  and  Zacatecas  are  in  the  Basin 
.region,  as  is  also  the  Sabinas  coal  field  of  Coahuila.  Because  of  the 
north-south  trend  of  the  desert  ranges,  and  because  of  the  regular 
surface  of  the  intervening  plains,  the  railroad  routes  connecting  the 
City  of  Mexico  with  the  United  States  border  extend  through  this 
region,  furnishing  transportation  for  the  grazing,  agricultural,  and 
mining  sections. 

6.    THE  NORTHERN  GULF  COASTAL  PLAIN 

The  Gulf  Coastal  Plain  of  Mexico  is  a  continuation  of  the  same 
feature  in  Texas.  The  northern  and  southern  sections  are  separated 
by  the  near  approach  of  the  mountains  to  the  sea  between  Veracruz 
and  Tampico.  The  northern  section  is  largely  outside  the  belt 
receiving  tropical  rains,  and  while  the  rainfall  is  ample,  its  distribution 
is  irregular.  This  region  has  great  agricultural  possibilities,  but  the 
chief  commercial  interest  at  present  centers  about  the  petroleum 
district  of  Tampico  and  Tuxpan. 

7.    THE  EASTERN  TIERRA  CALIENTE 

The  Eastern  Tierra  Caliente  embraces  the  tropical  lowlands 
occupying  the  southern  part  of  the  Gulf  slope  of  Mexico.  It  includes 
the  following  units:  (1)  the  Gulf  Coastal  Plain  south  from  Veracruz; 

-Juan  D.  Villarello,  "Hidrologia  de  la  Comarca  Laguneta  del  Tlahualilo 
rtirango,"  Parergones  del  Institute  Geoldgico  de  Mixico.  Vol.  III.  Plate  XLV. 


352  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

(2)  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan;  (3)  the  basin  of  the  Papaloapan  River; 
and  (4)  the  lowlands  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec. 

In  general,  the  Eastern  Tierra  Caliente  consists  of  low-lying 
fertile  plains  sloping  gently  seaward.  The  coastal  margin  is  bordered 
by  sandy  bars,  lagoons,  and  mangrove  swamps.  Numerous  valleys, 
cut  into  the  slope  of  the  highland,  carry  the  conditions  of  the  Tierra 
Caliente  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Coastal  Plain.  The  most  con- 
spicuous example  of  this  is  the  Papaloapan  River,  whose  upper  basin 
is  bounded  by  the  Sierra  de  las  Mixtecas  and  the  southern  border  of 
the  Central  Plateau.  This  river  is  navigable  for  small  boats  far 
into  the  interior. 

In  this  region  high  temperatures  are  continuous  throughout  the 
year,  and  atmospheric  humidity  is  high,  so  that  much  of  the  area 
supports  a  tropical  forest,  particularly  along  the  streams,  where  the 
undergrowth  is  so  dense  as  to  be  almost  impenetrable.  The  forests 
yield  valuable  woods,  gums,  and  extracts,  their  exploitation  being 
made  possible  by  the  numerous  navigable  streams.  The  cleared 
lands  produce  bountiful  crops  of  rice,  sugar  cane,  tobacco,  and  bana- 
nas. In  some  of  the  more  elevated  and  less  humid  portions  of  the 
region,  there  are  extensive  savannas  which  form  the  basis  for  an 
important  cattle  industry. 

The  economic  possibilities  of  this  region  are  great,  and  await 
only  a  wise  and  stable  government  to  be  realized.  Before  the  revo- 
lution much  foreign  capital  had  been  invested  in  sugar,  rubber,  and 
tobacco  plantations  and  the  region  was  developing  rapidly.  It  is 
more  favorably  situated,  so  far  as  transportation  facilities  are  con- 
cerned, than  any  other  part  of  tropical  Mexico.  It  has  numerous 
rivers  navigable  for  small  boats.  It  has  railroad  connections  with 
the  important  port  of  Veracruz  at  which  practically  all  boats  entering 
the  western  Gulf  call.  It  has  therefore  great  advantages  in  reaching 
American  markets  which  demand  an  increasing  amount  of  tropica; 
produce.  It  has  railroad  connections  also  with  the  Central  Plateau 
which  is  the  great  Mexican  market,  and  where  tropical  fruits  are  not 
produced. 

The  northern  part  of  Yucatan  differs  greatly  in  its  outstanding 
characteristics  from  the  rest  of  the  region.  The  northern  part  of  the 
peninsula  has  a  light  rainfall,  is  floored  with  limestone,  and  has 
underground  drainage,  which  conditions  combined  make  an  extremdv 


GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO 


353 


arid  environment.  In  this  environment  the  henequen  flourishes 
and  forms  the  basis  of  the  sisal  industry  which  makes  this  section 
one  of  the  most  prosperous  areas  of  Mexico. 

8.     THE  WESTERN  TIERRA  CALIENTE 

This  region  includes  the  Pacific  Coastal  Plain  and  the  valleys  of 
streams  tributary  to  the  Pacific  in  the  states  of  Chiapas  and  Oaxaca. 
Many  of  the  characteristics  of  the  region  are  similar  to  those  of 
the  Eastern  Tierra  Caliente,  but  there  are  significant  contrasts. 
Location  on  the  leeward  coast  causes  the  dry  season  to  be  more 
pronounced,  and  the  drought  hazard  is  greater.  Agricultural  land 
is  confined  chiefly  to  the  valleys,  which,  because  of  the  rough 
country  back  from  the  coast,  and  because  of  the  narrowness  of  the 
Coastal  Plain,  are  largely  isolated  from  each  other  and  from  the 
interior.  Difficulties  of  communication  are  increased  by  the  fact 
that  the  streams,  except  for  their  short  lower  courses  across  the 
narrow  coastal  strip,  are  flowing  through  mountain  country,  and 
'hence  are  not  navigable.  As  a  result  of  these  conditions,  the 
Western  Tierra  Caliente  is  cut  off  very  largely  from  the  important 
Mexican  markets,  and  the  commercial  outlook  is  to  the  Pacific. 
However,  the  Tehuantepec-Chiapas  section  of  the  Coastal  Plain  has 
railroad  connection  with  the  Tehuantepec  route  and  an  outlet  by  the 
port  of  Tonala. 

9.    THE  SIERRA  DEL  SUR 

A  complex  mountain  belt  known  as  the  Sierra  del  Sur  borders 
the  Pacific  south  of  the  Central  Plateau  and  ends  abruptly  in  the 
state  of  Oaxaca  in  a  steep  escarpment  overlooking  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec.  It  differs  from  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  in  that 
the  trend  is  more  nearly  east-west,  and  in  that  the  superficial  volcanic 
material  has  been  removed  to  a  greater  extent.  Near  its  eastern 
extremity  it  is  connected  with  the  Central  Plateau  by  a  north-south 
mountain  bridge  extending  from  Oaxaca  to  the  volcanic  range  south 
of  Puebla.  This  bridge  is  the  Sierra  de  las  Mixtecas,  which  forms 
the  continental  divide  in  this  part  of  Mexico.  The  region  of  the 
Sierra  del  Sur,  which  is  bounded  by  the  Central  Plateau  on  the  north, 
the  Sierra  de  las  Mixtecas  on  the  east,  and  the  Pacific  Coastal  Plain 
on  the  south,  is  the  most  highly  dissected  part  of  Mexico.     The 


354  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

mountains,  whose  summits  reach  an  altitude  about  equal  to  that  of 
the  Llanos  of  the  Central  Plateau  (about  7,500  feet),  have  been 
carved  out  of  a  former  plateau  by  the  development  of  a  complicated 
system  of  valleys  tributary  to  the  Balsas.  The  main  stream  has  cut 
a  deep  channel  through  the  mountain  barrier  and  empties  into  the 
Pacific. 

The  great  handicap  of  this  region  is  the  difficulty  of  communi- 
cation. This  fact  is  illustrated  by  the  situation  of  the  port  of  Aca- 
pulco  which  for  a  distance  of  500  miles  along  the  Guerrero-Oaxaca 
coast  is  the  only  regular  port  of  call  for  steamers.  It  has  an  excel- 
lent harbor,  formed  by  a  spur  from  one  of  the  ranges.  The  Aca- 
pulco  harbor  has  the  great  advantage  of  freedom  from  the  shifting 
sands  characteristic  of  harbors  situated  at  the  mouths  of  the  heavily 
loaded  Mexican  rivers,  but  the  growth  of  the  port  has  been  hampered 
by  the  presence  of  the  mountain  barrier  separating  it  from  the  interior. 
Through  this  mountain  barrier  no  railroad  has  been  built  from  the 
interior  to  the  coast.  In  a  similar  way,  difficulties  of  transportation 
have  hindered  the  utilization  of  the  rich  mineral  resources  of  the 
region.  Railroads  are  absent  and  navigation  of  the  Balsas  River  is 
interrupted  by  numerous  rapids.  However,  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  region  one  of  the  national  railroads  connects  Manzanillo,  in  the 
state  of  Colima,  with  the  Central  Plateau. 

10.     THE  HIGHLAND  OF  CHIAPAS 

The  highland  of  Chiapas  is  the  forked  end  of  the  Central  American 
mountains,  which  extend  into  Mexico  from  Guatemala  and  terminate 
at  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  They  have  a  general  east-west 
trend,  and  increase  in  altitude  from  west  to  east.  The  southern 
range,  which  is  known  as  the  Sierra  Madre  de  Chiapas,  forms  the 
continental  divide.  The  Pacific  slope  is  steep,  since  the  principal 
summits  rise  to  altitudes  above  9,000  feet  within  30  miles  of  the 
coast.  The  Central  Highland,  which  consists  of  sedimentary  folds 
and  volcanic  masses,  is  separated  from  the  southern  range  by  the 
valley  of  the  Chiapas  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Grijalva. 

The  slopes  of  both  ranges  are  forested — tropical  hardwoods  at 
the  base,  and  forests  of  oak  and  pine  extending  up  to  altitudes  of 
10,000  or  12,000  feet,  above  which  are  savannas.  The  Chiapas 
Valley,  whose  elevation  is   1,500  to  3,000  feetj   is  a  dry  savanna 


GEOGRAPHIC  DIVISIONS  OF  MEXICO  355 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Chiapas  Highland  are  engaged  chiefly  in 
agriculture,  which  shows  a  horizontal  zonation  from  the  cacao- 
producing  lands  of  the  lower  Pacific  slopes  through  the  coffee  zone  to 
the  wheat  districts  of  the  drier  central  uplands  and  the  slopes  of  the 
volcano  of  Tocana  above  the  altitude  to  which  most  of  the  clouds 
ascend.  The  savannas  of  the  Chiapas  Valley  are  the  seat  of  a  con- 
siderable stock-raising  industry.  Formerly  this  district  was  a  large 
producer  of  indigo,  and  this  commodity  is  produced  still  to  supply 
the  local  demand. 

The  Chiapas  Highland  is  one  of  the  more  isolated  parts  of  Mexico. 
Dense  tropical  forests  act  as  a  barrier  on  the  north  and  west,  and 
the  scant  commerce  is  directed  largely  toward  the  neighboring  repub- 
lic of  Guatemala.  Spinning,  dyeing,  and  weaving,  as  well  as  the 
cutting  of  stone  and  the  making  of  pottery,  are  carried  on  by  primitive 
methods,  and  many  of  the  exports  to  Guatemala  are  of  articles 
demanded  by  the  native  races  of  that  country. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

W.  H.  Weed,  "Notes  on  a  Section  across  the  Sierra  Madre  Occidental  of 
Chihuahua  and  Sinaloa,  Mexico,"  Transactions  of  the  American  Institute  of  Mining 
Engineers,  XXXII  (1901),  444-58. 

W.  N.  Thayer,  "The  Physiography  of  Mexico,"  Journal  of  Geology,  XXIV 
(1016),  61-94. 

W.  D.  Johnson  and  W  J  McGee,  "Seriland,"  National  Geographic  Magazine, 
VII  (1896),  125-33. 

Ezequiel  Ordonez,  "Las  principales  unidades  geograficas  mexicanas  y  la 
distribucion  de  los  criaderos  minerales,"  Bolelin  minero,  I  (1916),  55-57;  "Las 
rocas  eruptivas  del  suroeste  de  la  Cuenca  de  Mexico,"  Boletin  del  Instituto  Geoldgico 
de  Mexico,  No.  3  (1895),  pp.  5-7;  also  "LosXalapaz-  cos  del  estado  de  Puebla," 
Parergones  del  Instituto  Geoldgico  de  Mexico,  I  (1905),  300-317. 

Juan  D.  Villarello,  "Apuntes  acerca  de  la  hidrologia  subterranea  del  estado 
de  Coahuila,"  Parergones  del  Instituto  Geoldgico  de  Mexico,  V  (1913),  195-208. 

Carlos  Sapper,  "Sobre  la  geografia  ffsica  y  la  geologia  de  la  peninsula  de 
Yucatan,"  Boletin  del  Instituto  Geoldgico  de  Mexico,  No.  3  (1896). 

Gamon,  "Inadequate  Transportation  a  Hindrance  to  Guerrero  Agriculture," 
Commerce  Reports,  March  21,  1921,  pp.  1592-93. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY 

1.     LOWER  CALIFORNIA  (SONORAN  DESERT)1 

The  peninsula  of  Lower  California  is  750  miles  long  and  from  30 
to  150  miles  wide;  the  north,  in  most  aspects,  is  similar  to  southern 
California.  Rocky  mountains,  barren  hills,  and  stretches  of  desert 
predominate,  but  there  are  some  fertile  valleys.  The  southern  part 
of  the  peninsula  has  more  rain,  is  fertile,  and  sub-tropical  products 
are  grown. 

Owing  to  the  widely  scattered  ports,  no  official  figures  are  avail- 
able for  the  imports  and  exports  of  Lower  California  except  for  the 
port  of  Ensenada  which  is  65  miles  from  San  Diego  by  sea.  Most  of 
the  imports  originated  in  the  United  States  at  the  ports  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, Los  Angeles,  and  San  Diego,  and  consisted  principally  of 
groceries,  liquors,  camp  supplies,  general  merchandise,  gasoline,  and 
kerosene.  The  few  remaining  imports  came  from  the  mainland  of 
Mexico  and  consisted  mostly  of  coffee,  cigars,  and  cigarettes.  The 
principal  exports  were  fish,  wheat,  fruits,  bird  guano  from  the  coastal 
islands,  and  copper,  all  going  to  the  United  States.  Considerable 
flour  was  sent  to  Mazatlan. 

Wheat  is  grown  in  the  northern  valleys  by  Russian  colonists,  but 
its  export  is  restricted,  and  most  of  it  is  milled  locally  or  is  shipped 
to  Mazatlan  or  other  Mexican  ports  on  the  west  coast.  The  soil  is 
particularly  adapted  to  bean-growing.  In  the  southern  district  early 
vegetables  for  American  markets,  grapes,  oranges,  lemons,  limes, 
tangerines,  olives,  and  dates  are  grown.  Around  all  the  towns 
Chinamen  raise  vegetables  for  home  consumption. 

The  country  is  rich  in  gold,  silver,  copper,  lead,  zinc,  and  iron 
Magnesite   is   shipped   from   Magdalena   Bay;     the   Mexican   onyx 
quarries  near  Santa   Catarina  are   the   largest  in   the   world.     An 
immense  surface  deposit  of  iron  ore  at  San  Isidro  gives  much  promise. 

"Adapted  from  W.  C.  Burdett,  Supplement  to  Commerce  Reports,  June  21, 
1920,  pp.  4-7. 

356 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY 


357 


Since  191 1  mining  has  been  on  a  decided  decline,  the  one  exception 
being  the  El  Boleo  copper  mine  at  Santa  Rosalia,  where  a  French 
company  has  produced  steadily  and  successfully  for  a  number  of 
years.     The  company  has  its  own  smelter  and  operates  its  own  ships. 

There  is  no  readily  accessible  timber  on  the  peninsula,  but  in  the 
higher  altitudes  back  from  the  coast  there  are  immense  pine  forests. 
These  will  not  be  available  until  railroads  are  built.  There  are  no 
sawmills  and  the  small  amount  of  lumber  used  is  shipped  from  the 
United  States. 

No  water-power  is  utilized,  although  several  streams,  notably  the 
Santo  Domingo  River,  which  falls  some  4,000  feet  from  the  sides 
of  San  Pedro  Martir  Mountain,  are  capable  of  developing  power. 
It  is  inevitable  that  some  time  in  the  future  hydroelectric  power 
plants  will  be  erected  on  these  rivers.  The  more  important  of  these 
streams  have  been  nationalized. 

At  one  time  about  50,000  cattle  were  grazed  in  the  northern  dis- 
trict, but  this  number  has  been  reduced  to  less  than  20,000  head.  The 
largest  cattle-owners  are  Americans,  and  they  have  been  steadily 
retrenching.  It  is  claimed  that  200,000  cattle  could  easily  be  grazed 
in  this  district. 

Fishing  is  one  of  the  most  important  industries,  and  the  waters 
off  both  coasts  of  Lower  California  abound  with  edible  fish.  No  fish 
from  the  Gulf  of  California  are  taken  to  the  United  States,  but  a 
large  portion  of  the  fish  consumed  in  the  Pacific  Coast  states  comes 
from  Mexican  waters  off  the  west  coast  of  Lower  California.  Often 
the  market  does  not  absorb  the  catch,  and  much  fish  is  sold  for 
fertilizer,  or  thrown  away. 

Poor  highways  have  adversely  affected  the  development  of  the 
territory  and  accentuated  its  isolation.  The  governor  is  under- 
taking a  program  of  road  improvement,  and  at  various  points 
highway  construction  is  under  way.  An  automobile  highway  con- 
necting Ensenada  with  San  Diego  probably  will  be  completed  in  1920, 
and  preliminary  work  is  in  progress  to  extend  this  road  200  miles 
farther  south. 

There  are  no  railroads  except  a  short  stretch  of  the  San  Diego  & 
Arizona,  which  in  two  places  passes  just  inside  the  border  and  has 
no  economic  effect  on  the  main  part  of  the  district.  A  large  part  of 
the  territory  is  inaccessible  except  on  foot,  or,  at  best,  with  pack 


358  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

mules  or  burros,  and  the  few  highways  are  little  used  except  for 
passenger  traffic.  Practically  all  the  trade  is  sea-borne.  There  is 
telegraph  service  between  the  larger  towns  and  there  are  three  wireless 
stations,  all  controlled  by  the  government.  No  express  companies 
have  service  in  Lower  California. 

The  population  of  Lower  California,  exclusive  of  the  Mexicali  dis- 
trict, is  probably  about  39,000,  of  whom  32,000  live  in  the  southern 
district.  No  exact  figures  are  available.  The  American  population 
is  less  than  200,  and  there  are  less  than  100  British,  French,  Italians, 
and  Germans.  The  bulk  of  the  Chinese  population  is  in  the  Mexicali 
district  and  not  over  600  live  in  the  territory  under  consideration. 
No  Japanese  live  in  the  territory  except  the  fishermen  in  the  camps 
on  the  Pacific  Coast,  the  last  count  on  these  being  85.  It  is  stated 
that  no  land  is  owned  by  the  Japanese. 

The  Copper  Mines  of  Santa  Rosalia.1  The  Boleo  copper  mines 
are  located  on  the  Gulf  Coast  of  Lower  California,  in  Santa  Rosalia, 
in  the  southern  district  of  the  territory,  the  latitude  being  27°ic/N. 
They  are  situated  at  a  distance  of  about  60  miles  from  the  port  of 
Guaymas,  Sonora,  which  has  communication  by  the  Southern  Pacific 
along  the  coast  with  the  port  of  Mazatlan  and  with  the  United  States. 
In  addition,  Santa  Rosalia  has  maritime  connections  with  various 
ports  of  the  Pacific,  both  Mexican  and  foreign.  The  company  main- 
tains its  own  fleet  of  steamers. 

The  old  roadstead  of  Santa  Rosalia  has  been  converted  by  the 
copper  mining  company  into  an  artificial  harbor  which  has  safe 
anchorage  for  vessels  of  deep  draft.  The  harbor  is  inclosed  by  sea 
walls,  giving  an  anchorage  ground  of  about  40  acres.  The  port  has 
a  customhouse  and  warehouses.  The  smelter  is  located  on  the  margin 
of  the  sea  at  Santa  Rosalia,  and  has  communication  with  the  various 
mining  camps  by  means  of  three  narrow-gauge  railroads,  whose 
united  length  is  28  miles.  The  sanitary  conditions  of  the  city  are 
not  entirely  satisfactory,  since  the  topography  of  the  region  makes 
difficult  the  establishment  of  a  sewage  system.  Drinking  water  is 
brought  by  a  6-inch  iron  pipe  from  Santa  Agueda,  some  2^  miles 
distant. 

1  Adapted  by  Alice  Foster  from  Leopold  Lopez  and  Luis  C.  Espinosa,  "  El 
mineral  de  'EI  Boleo'  en  Santa  Rosalia,  Baja  California,"  Boletin  minero.  Mexico, 
Departmento  de  Minas,  V,  303-1 1. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  359 

The  climate  of  this  district  is  hot  and  the  humidity  is  high.  Rains 
are  scant.  The  time  of  greatest  heat  includes  the  months  of  July 
and  August.     The  prevailing  winds  are  northwest. 

The  concession  for  the  opening  of  the  Santa  Rosalia  mines  was 
granted  with  the  understanding  that  there  should  be  an  attempt  to 
colonize  the  district.  Up  to  the  present  no  colony  has  been  estab- 
lished. The  city  of  about  11,000  consists  of  groups  of  miners  who 
are  entirely  dependent  for  work  upon  the  copper  mining  company, 
since  the  region  has  no  natural  resources  other  than  those  which  lie 
beneath  the  surface.  In  fact,  the  district  is  entirely  lacking  in  the 
elements  necessary  for  life,  since  outside  of  a  few  cereals  and  fruits 
and  some  cattle  from  Mulege,  San  Ignacio,  and  the  states  of  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa,  everything  consumed  by  the  mining  population  is 
imported  from  the  United  States.  They  are  even  more  dependent 
upon  the  outside  for  materials  needed  in  the  exploitation  and  treat- 
ment of  minerals,  such  as  machinery,  explosives,  fuel,  wood,  fluxing 
materials,  chemicals,  etc.  Even  wood  for  domestic  fuel  must  be 
brought  from  places  more  or  less  distant. 

2.     THE  ECONOMIC  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  COLORADO  DELTA 

(SONORAN  DESERT) 

a)1  In  agricultural  possibilities  the  delta  of  the  Colorado  is 
undoubtedly  the  most  important  section  of  the  Sonoran  Desert, 
because  of  the  extent  of  its  area,  the  quantity  of  water  available  for 
irrigation,  and  the  exceptional  climatic  conditions.  Because  of  the 
geographic  position  which  it  occupies,  being  only  a  portion  of  a 
natural  province  whose  greater  part  belongs  to  the  powerful  northern 
neighbor,  and  being  isolated  completely  from  the  rest  of  the  inhabited 
portion  of  the  Republic,  this  region,  so  far  as  its  utilization  is  con- 
cerned, constitutes  one  of  the  most  difficult  problems  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Interior. 

The  general  aspect  of  the  delta  is  that  of  an  immense  plain  in  which 
there  is  not  noted  any  appreciable  variation  in  level  except  near  its  bor- 
ders or  where  there  are  small  mounds  of  dune  sand.  Irregular  channels 
cross  the  plain  in  many  directions,  in  some  cases  occupied  by  streams, 
in  others  by  ponds  of  stagnant  water,  and  in  many  more  cases  entirely 

1  Adapted  by  Alice  Foster  from  Parergones  del  Jnstitulo  Geoldgico  de  Mexico, 
IV  (1912-13),  186-233. 


360  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

dry  and  crossed  by  other  more  recent  channels.  The  rich  alluvial 
soils  of  this  district  have  been  derived  from  the  decomposition  of 
rocks  throughout  the  enormous  drainage  basin  of  the  Colorado.  • 

Like  other  desert  regions,  the  Colorado  Delta  has  a  large  range  of 
temperature,  the  summer  maximum  being  the  highest  recorded  in 
America  and  the  minimum  temperature  in  January  and  February 
descending  to  below  freezing.  Atmospheric  humidity  is  extremely 
low.  Showers  are  infrequent,  and  the  annual  rainfall  is  about  three 
inches;  hence  agriculture  is  possible  only  under  irrigation.  The 
prevailing  winds  are  from  the  west  and  northwest  and  are  strong 
enough  to  cause  disagreeable  sand  storms. 

Upon  the  Mexican  side  of  the  international  boundary  the  prin- 
cipal products  are  alfalfa  and  barley.  There  are  immense  areas 
where  these  crops  are  cultivated  for  fodder.  The  soil  is  productive, 
water  is  abundant,  and  not  much  cultivation  is  required.  Direct 
export  of  these  products  is  of  importance  only  when  scarcity  upon 
the  American  side  of  the  line  causes  an  advance  in  price  sufficient  to 
make  up  for  the  high  import  duty.  At  present  the  greater  portion 
of  the  alfalfa  and  barley  is  used  in  fattening  cattle  which  are  exported 

(1013)- 

Other  cereals  which  are  cultivated  on  a  much  smaller  scale  are 
corn  for  local  consumption  and  wheat  which,  because  of  the  absence 
of  flour  mills,  must  be  exported  to  the  American  side.  Cotton  is 
becoming  of  considerable  importance,  since  the  yield  is  large;  and 
although  it  must  be  sent  across  the  border  to  be  ginned,  nevertheless 
the  profits  are  very  good,  and  some  considerable  portion  has  been 
exported  directly  to  Japan.  The  farmers  of  the  Imperial  Valley  in 
the  United  States  are  giving  special  attention  at  present  to  the  raising 
of  cotton,  which  within  the  last  two  or  three  years  has  been  raised 
to  such  an  extent  that  it  has  become  the  principal  product  >f 
the  region.  The  yield  here  is  remarkable  and  the  quality  of  the 
fiber  is  also  superior  when  the  kind  and  seed  have  been  well 
chosen. 

The  products  of  this  section  suitable  for  stock-feeding  are  abund- 
ant, varied,  and  of  good  quality.  Considerable  areas  are  covered 
with  grass  or  with  "tule,"  and  the  berries  of  the  mesquite  and  of 
the  tornillo  are  excellent  for  fattening  cattle.  The  area  appropriate 
for  stock-raising  was  estimated   in   1907   at   170,000  hectares,     it 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  361 

should  be  noted  that  the  cattle  can  be  pastured  only  for  nine  months 
in  the  year  in  the  part  which  is  inundated.  During  the  rest  of  the 
year  the  cattle  could  be  maintained  upon  the  desert  portion,  once 
this  has  been  conquered  and  improved.  The  "tule"  areas  are  fresh 
and  green  when  other  pastures  are  dry  and  furnish  excellent  feed  for 
the  stock  during  the  dry  season. 

In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Mexicali,  stock-raising  depends 
upon  tame  pastures  and  forage  crops,  chiefly  alfalfa  and  barley. 
Farther  south,  natural  pastures  are  utilized  principally.  Large  com 
panies  own  the  greater  part  of  the  animals  and  have  introduced 
improved  breeds,  which  appear  to  suffer  little  from  the  extreme  heat. 
There  is  a  considerable  development  of  sheep-raising  both  for  wool 
and  for  mutton. 

h)1  With  the  exception  of  a  small  and  as  yet  undeveloped  mining 
industry  devoted  to  the  mining  of  silver-lead  ores  and  copper  con- 
centrates, the  business  of  the  Mexicali  consular  district  is  agricultural. 
Except  in  the  high  mountains,  too  rugged  for  cultivation  but  used 
for  pasturage,  there  is  a  deficiency  of  rainfall  that  makes  irrigation 
essentia]  for  the  production  of  crops,  though  on  the  immediate  coast 
the  small  rainfall  aided  by  the  mists  and  fogs  from  the  sea  makes 
possible  the  "dry  farming"  of  wheat  and  beans. 

The  commercially  productive  part  of  the  district  is  the  irrigated 
section  of  the  Colorado  Delta  about  Mexicali.  This  productive  area 
extends  from  California  into  Lower  California  and  is  known  as  the 
Imperial  Valley,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  recent  irrigation  projects 
in  the  world.  Twenty  years  ago  this  land  was  a  desert,  and  its 
extensive  and  intensive  development  is  a  matter  of  the  last  ten 
years. 

Water  is  taken  from  the  Colorado  River  just  within  the  confines  of 
the  United  States  and  led,  because  of  favorable  terrain,  through 
Mexico,  again  entering  the  United  States  near  Mexicali,  which  is 
exactly  opposite  ana  physically  a  part  of  the  American  city  of  Calex- 
ico,  California.  Under  the  joint  arrangement  50  per  cent  of  the 
water  is  to  go  to  Mexico.  The  cost  of  the  upkeep  of  the  main  canals 
and  protective  levees  in  Mexico  is  borne  by  the  irrigation  district 

'  Adapted  from  W.  F.  Boyle,  Supplement  to  Commerce  Reports,  June  21,  1920. 
PP-  11-13- 


362  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

in  the  United  States,  the  said  district  owning  the  stock  of  the  Mexican 
Water  Company  operating  in  Mexico. 

The  population  of  the  consular  district  does  not  exceed  25,000 
persons,  the  number  living  elsewhere  than  in  the  Mexicali  irrigated 
area  being  negligible.  This  population  includes  some  5,000  Chinese, 
and  several  hundred  Japanese.  The  Asiatic  population  is  increasing, 
and  the  Chinese  are  reckoned  as  the  most  wealthy  and  commercially 
influential  element. 

Americans  have  large  interests  here,  both  in  lands  and  in  business, 
and  they  may  be  said  to  finance  the  entire  business  of  the  district. 
However,  the  actual  conduct  of  the  ranches  as  operators  is  gradually 
passing  into  the  hands  of  the  Chinese,  with  the  Japanese  entering 
the  field  now  in  increasing  numbers. 

Owing  to  the  proximity  to  the  United  States,  it  is  possible  for 
any  persons  not  excluded  under  American  laws  to  reside  in  the  United 
States  while  conducting  business  in  Mexico;  consequently  practically 
all  the  ranchers,  except  the  Chinese,  reside  in  Calexico,  California, 
maintain  offices  there,  and  make  it  the  purchasing  and  shipping  point 
of  their  supplies,  equipment,  etc. 

Goods  kept  in  stock  on  the  Mexican  side  of  the  line  would  carry 
with  them  a  large  overhead  expense  in  the  shape  of  Mexican  import 
duties  paid  at  the  time  of  importation,  whereas  goods  kept  in  stock 
on  the  American  side  of  the  line  are  equally  as  available  to  purchasers 
and  need  only  pay  duty  when  introduced  into  Mexico  for  actual 
consumption.  The  result  of  this  condition  is  to  confine  most  business 
to  the  American  side  of  the  line,  the  one  or  two  commercial  houses 
of  any  import  in  Mexico  being  in  the  main  distributing  houses  for 
their  own  ranches. 

The  one  great  crop  of  the  district  is  cotton.  Much  of  the  land 
now  under  cultivation  will  soon  become  exhausted  as  regards  further 
cotton  production,  without  rest  or  rotation  of  crops,  but  it  is  difficult 
to  find  persons  to  undertake  the  cultivation  of  other  crops.  The 
cotton-growers  feel  that  because  of  their  number  and  the  importance 
of  the  industry  they  can  secure  money  more  readily  for  financing 
their  operations.  In  addition  to  this,  cotton  enters  the  United  States 
free  of  duty,  whereas  early  vegetables,  melons,  fruits,  etc.,  for 
which  the  lands  are  adapted,  in  addition  to  the  Mexican  export 
duties,  would  encounter  an  American  import  duty. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  363 

3.    THE  STATES  OF  SINALOA  AND  NAYARIT  (SONORAN   DESERT)1 

The  American  consular  district  of  Mazatlan,  Mexico,  comprises 
the  states  of  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit,  the  latter  having  been  until  recently 
the  Territory  of  Tepic.  In  position  on  the  west  coast,  these  states 
correspond  to  the  area  between  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  and 
Veracruz  on  the  east  coast.  Culiacan  is  the  capital  of  the  state  of 
Sinaloa,  and  Tepic  is  the  capital  of  the  state  of  Nayarit,  but  these 
towns  and  all  others  in  this  district,  except  Mazatlan,  are  simply 
agricultural  and  mining  centers  of  little  commercial  importance. 

Mazatlan,  however,  is  a  commercial  center,  and  is  the  largest  city 
in  the  district,  its  population  being  about  21,000.  Mazatlan  has 
always  been  a  port  of  call  for  ocean  vessels  engaged  in  trade  between 
west  Mexico  and  the  United  States  and  Central  and  South  America. 
For  many  years  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  world-war,  a  number  of 
tramp  steamers  and  sailing  vessels  brought  mining  machinery,  farming 
implements,  and  a  great  variety  of  hardware,  tableware,  notions,  dry 
goods,  etc.,  direct  to  Mazatlan  from  European  countries,  and  carried 
back  full  loads  of  dyewoods,  hides,  textile  fiber,  ores,  and  a  few  other 
raw  commodities. 

Mazatlan  is  geographically  well  situated  for  a  commercial,  ship- 
ping, and  industrial  center.  For  ships  plying  down  this  coast  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexican  and  Central  American  ports  it  is 
convenient  of  access  on  both  the  southward  and  the  northward 
journeys,  and  the  cargo  landed  here  is  distributed  by  smaller  vessels 
up  the  Gulf  of  Lower  California  to  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  La  Paz,  Santa 
Rosalia,  Guaymas,  Topolobampo,  and  Altata,  and  to  the  south  to 
San  Bias,  Nayarit,  and  Las  Penas,  Jalisco.  Much  of  the  cargo  is 
also  carried  to  numerous  interior  points  by  rail  both  north  and  south 
of  Mazatlan. 

From  the  Sierra  Madre  several  rivers  flow  westward  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  spreading  out  upon  broad,  rich  valleys,  which  extend  over 
the  long  level  stretch  from  the  foothills  to  the  sea.  Each  of  these 
valleys  is  an  agricultural  section  somewhat  peculiar  to  itself. 

Fuerte  River  Valley.  In  the  Fuerte  River  Valley  in  the  northern 
part  of  Sinaloa,  there  is  located  an  American  colony  and  an  agricultural 

Adapted  from  W.  E.  Chapman,  Supplement  to  Commerce  Reports,  October  17, 
018.  np.  6-13,  and  October  30,  1019,  pp.  6-15. 


364       ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

corporation  with  a  large  sugar  factory  operating  on  the  property.  A 
well-laid-out  and  well-maintained  irrigation  system  provides  all  the 
water  needed  for  this  property,  which  extends  for  about  25  miles 
along  the  south  bank  of  the  Fuerte  River,  and  is  the  center  of  the 
agricultural  district  in  this  region. 

The  presence  of  this  colony,  which  uses  modern  machinery  for 
its  agricultural  operations,  has  undoubtedly  gone  far  toward  educating 
the  Mexican  ranchers  in  modern  methods  of  agriculture  and  thus 
contributed  largely  to  the  prosperity  of  the  region  and  the  increased 
sale  of  American  agricultural  implements. 

The  principal  products  of  this  district  are,  in  the  order  of  their 
importance,  sugar  cane,  corn,  tomatoes — nearly  all  of  which  are 
shipped  to  the  United  States — alfalfa,  rice,  garbanzo  (chick  pea), 
and  vegetables.  Comparatively  large  quantities  of  cantaloupes  were 
formerly  raised  for  shipment  to  the  United  States,  but  this  produc- 
tion was  stopped  during  the  disturbances  from  191 1  to  1916,  with 
their  consequent  interruptions  of  traffic,  and  has  never  been  resumed. 

The  valley  of  the  Fuerte  River  is  better  provided  with  means 
of  transporting  crops  than  most  places  in  Mexico.  The  port  of 
Topolobampo  is  located  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  provides  a 
completely  landlocked  harbor  for  vessels  of  shallow  draft.  The  Kan- 
sas City,  Mexico  &  Orient  Railway  parallels  the  river  between  Topolo- 
bampo and  El  Fuerte,  crossing  the  main  line  of  the  Pacific  Railroad 
of  Mexico  at  San  Bias,  the  last-mentioned  line  affording  direct  trans- 
portation to  the  United  States  markets  through  Nogales,  Arizona. 

The  northern  portion  of  this  consular  district,  embracing  that  part 
of  the  state  of  Sinaloa  lying  north  of  Mazatlan,  has  entered  upon 
an  era  of  prosperity  never  known  heretofore,  even  in  the  days  when 
peace  and  absolute  personal  guaranties  were  the  rule.  The  develop- 
ment of  the  garbanzo-  and  tomato-growing  industries,  which  have 
done  more  to  bring  about  a  better  knowledge  of  agricultural  and 
commercial  usages  as  practiced  in  the  United  States  than  anything 
else,  have  been  an  important  factor  in  bringing  about  this  condition. 
The  ready  acceptance  of  American  money  at  the  conventional  ex- 
change rate — two  for  one- -in  the  extreme  northern  part  of  the  state 
has  provided  a  medium  of  exchange  which  is  lacking  in  the  southern 
part  of  this  district,  and  indeed  in  the  major  part  of  the  Republic; 
and  the  abundant  crops  of  corn,  which  have  been  more  than  sufficient 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  365 

for  local  consumption  and  have  permitted  the  exportation  of  large 
quantities  to  points  in  the  interior  of  the  Republic,  at  prices  never 
heard  of  heretofore,  have  left  in  the  hands  of  the  ranchers,  large  and 
small,  more  actual  cash  than  they  have  ever  been  able  to  get  possession 
of  before  (1918). 

There  are  two  corn  crops  planted  annually  in  this  district.  One 
is  planted  in  January  for  harvest  in  May  and  June,  and  one  in  July 
for  harvest  in  November  and  December.  The  early  crops  can  only 
be  grown  on  river-bottom  land,  where  there  is  enough  dampness  for 
the  corn  to  grow  without  rain.  Large  quantities  of  this  crop  were 
shipped  by  water  from  Mazatlan  to  Manzanillo  and  thence  by  rail  to 
Mexico  City  (19 19).  Some  shipments  were  also  made  north  by  rail 
in  bond  over  the  Southern  Pacific  Railway  from  Nogales,  Arizona, 
to  El  Paso,  Texas,  and  thence  south  into  the  state  of  Chihuahua, 
Mexico.  Corn  thus  shipped  sold  for  many  times  what  it  cost  here, 
so  that  dealers  realized  large  profits.  The  later  crop  was  not  shipped 
to  other  points,  as  corn  is  produced  in  many  parts  of  Mexico  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year. 

The  main  garbanzo  section  of  this  consular  district  embraces  an 
area  extending  from  Guamuchil,  on  the  Mocorito  River  in  northern 
Sinaloa,  to  the  Sinaloa-Sonora  state  line.  A  normal  yield  of  this 
product  in  that  section  is  from  100,000  to  150,000  sacks  of  100  kilos 
(1  kilo  =  2.2  pounds)  each,  the  greater  portion  of  which  is  exported 
through  Nogales  to  New  York  and  New  Orleans  in  bond,  from 
which  points  shipment  is  made  chiefly  to  Cuba,  Spain,  and  Porto 
Rico.  This  consular  district  is  the  largest  sugar-producing  section 
in  Mexico,  making  about  40  per  cent  of  the  entire  sugar  output  of  the 
Mexican  Republic. 

Many  other  crops  are  produced  for  local  consumption,  such  as 
beans,  onions,  Irish  and  sweet  potatoes,  beets,  lettuce,  melons,  chili 
peppers,  and  peanuts,  but  no  statistics  concerning  these  are  avail- 
able. In  general,  these  crops  are  not  abundant  for  local  markets 
in  their  respective  seasons,  and  as  a  result  they  sell  at  exorbitant 
prices. 

There  are  a  good  many  varieties  of  tropical  fruits  produced  locally, 
and  as  a  general  rule  the  supply  is  sufficient  to  meet  the  local  demands, 
none  being  exported.  Among  these  the  mango,  banana,  alligator 
pear,  lemon,  orange,   and   coconut  are   the   most   popular.     There 


366  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

are  several  other  smaller  tropical  fruits  which  are  sought  after  by 
the  natives.  The  bananas  growing  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
Mazatlan  are  of  poor  quality,  but  good  bananas  are  shipped  here 
in  sufficient  quantities  from  the  state  of  Nayarit  on  the  small  boats 
which  ply  between  Mazatlan  and  the  port  of  San  Bias. 

There  is  scarcely  a  river  in  this  consular  district  that  does  not  offer 
from  one  to  several  favorable  sites  for  the  construction  of  reservoirs 
for  the  conservation  of  water,  not  only  for  irrigation,  but  for  power 
and  other  purposes.  There  are  several  instances  in  which  water  could 
be  utilized  for  power  and  the  same  water  turned  through  large  fertile 
fields  for  the  irrigation  of  crops.  One  river  near  Mazatlan  offers 
excellent  opportunity  in  this  direction, 

Stock-Raising.  The  kinds  of  live  stock  raised  in  these  states  are, 
in  the  order  of  their  importance,  hogs,  cattle,  mules,  horses,  and  goats. 
Sheep  are  almost  unknown. 

No  attempt  is  made  to  raise  hogs  on  a  large  scale,  but  every  ranch, 
large  and  small,  has  its  herd  of  hogs,  which  are  either  killed  for  home 
consumption  or  are  sold  to  local  butchers.  The  greater  part  of  the 
meat  is  wasted,  as  the  curing  of  the  meat  is  next  to  impossible  in 
this  climate. 

Cattle  are  not  fed  before  being  killed  for  the  market,  but  are  taken 
direct  from  the  range.  Even  the  feeding  of  milch  cows  is  a  rarity. 
The  consequence  is  that  the  cattle  are  generally  small  in  size  and  are 
not  fat  when  killed,  as  they  are  on  the  verge  of  starvation  for  at  least 
two  months  in  the  dry  season.  The  same  may  be  said  of  milch  cows, 
which,  for  lack  of  milk-producing  fodder,  usually  give  little  milk. 
Very  few  of  the  native  ranchers  have  ever  taken  any  interest  in  the 
improvement  of  their  stock  by  breeding  or  by  furnishing  them  suffi- 
cient food  to  allow  of  their  full  development.  The  importation  of 
blooded  cattle  from  the  United  States  or  Europe  is  very  expensive 
business  and  entails  considerable  risk,  as  the  sudden  change  of  climate 
is  very  hard  on  the  animals  and  extreme  care  must  be  exercised  to 
prevent  their  contracting  fatal  diseases  after  arrival,  even  if  they  do 
not  die  en  route. 

As  in  the  case  of  cattle,  horse-  and  mule-raising  is  not  conducted 
in  a  systematic  or  scientific  manner.  Bands  of  mares  are  allowed  to 
run  free  on  the  range,  and  the  colts  are  caught  and  broken  as  needed. 
Goats  are  raised  in  small  numbers.    They  are  required  principally  for 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  367 

their  milk  and  hides,  and  as  their  raising  entails  no  expense  whatever, 
are  more  or  less  community  property  in  the  small  hill  ranches. 

Both  Sinaloa  and  Nayarit  are  rich  in  gold  and  silver,  and  copper 
and  lead  are  also  found  in  commercial  quantities  in  some  of  the  gold 
and  silver  mines.  However,  where  the  mining  companies  have  the 
facilities  for  reducing  gold  and  silver  to  bullion  form,  they  do  not 
give  much  attention  to  saving  the  small  quantities  of  other  metals 
found.  Ore  is  produced  by  a  number  of  small  mines  scattered  about 
in  many  places  over  the  state  of  Sinaloa  and  in  a  few  places  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  state  of  Nayarit,  where  mines  are  worked. 

Mining  companies  do  not  carry  stocks  of  their  products  on  hand, 
except  what  is  accumulated  between  shipments.  It  is  their  purpose 
always  to  ship  as  fast  as  they  acquire  possession  of  quantities  suffi- 
ciently large  to  warrant  the  expense.  By  this  procedure  they  have 
at  all  times  credits  in  the  banks  in  the  United  States. 

The  matter  of  transportation  is  always  an  important  factor  in 
connection  with  mining  in  this  district.  While  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railway  of  Mexico  runs  parallel  to  the  sea  coast,  from  Nogales, 
Arizona,  to  as  far  south  as  the  mines  are  operated,  most  of  the  mines 
are  located  some  distance  from  the  railway,  out  in  the  hills  and  moun- 
tains, so  that  Mexican  mules  and  burros  have  to  be  used  in  carrying 
supplies  from  railway  stations  to  the  mines,  and  the  mining  products 
back  on  the  return  trip.  In  some  cases,  the  distance  is  so  great  and 
the  trail  so  rough  that  it  takes  three  or  four  days  to  cover  the  trip 
one  way.  Formerly  this  line  extended  through  to  the  city  of  Tepic, 
the  capital  of  the  state  of  Nayarit,  but  during  the  revolution  of  a 
few  years  ago  the  section  of  the  road  between  Acaponeta  and  Tepic 
was  so  badly  destroyed  that  all  operations  were  suspended. 

4.     GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  AFFECTING  LAND  TENURE  AND 
REVOLUTIONS  IN  MEXICO  (NORTHERN  BASINS)' 

Without  peering  behind  the  veil  of  Mexican  history,  we  need 
only  glance  at  the  modern  country  to  realize  how  faithfully  social 
conditions  reflect  lucal  geography.  The  form  of  land  tenure  pre- 
vailing in  Mexico,  for  instance,  is  due  to  the  country's  aridity.     It 

Adapted  from  Leon  Dominion,  "Glimpses  of  the  Mexican's  Geographical 
Background,"  Bulletin  of  the  Geographical  Society  of  Philadelphia,   XIV  (1916), 
84-88. 
13 


368  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

has  been  claimed  that  some  seven  thousand  families  out  of  a  popu- 
lation of  fifteen  million  inhabitants  own  the  entire  landed  surface  of 
the  nation.  In  perhaps  no  other  country  of  the  world  has  land 
been  parceled  among  such  a  small  proportion  of  its  sons.  In  the 
state  of  San  Luis  Potosi  (area,  24,000  sq.  mi.)  the  bulk  of  the  land 
is  in  the  hands  of  about  150  families.  The  proportion  owned  by 
members  of  this  privileged  minority  often  attains  acreages  of  con- 
siderable magnitude.  In  the  state  of  Chihuahua  the  area  occupied 
by  the  Terrazas  estate  exceeds  that  of  the  states  of  Massachusetts 
and  Rhode  Island  combined.  Haciendas  that  lay  effective  claim  to 
1,000,000  acres  are  not  infrequent  in  the  other  territorial  divisions 
of  the  Republic.  The  term  "hacienda"  itself,  meaning  a  plantation, 
has  eventually  become  a  measure  of  area  corresponding  to  about 
21,700  acres.  This  was  the  largest  unit  in  use  prior  to  the  adoption 
of  the  metric  system. 

This  restriction  of  landownership  is  attributable  to  the  physical 
conditions  prevailing  over  a  great  portion  of  Mexican  soil.  With 
the  exception  of  the  narrow  coastal  fringe,  the  slopes  encircling  the 
Plateau  and  the  land  extending  south  and  east  of  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  the  entire  surface  of  Mexico  belongs  to  the  type  of 
elevated  steppe  characterized  by  scarcity  of  water.  This  feature 
becomes  more  pronounced  with  northerly  distance  from  latitude 
2o°N.  until  beyond  latitude  25°N.  Mexican  territory  forms  a  vast 
desert  area  which  extends  from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the 
Gulf  Coast.  Rainfall  throughout  this  region  seldom  attains  a  mean 
annual  of  20  inches.  It  often  does  not  exceed  4  or  5  inches  in  some 
of  its  parts. 

It  is  precisely  within  this  desert  zone  that  large  plantations  are 
found.1  Conditions  of  aridity  in  Mexico  prevail  especially  in  the 
states  of  San  Luis  Potosi  (north  and  west  areas),  Zacatecas,  Durango, 
Coahuila,  and  Chihuahua.  These  states  also  contain  the  largest 
haciendas.  In  central  and  southern  Mexico,  however,  where  the 
soil  receives  a  greater  degree  of  moisture,  the  large  properties  of  the 
northern  districts  give  place  to  smaller  lots  of  5,000  or  6,000  acres 
and  less,  which  are  owned  either  by  single  individuals  or  constitute 
the  joint  property  of  the  inhabitants  of  pueblos  or  Indian  villages. 

1  The  estate  of  the  Zuloaga  family  west  of  the  city  of  Chihuahua  may  be  cited 
af  a»  example.     It  is  stated  to  cover  2,000,000  acres. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  51SQ 

Even  in  a  state  like  that  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  where,  as  has  been  stated 
above,  land  is  held  by  a  relatively  small  number  of  families,  owner- 
ship of  the  soil  in  the  hot,  humid  districts  tends  to  become  normal 
and  to  revert  to  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants.  This  is  well  exempli- 
fied by  conditions  in  the  Huasteca  district  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
state. 

In  the  main,  the  geographical  fact  of  the  increase  in  size  of  estates 
with  growing  aridity  may  be  established  for  Mexico.  This  relation 
is  natural,  if  not  inevitable,  since  it  has  been  determined  by  the 
impossibility  of  settlement  beyond  the  radius  of  convenient  distance 
from  sources  of  water  supply.  The  spring  or  well  and  its  limited 
range  of  irrigation  was  the  nucleus  around  which  settlement  centered 
and  outside  of  which  land  was  practically  devoid  of  value.  The 
incorporation  of  vast  tracts  to  the  original  watered  patch  was  a  mere 
instance  of  absorption  to  which  no  opposition  was  worth  offering. 
It  provided  the  wide  roaming  space  required  for  cattle  wherever 
water  is  scarce. 

In  contrast  to  the  extensive  haciendas  of  arid  Mexico  the  humid 
region  around  Cordoba,  in  the  first  stage  of  the  Mexican  temperate 
zone,  is  noted  for  its  numerous  subdivisions  of  property.  Here  the 
number  of  ranchos1  and  the  percentage  of  landowners  in  the  popu- 
lation exceeds  that  of  any  other  area  of  equal  size  in  Mexico.  The 
district  bears  the  reputation  of  being  the  most  prosperous  in  the 
country. 

Neither  is  the  role  to  be  assigned  to  the  factor  of  aridity  in  Mexico's 
recent  history  devoid  of  importance.  The  revolutions  which  have 
disturbed  Mexico's  internal  peace  since  1910  have  generally  pro- 
gressed from  the  northern  states  toward  the  capital.  Their  inception 
and  progress  has  been  marked  with  greater  vehemence  in  arid  Mexico, 
to  wit:  in  the  states  of  Chihuahua,  Coahuila,  Durango,  Sonora,  and 
San  Luis  Potosi.  The  other  states  have  rallied  to  the  cause  which 
opposed  the  government  established  in  the  capital  only  when  sub- 
jected to  the  pressure  of  armed  bands  gathered  from  the  arid  states. 
These  facts  suggest  comparison  with  conditions  prevailing  in  the 
other  arid  regions  of  the  world,  Arabia  for  instance.  The  causes 
determining  tribal  strifes  among  Arabs  have  their  counterpart  in  the 

'The  terra  applied  to  small  estates  in  contradistinction  with  "hacienda," 
the  use  of  which  is  restricted  to  large  plantations. 


370  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

operation  of  natural  processes  which  led  to  the  Mexican  civil  struggles. 
Insecurity  of  life  and  property  in  Mexico,  as  in  Arabia,  increases  with 
the  degree  of  aridity. 

5.  THE  MEXICAN  CATTLE  RANGES  (NORTHERN  BASINS)' 

Mexico  has  as  yet  developed  the  production  of  cattle  only  to  a 
small  extent,  and  her  significance  as  a  factor  in  cattle-raising  lies 
in  her  latent  possibilities.  The  following  is  quoted  from  Frank  J. 
Hagenbarth,  of  Utah,  who  developed  the  great  Palomas  ranch  in 

Chihuahua.3 

The  greater  part  of  the  area  of  Mexico  is  above  the  tick  line  and  ail  the 
plateaus  leading  to  the  Sierra  Madre  mountains  are  ideal  for  cattle-breeding 
purposes.  Only  the  river  bottoms  and  the  coast  country  produce  the  bane 
of  the  cattle  industry,  the  tick.  The  whole  country  grows  Para  grass  in 
profusion.  It  is  a  marvelous  feed,  equal  to  the  bunch  grass  of  Montaua 
succulent  and  highly  nutritious.  The  states  of  Sonora,  Coahuila,  Durango, 
Sinaloa,  and  Chihuahua  not  only  produce  this  feed  in  great  quantities,  but 
boast  of  an  excellent  climate.  Calves  may  come  at  any  season  of  the 
year  and  encounter  no  vicissitude.  It  must  not  be  presumed  that  no  handi- 
cap exists,  however.  The  northwest  range  country  has  a  severe  winter 
while  Mexico's  greatest  obstacle  to  cattle-raising  is  drouth.  But  this  can 
be  obviated  by  constructing  dams  and  storing  water  that  falls  during  the 
rainy  season.  The  present  practice,  even  on  such  properties  as  the  Terrazas 
ranches,  is  to  let  cattle  wander  anywhere  from  ten  to  fifteen  miles  for 
water,  if  they  find  it  then.  I  have  met  few  people  in  Mexico  who  had  even 
grasped  the  beef-raising  possibilities  of  the  country.  A  few  Polled  Durham 
and  Hereford  bulls  have  been  taken  in,  but  little  effective  effort  can  be 
detected,  and  any  impression  that  northern  Mexico  is  in  a  position  to  flood 
the  United  States  markets  with  cattle  of  any  kind  is  erroneous. 

Packers  report  that  cattle  purchased  in  Mexico  compare  well 
with  the  northern  United  States  range  cattle  that  reach  the  Chi- 
cago market.  However,  Mexico  has  not  yet  realized  the  possi- 
bilities for  the  production  of  either  cattle  or  sheep,  and  there  can 
be  no  great  immediate  improvement.  At  least  ten  years  will  be 
required  to  restore  the  damage  done  by  the  insurrection. 

1  Taken  from  H.  W.  Mumford  and  L.  D.  Hall,  "A  Review  of  Beef  Production 
in  the  United  States,"  University  of  Illinois,  Agricultural  Experiment  Station, 
Circular  No.  i6q,  pp.  23-24. 

!  Breeders'  Gazette,  June  21,  1911,  p.  1453. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  371 

That  Mexico  is  a  growing  factor  affecting  our  own  range-cattle 
industry  is  shown  by  the  number  of  cattle  brought  across  the  Mexican 
line  into  the  United  States  during  recent  years.  For  example,  the 
number  of  cattle  imported  from  Mexico  in  1905  was  22,000;  in  1906, 
24,000;  in  1907,  27,000;  in  1908,  64,000;  in  1909,  126,000;  in  1910, 
188,000.  These  cattle  are  grazed  on  ranges  throughout  the  West. 
They  have  been  taken  as  far  north  as  Montana  and  even  Canada, 
but  are  held  principally  in  the  Southwest  until  marketable  as  killers 
or  feeders. 

6.    THE  STATE  OF  COAHUILA  (NORTHERN  BASINS)1 

The  state  of  Coahuila  is  considered  one  of  the  most  important 
in  Mexico.  Not  only  is  it  the  third  state  in  point  of  area,  but  also 
the  coal  fields  of  the  Sabinas  district,  the  fertile  Laguna  district 
around  Torreon,  famous  for  its  cotton,  its  wheat  production,  and 
many  other  agricultural  and  mineral  resources  make  it  one  of  the 
wealthiest  states,  with  a  high  educational  average. 

The  Sabinas  Coal  Field.  This  field  ranks  first  in  Mexico  in  the 
production  of  bituminous  coal;  in  fact,  it  is  the  source  of  supply  for 
the  whole  Republic  for  railroad  and  smelting  purposes.  In  the  last 
years  of  the  revolution  the  coal  mines  were  greatly  handicapped  on 
account  of  confiscation,  labor  troubles,  and  the  closing  of  the  many 
smelters  throughout  the  country  which  consumed  their  outputs;  but 
the  year  1918  saw  the  opening  of  many  of  the  mines  that  had  been 
closed  down  and  a  boom  in  the  operation  of  those  that  had  been 
running  at  half-capacity.  The  Mexican  government  has  restored 
practically  all  of  the  mines  to  their  former  owners  and  the  present 
state  government  is  doing  its  utmost  to  favor  mines  in  the  handling 
of  labor  questions. 

The  output  of  the  coal  mines  in  this  district  is  estimated  to  have 
reached  73,500  tons  of  coal  a  month  in  1918.  The  normal  rate  of 
production  of  coal  in  Mexico  is  about  900,000  tons  a  year,  but  in 
recent  years  only  about  half  of  that  quantity  has  been  produced. 

The  Laguna  Cotton  District.  The  Laguna  district,  of  which 
Torreon  is  the  commercial  center,  has  long  been  noted  for  its  cotton 

1  Adapted  from  Supplements  to  Commerce  Reports,  April  28,  1919,  pp.  10-13; 
October  30,  1919,  pp.  21-22;  and  June  21,  1920,  pp.  18-22. 


372  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

production.  The  average  normal  crop  is  about  100,000  bales,  but 
the  crop  of  1918  exceeded  the  average  by  about  35,000  bales.  (Accu- 
rate statistics  are  not  obtainable.)  Under  normal  conditions  the 
entire  cotton  crop  is  consumed  by  the  Mexican  mills,  but  of  the  1918 
crop  probably  40  per  cent  will  be  exported. 

The  Laguna  Valley,  in  the  southwestern  part  of  the  state  of 
Coahuila,  is  a  dry  basin  about  100  miles  square,  which  has  often 
been  compared  to  the  Nile  Delta.  The  soil  is  an  alluvial  deposit, 
washed  down  by  the  waters  of  two  rivers  which  have  their  source 
in  the  adjoining  state  of  Durango,  and  which  for  eight  to  nine  months 
of  the  year  are  dry  in  this  vicinity.  During  the  short  rainy  season 
the  rivers  rise  to  a  flood,  and  the  water  is  diverted  over  portions  of 
the  land  by  canals  and  irrigation  ditches,  carrying  with  it  the  rich 
soil  of  the  watershed  and  serving  the  double  purpose  of  irrigation 
and  fertilization.  Under  the  present  system  of  irrigation  the  avail- 
able water  supply  is  only  sufficient  for  the  cultivation  of  a  small 
percentage  of  the  land  area.  The  average  rainfall  in  the  district 
of  the  Laguna  is  only  about  8  inches  annually.  Where  there  is  water 
for  irrigation  nearly  all  crops  produce  abundantly  in  the  rich  soil  of 
the  district,  the  principal  agricultural  products  aside  from  cotton 
being  corn,  wheat,  alfalfa,  and  beans. 

The  manufacture  of  soap,  glycerin,  and  cottonseed  products  is  a 
leading  industry  of  the  district.  The  largest  factory  in  the  Republic 
engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  these  products  operates  in  Gomez 
Palacio,  Durango,  and  several  plants  of  minor  importance,  princi- 
pally devoted  to  cottonseed  oil  and  cake,  are  located  in  Torreon  and 
other  centers  of  the  Laguna  district. 

The  Saltillo  District.  Coahuila  is  the  third  state  in  Mexico  in 
point  of  wheat  production.  Tributary  to  Saltillo  there  are  from 
600,000  to  800,000  acres  of  cultivable  wheat  land.  Not  more  than 
150,000  acres  are  usually  sown  and  the  crop  depends  largely  upon  the 
rains  and  snows  for  irrigation.  The  crop  varies  from  1,000,000  to 
2,000,000  bushels  per  year,  according  to  rainfall.  January  and 
February  rains  are  necessary  for  a  good  crop,  the  wheat  being  sown 
in  November  and  harvested  in  May,  June,  and  July.  The  1919  crop 
was  approximately  2,000,000  bushels.  The  1920  crop  suffered  for 
want  of  rain,  and  wheat  was  imported  from  the  United  States  to 
supply  the  four  local  mills. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  373 

The  ixtle  industry  is  one  of  the  foremost  in  the  district.  It  is 
expected  that  the  production  of  ixtle  will  increase  as  commercial 
conditions  improve.  The  cost  of  production  is  far  less  than  was 
expected,  from  the  fact  that  low-grade  labor  is  employed,  and  in 
many  cases  farmers  and  their  tenants  beat  out  the  fiber  during  the 
days  when  they  are  not  tilling  the  land.  It  is  then  sold  in  small 
amounts  to  the  various  ixtle-buyers,  usually  the  leading  merchants 
of  the  town,  and  in  this  manner  is  collected  in  carload  lots  for  export, 
with  slight  expense. 

Only  two  classes  of  ixtle  are  produced  in  this  district  in  quantity. 
Lechuguilla  ixtle  (sometimes  called  tula  ixtle)  is  derived  from  a 
plant  of  the  agave  family.  It  grows  wild,  no  attempt  being  made  to 
cultivate  it.  Only  the  new  shoot,  which  springs  up  yearly  in  the 
center  of  the  plant,  is  gathered.  This  is  boiled,  then  shredded  and 
combed  out  by  hand,  no  machines  having  yet  been  devised  which  do 
not  spoil  the  fiber.  It  is  used  for  the  manufacture  of  mats,  sacks 
brushes,  and  to  some  extent  for  cordage.  Before  the  war  the  greater 
part  of  the  lechuguilla  ixtle  was  shipped  to  Germany. 

Palma  ixtle  comes  from  a  plant  of  the  yucca  family,  being  a  sort 
of  desert  palm  with  a  tuft  of  spiked  leaves.  Like  the  lechuguilla 
ixtle,  it  is  not  cultivated  and  the  fiber  shoots  are  gathered  and  treated 
in  the  same  manner.  This  fiber  is  of  finer  texture  than  the  lechu- 
guilla and  is  more  used  for  cordage,  a  mixture  of  half  palma  ixtle 
and  half  henequen  being  common. 

The  ixtle  industry  in  this  district  gives  employment  to  about 
15,000  workers,  the  peon  wage  being  one  peso  per  day.  There  is  an 
ixtle  factory  at  Monterey,  but  the  local  product  is  exported,  as  there 
is  no  factory  here. 

Ixtle  is  now  the  export  second  in  importance  to  copper.  It  is 
perhaps  significant  that,  coincident  with  the  rise  of  the  guayule 
industry  from  1905  to  191 2,  the  ixtle  exportation  steadily  decreased, 
while  in  1919  the  ixtle  exportation  reached  almost  that  of  1905  and 
the  guayule  figures  were  low.  Quantitative  figures  and  comparative 
prices  are  not  available,  but  it  is  none  the  less  certain  that  the  ixtle 
production  is  steadily  increasing  and  that  the  oriental  supplies  of 
para  rubber  have  so  undermined  the  guayule  market  as  to  make  its 
production  here  almost  profitless.  The  two  Saltillo  factories  for  the 
extraction  of  guayule  gum  are  being  dismantled  and  the  machinery 
sold. 


374  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Saltillo  is  the  center  of  an  important  mining  district.  The 
Mazapil  Copper  Company,  an  English  corporation  with  main  offices 
in  Saltillo,  has  a  three-furnace  lead  smelter  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
city.  This  smelter  has  a  capacity  of  300  tons  of  ore  per  day.  In 
1920,  it  had  a  monthly  output  of  about  720  tons  of  lead-silver  bullion. 
This  is  shipped  to  England  via  Tampico.  The  same  company  has 
a  larger  smelter  for  handling  copper  ore  at  Concepcion  del  Oro,  in 
northeastern  Zacatecas.  In  addition  there  are  a  number  of  other 
copper  and  lead  mines  within  the  district.  Copper  matte  made  up 
practically  two-thirds  of  the  value  of  the  exports  from  the  Saltillo 
consular  district  to  the  United  States  in  1919. 

Saltillo  is  important  as  a  railroad  center.  It  has  two  direct  con- 
nections with  the  United  States,  one  via  Eagle  Pass,  Texas,  the  other 
via  Monterey  to  Laredo,  Texas. 

7.    A  MEXICAN  HACIENDA  (NORTHERN  BASINS)1 

Extending  southeastward  from  the  Rio  Grande,  between  high 
sierras  on  the  east  and  west,  is  the  Mexican  Plateau.  About  250 
miles  in  width,  this  area  extends  from  Juarez  to  its  southern  extrem- 
ity, about  1,000  miles.  Throughout  an  arid  land,  it  lies  under  a 
clear  sky  and  has  few  streams  and  little  rain. 

Its  extensive  plains  are  traversed  at  intervals  by  more  or  less 
isolated  mountain  ranges,  mostly  trending  in  parallel  course  with  the 
Sierra  Madre,  which  form  its  eastern  and  western  walls.  The  moun- 
tains rise  from  8,000  to  10,000  feet,  but  in  the  interior  of  the  country 
they  appear  much  lower,  owing  to  the  elevation  of  the  plain  itself, 
which  increases  in  altitude  from  about  3,700  feet  at  Juarez  to  over 
8,000  feet  near  the  City  of  Mexico.  The  topography  of  this  region 
is  very  similar  to  much  of  that  of  Arizona,  New  Mexico,  and  western 
Texas. 

Though  seemingly  desolate,  the  land  abounds  in  life,  and  the 
representatives  of  its  fauna  and  flora  occupy  places  in  widely  differing 
families  of  animals  and  plants.  The  country  supports,  however,  a 
meager  and  scattered  population,  which,  outside  the  cities,  is  con- 

1  Adapted  from  J.  E.  Kirkwood,  "A  Mexican  Hacienda,"  National  Geographic 
Magazine,  May,  1914,  pp.  563-84.  Mr.  Kirkwood  is  professor  of  botany  in  the 
University  of  Montana. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY 


375 


cerned  chiefly  with  mining  and  stock-raising.  While  physically 
capable  of  a  larger  development  agriculturally,  this  has  not  been 
possible  under  the  system  of  land  tenure  which  now  obtains  and  has 
existed  in  Mexico  from  the  early  times  of  the  Spanish  occupation. 
The  creation  of  enormous  private  estates,  devoted  to  mining  or 
grazing,  and  the  domination  of  large  sections  of  the  country  by  the 
interests  of  a  single  individual  or  family  have  greatly  hindered  the 
growth  of  agricultural  industry. 

Feudal  and  Aristocratic.  The  Mexican  estate  known  as  a  hacienda 
is  in  some  respects  a  remarkable  institution.  Feudal  in  its  traditions 
and  aristocratic  in  its  management,  it  reminds  one  of  the  old-world 
baronies  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Consistent  with  political  conditions 
in  a  country  little  more  than  nominally  democratic,  it  is  nevertheless 
so  at  variance  with  American  ideals  of  liberty  and  equality  that  not 
the  least  of  the  interest  in  the  system  lies  in  the  fact  that  such  medie- 
valism has  flourished  at  our  own  doors  up  to  the  present  time. 

The  story  of  the  haciendas  is  one  of  romantic  interest.  Each, 
largely  a  law  unto  itself,  developed  its  own  institutions,  had  its  life 
and  activities  apart  from  the  rest  of  the  state,  and  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  constituted  a  distinct  social  and  economic  unit. 

The  writer,  not  long  ago,  enjoyed  the  opportunity  of  a  year's 
sojourn  upon  one  of  these  haciendas.  This  estate,  the  Hacienda  of 
the  Cedars,  is  70  miles  long  by  60  wide,  a  domain  about  equal  in 
area  to  the  state  of  Connecticut.  Although  much  smaller  than  some 
of  the  other  haciendas,  it  nevertheless  constitutes  a  considerable 
property,  being  2,500,000  acres  in  extent.  From  center  to  circum- 
ference is  a  day's  journey  or  more,  and  the  proprietor,  when  he  visits 
the  outlying  portions  of  his  estate,  prepares  for  a  journey  of  days  or 
weeks  with  coach-and-six  and  attendants  and  much  of  the  air  of  a 
petty  ruler. 

The  Hacienda  de  Cedros  lies  in  the  northwestern  corner  of  the 
state  of  Zacatecas.  Mr.  Charles  T.  Andrews,  writing  of  life  on  a 
Mexican  hacienda,  says  of  this  place: 

There  are  several  traditions  in  regard  to  the  early  history  of  the  Cedros 
hacienda.  One  is  that  the  original  grantee  obtained  the  land  as  a  sort  of 
subsidy  for  a  missionary  propaganda  for  "the  conversion  of  the  Indians 
and  the  glory  of  the  church."  There  still  remains  indeed  in  the  archives 
of  Mexico  a  map  of  the  hacienda  with  a  sketch  of  the  church  building  he 


376  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

proposed  to  erect.  According  to  these  plans,  the  sacred  edifice  would  cover 
about  five  acres.  The  result  was  like  some  modern  schemes  for  public  aid 
to  private  enterprise.  The  promoter  got  2\  million  acres  of  land  and  the 
church  got  a  building  40  by  60  feet. 

The  Mexican  Central  Railroad  crosses  a  corner  of  this  estate  at 
some  distance  south  of  Torreon.  The  station  of  Camacho,  a  sun- 
scorched  and  wind-swept  row  of  adobe  structures,  is  upon  the  hacienda, 
and  eastward,  over  a  distant  range  of  mountains,  lies  the  village  of 
Cedros,  the  capital  of  this  principality.  Some  60  miles  intervene, 
however,  and  to  visit  it  one  must  proceed  thither  by  horseback  or 
wagon. 

Many  small  assemblages  of  huts  or  houses  are  scattered  over  the 
place  and  are  the  homes  of  small  ranchers  or  herdsmen.  In  all,  about 
2,000  people  live  upon  the  Hacienda  de  Cedros.  These  are  dis- 
tributed about  in  small  groups  here  and  there,  where  springs  may  be 
found  or  wells  dug,  or  where  the  configuration  of  the  land  makes 
possible  the  gathering  of  the  rainfall  into  reservoirs. 

Water  is  precious,  and  its  relative  abundance  determines  the  size 
of  the  village  and  often  the  nature  of  its  operations.  Issuing  from 
the  limestone  at  the  western  end  of  the  Potreros  are  a  number  of  fine 
springs,  some  warm  and  others  cold,  providing  for  irrigation  of  the 
gardens,  for  the  baths,  and  for  household  uses.  Some  supply  the 
long  stone  troughs  where  the  herds  come  to  drink.  About  these 
springs  has  grown  up  the  little  town  of  Cedros,  and  the  cottonwoods 
have  grown  with  it,  until  across  the  country  their  spreading  tops  are 
visible  afar  and  almost  obscure  the  white  walls  of  the  buildings  they 
overshadow.  It  is  a  rare  oasis  in  a  wide  desert,  and  shade  here 
beckons  the  grateful  traveler  to  its  restful  shelter. 

Here  all  roads  lead  to  Cedros.  Tenuous  threads  of  white,  cutting 
the  dull  green  of  the  distant  plain,  can  be  seen  converging  to  this 
point  like  the  spokes  of  a  wheel.  The  site,  well  chosen  for  strategic 
reasons,  commands  its  approaches  on  three  sides,  while  the  rough 
slopes  of  the  mountain  lie  to  the  rear.  Precautions  against  Indians 
and  others  were  necessary  in  the  early  days,  and  parapet  and  loophole 
are  still  visible  in  the  construction  of  the  larger  buildings.  Though 
such  occasions  are  less  to  be  expected  now,  the  place  is  still  well 
adapted  to  withstand  a  siege  of  small  arms.     The  defenses  here  have 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  377 

somewhat  fallen  to  decay;  but  at  outlying  stations  some  are  yet 
well  preserved,  as  where  Canada  Blanca,  with  wall  and  battlement, 
furnishes  a  place  of  refuge  in  the  grazing  country  two  days'  journey 
to  the  west. 

The  village  of  Cedros  consists  of  the  casa  grande,  or  manor  house, 
with  its  associated  structures,  and  the  church,  the  dwellings  of  the 
peons,  a  ropewalk,  an  old  smelter  and  ore  mills,  and  corrals.  Aside 
from  the  casa  grande  and  its  grounds,  the  village  does  not  cover 
more  than  the  space  of  three  or  four  city  blocks. 

Homes  of  the  Peons.  The  homes  of  peons  are  either  huddled  in 
groups  or  scattered  about  the  outskirts,  and,  though  mostly  per- 
manent structures  built  of  adobe,  they  are  arranged  in  no  definite 
order,  but  are  set  up  wherever  chance  or  the  convenience  of  the 
builder  dictated.  Many  of  the  dwellings  have  small  adjoining 
inclosures  formed  by  a  paling  constructed  of  the  wandlike  branches 
of  the  candlewood,  serving  for  garden  lots  or  corrals. 

Cheer  and  comfort  are  scarcely  known  to  the  peons'  habitations. 
They  are  usually  without  the  luxury  of  windows,  the  door  serving 
to  admit  all  the  light  that  enters.  The  poorer  huts  have  merely  a 
hole  in  the  wall  as  a  means  of  entrance  and  exit;  sometimes  a  room 
adjoining  has  no  exterior  opening,  but  is  reached  by  a  hole  in  the 
partition. 

In  these  hovels  some  live,  begrimed  and  hungry,  in  hopeless 
poverty.  Others  of  the  dwellings  are  much  better.  Such  may  boast 
some  coarse  matting  and  rude,  home-made  furniture  and  decorations 
of  colored  picture  cards  and  tinsel.  In  these  the  dwellers  have  some 
regard  for  cleanliness  and  a  measure  of  self-respect. 

The  Manor  House.  Across  the  open  plaza  stands  the  casa  grande. 
This  relic  of  manorial  pretensions  of  more  prosperous  days,  with  the 
buildings  adjoining  and  appertaining  to  it,  rambles  over  several  acres 
of  ground.  Its  front  elevation,  like  that  of  many  other  mansions 
of  the  land,  is  innocent  of  any  suggestion  of  artistic  effort,  and  rises 
a  plain,  whitewashed  wall,  broken  only  by  the  deep-set  and  securely 
grated  windows  and  the  heavy  doors.  It  rises  30  feet  to  the  parapet, 
providing  two  stories  in  the  main  building,  though  its  adjoining 
structures  have  but  one.  Before  recent  improvements  substituted 
a  stronger  wall  for  the  old  parapet,  loopholes  were  still  visible  here 


378  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OP  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  there.  The  doors  of  the  main  entrance,  like  those  of  the  church, 
are  ponderously  built  of  hewn  timbers,  and,  being  barred,  offer 
effectual  resistance  to  any  seeking  entrance  by  force. 

Notwithstanding  the  prejudice  which  might  naturally  arise  against 
sun-dried  brick  as  a  desirable  or  durable  building  material,  they  have 
been  immensely  useful  in  many  forms  of  construction  over  a  large 
part  of  the  North  American  continent.  They  came  extensively  into 
service,  probably,  through  the  force  of  necessity  where  other  mate- 
rials were  scarce  or  difficult  to  work,  but  they  have  abundantly 
demonstrated  their  usefulness.  It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine 
houses  better  adapted  to  the  hot,  dry  climate  of  the  Plateau  than 
the  adobe,  properly  constructed,  which,  when  well  finished,  is  clean 
and  may  be  even  beautiful  in  design. 

The  village  of  Cedros  holds  about  500  souls  and  the  casa  grande 
is  the  center  of  its  life.  The  "large  house"  has  always  been  the 
center  of  hacienda  life.  The  establishment  of  the  old  haciendas, 
upon  the  lines  of  a  feudal  barony,  was  doubtless  agreeable  to  the 
owners;  but  there  were  then,  and  also  until  recent  years,  conditions 
throughout  the  country  which  not  only  justified  such  a  scheme  of 
social  organization,  but  made  it  a  practical  necessity.  Unsettled 
and  lawless  as  the  land  then  was,  infested  by  Indians  and  marauding 
bands  of  thieves,  possession  of  the  land  was  not  only  nine  points  in 
favor  of  the  contestant,  but  the  whole  of  the  argument.  It  then 
behooved  the  proprietor  of  an  estate  to  fortify  himself  and  to  secure 
his  property  against  all  who  would  wrest  it  from  him. 

To  such,  therefore,  as  he  could  offer  protection  and  employment 
he  came  to  be  in  the  nature  of  a  master,  and  such  as  enjoyed  his  favor 
and  protection  became  identified  with  the  property  and  attached  to 
it  as  vassals.  The  law  prohibiting  a  peon's  leaving  an  estate  while 
in  debt  to  it  practically  made  him  a  fixture,  and  this  law,  being  still 
in  force,  makes  his  condition  today  little  different  from  that  of  former 
times,  though  peonage  has  nominally  been  abolished. 

The  Peon.  The  peon  is  not  ambitious;  he  is  apathetic.  But 
he  has  known  no  better  life,  and  the  lack  of  incentive  to  effort  renders 
his  mental  and  moral  elevation  a  matter  of  greater  difficulty  than 
it  otherwise  might  be.  Taking  into  account  the  generations  of 
servitude  to  which  he  has  been  subject,  it  is  not  strange  that  he 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  379 

evinces  no  regard  for  the  morrow,  except  as  a  time  to  which  all  dis- 
agreeable things  should  be  postponed,  and  no  concern  for  any  interests 
other  than  those  of  the  immediate  present. 

He  is  essentially  a  child  and  is  to  be  treated  as  such.  His  salvation 
is  not  in  higher  wages,  which  would  soon  be  squandered,  leaving  him 
in  worse  condition  than  before,  but  first  in  education  of  the  right  sort, 
which  will  give  him  an  outlook  upon  life  and  an  incentive  to  effort. 
At  the  time  when  the  writer  knew  Cedros  it  had  just  passed  from 
the  control  of  its  Mexican  owners  into  the  hands  of  an  American 
company,  whose  interest  in  the  property  was  mainly  in  the  exploita- 
tion of  guayule,  a  small  rubber-bearing  tree  of  the  desert.  With  the 
advent  of  the  new  management  an  effort  was  made  to  improve  the 
condition  of  the  peon  and  the  quality  of  his  service  by  the  payment 
of  higher  wages,  with  the  result  that  he  worked  less  than  he  did 
before  and  no  more  often  than  was  necessary  to  eke  out  a  subsistence. 

Mixture  of  Spanish  and  Indian  blood  is  common  among  the  peon 
population.  Many  of  these  people  are  clean,  intelligent,  and  indus- 
trious, but  the  reverse  is  more  frequently  true. 

Industries  of  the  Haciendas.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that 
the  operations  of  an  hacienda  in  their  character  and  extent  are  con- 
trolled very  largely  by  the  natural  resources  of  the  region  occupied. 
Mining,  farming,  and  stock-raising  are  the  principal  enterprises  of 
the  haciendas  on  the  Plateau,  while  exploitation  of  native  plants 
yielding  fiber,  rubber,  liquors,  etc.,  are  also  operations  of  importance 
in  many  places. 

In  most  instances  where  the  management  of  such  business  is  m 
the  hands  of  the  Mexican  and  has  not  passed  under  the  control  of 
more  progressive  people,  the  methods  employed  are  of  the  crudest 
sort.  One  observing  their  farming  in  the  outlying  districts  might 
imagine  himself  living  in  the  days  of  the  Pharaohs.  The  field  is 
plowed  with  a  crooked  stick  drawn  by  oxen,  with  the  yoke  tied  to  the 
horns.  Grain  is  cut  with  sickle  and  threshed  by  the  hoofs  of  cattle, 
and  corn  is  planted  and  shelled  by  hand.  Rough  and  heavy  home- 
made carts  or  the  backs  of  men  or  burros  are  the  most  common  modes 
of  conveyance.  The  people  seem  to  have  no  appreciation  of  improved 
fanning  implements.  Often  when  improved  implements  are  pro- 
vided the  laborers,  they  discard  them  for  more  primitive  methods. 


380  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  principal  agricultural  crop  of  the  region  is  corn,  but  small 
grains,  beans,  squashes,  and  a  few  vegetables  are  raised.  Corn  is 
the  staple  cereal  for  the  poorer  classes,  furnishing  material  for  tor- 
tillas and  tamales;  beans,  chilis,  and  onions  are  easily  grown  and 
form  some  of  the  chief  elements  of  the  Mexican's  diet. 

All  of  these  crops  are  matured  in  the  short  season  of  the  summer 
rains.  July  and  August  can  usually  be  depended  upon  for  heavy 
showers  at  no  distant  intervals,  and  the  drainage  of  the  uncultivated 
ground  is  so  managed  that  the  run-off  is  directed  over  the  fields,  which 
thus  receive  not  only  the  rain  which  falls  upon  them,  but  also  that 
which  falls  upon  a  considerable  area  of  the  adjacent  land.  Plowing 
and  seeding  are  done  mostly  in  July,  and  October  is  the  month  of 
harvest. 

The  fruits  produced  in  this  region  from  the  few  trees  growing  in 
the  better-watered  situations  are  the  fig,  pomegranate,  avocado, 
grape,  quince,  and  some  inferior  apples.  One  of  the  most  common 
of  the  fruits  of  the  country  is  the  tuna,  the  fruits  of  the  cactus  of  the 
prickly-pear  kind,  which  grows  to  immense  size  and  is  a  feature  of 
almost  every  well-ordered  garden  and  dooryard.  There  are  a  number 
of  varieties  of  this  fruit,  most  of  them  being  larger  than  a  hen's  egg  and 
purple,  red,  or  yellow  in  color.  It  is  largely  a  food  of  the  poorer  class 
of  people,  who  use  it  fresh  or  preserved.  Pecans  are  largely  planted 
for  their  nuts  and  for  the  ample  shade  which  their  crowns  afford. 

Stock-Raising.  On  the  haciendas  of  the  Plateau  the  business  of 
stock-raising  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  one  to  which  the 
natural  features  of  the  country  are  best  adapted.  Though  semidesert 
in  its  character  and  with  few  springs  and  fewer  streams,  yet  large 
herds  of  animals  are  raised  on  these  vast  plains. 

At  the  time  of  the  transfer  of  Cedros  to  its  American  owners 
it  was  estimated  that  the  hacienda  supported  a  half-million  head  of 
live  stock  of  various  kinds.  So  scant  is  the  growth  of  grass  in  this 
land,  however,  that  one  is  not  impressed  with  it  at  sight  as  a  stock 
range,  but  the  stock  get  much  of  their  forage  from  leaves  and  twigs 
of  many  species  of  woody  plants  in  which  the  place  abounds. 

The  problem  of  water  supply  is  a  serious  one  and  is  solved  by  the 
construction  of  numerous  represas,  or  tanques,  in  which  the  drainage 
of  the  surrounding  slopes  is  collected  in  the  rainy  season.     These  tanks 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  381 

are  often  many  acres  in  extent  and  the  water  fills  the  shallow  basin 
to  the  depth  of  15  or  20  feet.  A  tank  is  formed  by  throwing  a  dam 
of  earth  or  masonry  across  a  valley  at  a  convenient  point,  thus  form- 
ing a  reservoir  into  which  are  gathered  the  waters  drained  from  a 
considerable  area.  In  this  way  the  herdsman  makes  good  the  lack 
of  streams,  for  there  is  usually  water  retained  in  these  tanks  through- 
out the  dry  season.  If  the  tanks  are  located  in  the  vicinity  of  steep 
drainage  areas,  they  are  likely  to  become  silted  up  in  a  few  years, 
thus  necessitating  an  increase  in  the  height  of  the  dam  or  the  selection 
of  another  site  for  a  new  one. 

Mining  Properties.  Many  of  the  haciendas  are  mining  properties 
of  great  value.  Copper,  silver,  and  lead  are  the  most  abundant  prod- 
ucts. The  mountains  of  the  region  are  richly  mineralized,  and  here 
and  there  on  a  high  crest  may  be  seen  the  outward  evidence  of  the 
more  or  less  extensive  operations  going  on  within  the  mountain. 
Some  of  these  mines  were  worked  by  the  early  Spaniards  and  are  still 
productive.  On  the  Naranjera  property,  at  San  Pedro  Ocampo,  the 
hill  is  honeycombed  with  pits  and  galleries  from  which  in  the  early 
days  ore  was  taken  without  science  or  system,  except  as  the  richness 
of  the  rock  indicated  the  most  profitable  direction  for  the  expenditure 
of  effort.     The  work  is  now  carried  on  under  modern  methods. 

Fiber  Plants.  But  Cedros  is  no  longer  a  mining  hacienda.  Other 
interests  have  superseded,  and  in  late  years  the  Campania  Ganadera 
y  Textil  de  Cedros  represented  stock  and  fiber  as  its  chief  sources  of 
revenue.  Fiber-bearing  plants  are  one  of  the  natural  resources  of 
the  country,  and  the  amount  of  fiber  shipped  from  this  hacienda 
alone  amounts  to  over  90  tons  annually. 

Two  kinds  of  fiber  are  produced  in  large  quantities.  One  is  from 
the  leaves  of  a  yucca-like  tree  commonly  called  by  the  natives  palma, 
and  the  other  goes  usually  by  the  name  lechugnilla,  and  is  derived 
from  a  small  relative  of  the  century  plant,  exceedingly  abundant 
throughout  the  northern  half  of  the  Republic.  The  fiber  is  soft, 
pliable,  and  strong  and  is  much  used  for  cordage,  matting,  bags,  etc. 
Some  of  the  fiber  is  manufactured  locally,  but  most  of  it  finds  a 
market  in  New  York  and  other  foreign  ports. 

The  articles  made  from  these  fibers  are  strong,  firm,  and  compact, 
though  somewhat  coarse  and  rough.    They  are  such  articles  as  one 


382  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

sees  everywhere  in  Mexico — articles  very  well  adapted  to  the  purpose 
for  which  they  are  intended.  A  kind  of  heavy  matting,  much  used 
for  floor  covering  in  offices  and  similar  places,  serves  its  purpose 
well.  Besides  these  articles,  the  fiber  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of 
various  kinds  of  cordage,  and  much  of  it  finds  its  way  into  brushes, 
of  which  a  great  variety  may  be  found  both  of  home  and  of  foreign 
manufacture. 

Guayules.  There  grows  extensively  over  the  tableland  a  small 
desert  tree,  less  than  four  feet  in  height,  with  silvery,  grayish  leaves. 
It  grows  often  as  the  dominant  plant  over  considerable  areas  of  the 
calcareous  foothills,  where  it  gives  an  aspect  to  the  vegetation  similar 
to  that  of  the  sagebrush  areas  of  our  western  plains.  This  plant  is 
widely  known  as  the  guayule,  and  its  product,  a  kind  of  rubber,  has 
been  an  item  of  large  commercial  interest  in  central  Mexico  during 
the  last  decade. 

Although  it  was  known  long  ago  that  the  plant  produced  rubber, 
its  profitable  extraction  has  been  a  matter  of  only  recent  years,  and 
now  on  many  of  the  haciendas  the  cutting  of  guayule  is  a  thriving 
and  remunerative  business.  The  plant  is  generally  uprooted,  regard- 
less of  conservation  principles,  bound  into  bales,  and  shipped  to 
factories  in  the  cities.  About  10  per  cent  of  the  dry  weight  of  the 
tree  is  gum,  which  is  separated  from  the  tissue  by  grinding  and 
extraction  by  solvents  or  by  mechanical  agencies. 

Various  other  activities  of  greater  or  less  magnitude  and  impor- 
tance are  features  of  the  hacienda  life,  much  as  they  have  been  since 
the  first  settlement  of  the  country.  Where  the  railroads  have  pene- 
trated and  foreign  capital  has  entered,  they  feel  to  some  extent  the 
influence  of  the  world's  progress,  and  the  march  of  events.  At  the 
best,  however,  they  are  isolated  and  provincial,  living  in  the  distant 
past,  preferring  old  customs,  manners,  and  dress,  and  tenacious  of 
indolent  habits,  the  rich  and  the  poor  alike. 

The  days  of  the  old  haciendas  are  numbered.  Such  institutions 
cannot  long  resist  the  pressure  of  the  times.  Capital  is  insistent 
for  opportunity  where  there  is  profitable  investment.  Colonization 
enterprises  in  different  parts  of  the  country  have  already  secured 
large  areas  and  divided  them  into  small  tracts.  Revolutions  can 
only  temporarily  delay  such  development. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  3S3 

8.    THE  CORN  CROP  OF  MEXICO' 

The  corn  acreage  of  Mexico  ranks  next  to  that  of  the  United 
States  and  is  even  more  concentrated  than  in  the  United  States, 
over  60  per  cent  being  found  in  four  states — Jalisco  (42  per  cent), 
Guanajuato,  Mexico,  and  Yucatan  (passing  from  left  to  right  of 
map  on  opposite  page).  The  principal  centers  of  production  are 
located  in  the  southern  section  of  the  country,  mostly  on  the  High 
Plateau  and  in  Yucatan.  On  the  Plateau  the  summers  are  warm, 
but  frosts  occur  occasionally  in  the  winter  months.  Poor  agricultural 
methods  result  in  a  low  yield.  Mexico  has  a  greater  proportion  of 
cultivated  land  in  this  crop,  however,  than  any  other  country,  the 
acreage  of  corn  about  equaling  that  of  all  other  crops.  Most  of  the 
corn  is  grown  in  small  patches  of  a  few  acres  leased  by  the  peons 
from  the  large  landholders,  and  is  produced  by  very  primitive  methods. 
A  considerable  proportion  of  the  crop  is  grown  under  irrigation.  The 
corn  is  used  mostly  for  corn  bread  {tortillas),  which,  together  with 
beans  (jrijoles),  constitutes  the  staple  diet  of  the  Mexican  people. 
Very  little  corn  is  exported  from  Mexico,  and  ordinarily  over  one 
million  bushels  are  imported  annually  from  the  United  States. 

9.     MEXICO  AS  A  SOURCE  OF  HIDES  AND  SKINS1 

The  consensus  of  opinion  as  to  the  present  number  of  cattle, 
calves,  sheep,  and  goats  in  Mexico  places  it  at  about  25  per  cent 
of  the  stocks  which  existed  in  1910.  Since  that  time  those  sections 
of  the  country  which  were  formerly  the  greatest  producers  have 
been  the  scenes  of  almost  constant  turmoil.  Not  only  were  great 
numbers  of  cattle  slaughtered  by  the  revolutionists  for  hides  and 
meat,  but  also  by  the  owners  themselves,  in  an  effort  to  save  them 
from  depredations.  The  number  of  cattle,  therefore,  decreased  con- 
stantly from  1910  to  1918,  when  conditions  became  somewhat  more 
normal  throughout  the  Republic.  If  conditions  at  the  Mexico  City 
rastro  (slaughterhouse)  are  an  indication  of  those  prevailing  through- 
out the  country,  the  decrease  in  cattle  killed  daily  since  the  years 
1915  and  1916  would  probably  total  50  per  cent,  the  decrease  in 

*Taken  from  V.  C.  Finch  and  O.  E.  Baker,  Geography  of  the  World's  Agriculture, 
United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Office  of  Farm  Management,  191 7, 
PP-  30.  34- 

'Adapted  from  E.  F.  Feely,  Commerce  Reports,  October  31,  1919,  pp.  633-35. 


V 


vc£ 


:^2f 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  385 

calves  100  per  cent,  in  sheep  from  50  to  75  per  cent,  and  in  goats 
75  per  cent.  Scarcity  of  all  kinds  of  live  stock,  as  well  as  lack  of 
transportation  facilities,  are  apparently  the  reasons  for  this  great 
decrease. 

The  Mexico  City  rastro  "take-off"  is  considered  in  the  New  York 
market  as  good,  especially  the  Mexico  City  "packer  hides,"  as  they 
are  called.  During  the  past  six  months  the  demand  from  local  tan- 
ners has  been  very  heavy  at  the  Mexico  City  rastro  and  elsewhere, 
and  at  present  they  are  taking  more  than  75  per  cent  of  the  local  pro- 
duction. Most  of  the  exporters  doing  business  in  Mexico  have  their 
own  hide  cellars,  with  offices  and  employees  under  the  direction  of 
Americans.  All  hides  purchased  by  exporters  at  the  Mexico  City 
slaughterhouse  are  salted  by  experienced  men,  just  as  it  is  done  in 
the  United  States.  Apparently  only  one  American  tanner  is  buying 
the  raw  or  cured  stock  in  Mexico  City,  all  the  other  buyers  being 
hide-exporters  with  connections  in  the  United  States. 

The  best  hides  in  Mexico  come  from  the  Huasteca  and  the  west- 
coast  country.  However,  stock-raising  has  been  almost  abandoned 
in  those  regions  since  the  owners  have  found  it  difficult  to  ship  cattle 
to  market.  In  certain  sections  of  the  country  where  there  are  well- 
defined  seasons  the  hides  vary  accordingly,  but  in  the  upland  sec- 
tions of  Mexico,  on  the  Plateau,  the  hides  are  about  the  same  all  the 
year  around. 

Mexico's  future  position  as  a  source  of  hides  and  skins  depends 
almost  entirely  upon  a  return  to  conditions  of  stability.  Certainly 
natural  conditions  are  ideal  for  stock-raising  in  Mexico.  There  are 
vast  stretches  of  unused  grazing  land,  plenty  of  good  water,  and  a 
splendid  climate  for  this  industry. 


10.     COTTON  TEXTILE  INDUSTRY  OF  MEXICO  (CENTRAL  PLATEAU 
AND  SIERRA  MADRE  ORIENTAL)1 

The  first  cotton  textile  mills  in  Mexico  were  established  shortly 
after  the  country  attained  its  independence,  and  were  from  the  begin- 
ning protected  by  a  very  high  tariff.  Little  progress  was  made, 
however,  in  the  years  that  followed,  on  account  of  the  almost  con- 
tinuous state  of  revolutions  and  disturbances. 

1  Adapted  from  E.  F.  Feely,  Commerce  Reports,  October  29,  1920,  473-75. 


386  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

In  1843  there  were  in  Mexico  57  cotton  textile  plants,  operating 
125,000  spindles  and  producing  700,000  pieces  (25  m.  long)  of  coarse 
cotton  cloth,  known  as  mania,  and  used  almost  entirely  as  clothing 
for  the  Indian  population. 

The  capital  invested  in  the  industry  is  almost  entirely  French, 
Spanish,  and  British,  with  the  French  predominating.  The  largest 
company  actively  engaged  in  the  industry  at  present  is  the  Compania 
Industrial  de  Orizaba  (French),  with  a  capital  of  15,000,000  pesos 
(about  $7,500,000  United  States  currency),  which  owns  and  oper- 
ates several  large  mills  at  Orizaba,  in  the  state  of  Veracruz.  Others 
are  the  Compania  Industrial  Veracruzana  (Spanish),  also  at  Orizaba, 
with  a  capital  of  3,500,000  pesos,  and  the  Compania  Industrial  de 
Atlixco,  S.A.  (Spanish),  one  of  the  largest  plants  in  Mexico,  with  a 
capital  of  about  6,000,000  pesos. 

The  years  of  peace  which  the  country  enjoyed  under  the  Diaz 
regime  attracted  foreign  capital  in  great  volume,  and  the  textile 
industry  grew  rapidly,  always  favored  by  a  protective  tariff.  The 
greatest  growth  took  place  between  the  years  1900  and  19 10,  the 
increase  in  raw  material  consumed  amounting  to  150  per  cent  and 
the  increase  in  production  to  200  per  cent.  •  These  years  made  for 
great  advances  and  improvements  in  plants,  machinery,  and  power, 
and  were  almost  free  from  labor  troubles.  The  plants  were  equipped 
with  modern  machinery  and  the  industry  as  a  whole  was  in  a 
flourishing  condition. 

Condition  Prior  to  the  War  and  During  the  Revolution.  At  the  end 
of  the  fiscal  year  1913  there  were  144  factories  using  32,821,205  kilos 
of  raw  cotton,  turning  out  13,210,034  pieces  (25  m.  long)  of  cotton 
sheeting,  prints,  percales,  etc.,  and  operating  750,000  spindles. 
There  were  in  that  year  27,000  looms  and  51  printing  machines 
in  operation,  giving  employment  to  32,600  operatives  and  showing 
a  production  valued  at  54,000,903  pesos.  It  is  probable  that  the 
industry  has  not  since  exceeded  this  production.  Since  the  first 
revolution  under  Madera  broke  out  in  191 1,  the  unsettled  condi- 
tions of  the  country  have  offered  but  little  incentive  to  the  owners 
of  the  mills  to  make  further  investments.  During  the  turbulent 
times  which  followed  many  of  the  mills  were  abandoned  for  years  at  a 
time,  their  machinery  carried  off  and  destroyed  by  bandits,  and 
production  greatly  reduced.  Some  semblance  of  order  was  restored 
with  the  accession  of  the  Carranza  government  in  19 14,  and  with 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  387 

raw  cotton  in  great  demand  as  the  result  of  the  world-war,  Mexican 
planters  began  again  to  produce.'  The  acreage  was  considerably 
extended  and  a  record  production  has  been  reached  this  year. 

The  effect  of  the  war  on  the  textile  industry  was  marked.  With  a 
large  supply  of  raw  material  available  and  with  cotton  piece  goods 
at  high  prices,  such  mills  as  had  not  been  molested  again  began  opera- 
tions, and  in  1918  and  191 9  Mexico  was  able  to  export  a  considerable 
quantity  of  its  production  of  cotton  piece  goods.  A  great  part  of 
the  excess  was  purchased  by  American  exporters  for  re-export  to  Cuba 
and  Central  and  South  America,  and  consisted  of  drills,  percales, 
calicoes,  and  sheeting.  According  to  latest  statistics  available  in 
cotton  textile  mills  were  in  operation  in  Mexico  at  the  close  of  1919. 
There  are  no  exact  figures  as  to  the  value  of  the  production  of  the 
mills.  Estimates  of  the  amount  of  raw  cotton  which  the  industry 
would  consume  this  year  (1920)  ranged  from  90,000  to  100,000  bales 
of  500  pounds  each,  so  that  it  is  likely  that  the  value  and  the  volume 
of  the  output  will  be  greater  than  ever  before. 

In  spite  of  the  high  protective  tariff  the  imports  of  cotton  textiles 
into  Mexico  have  steadily  increased.  This  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that  the  imports  are  in  a  great  part  made  up  of  the  finer  weaves  and 
finishes  which  Mexico  is  unable  to  produce  on  account  of  its  lack  of 
adequate  machinery,  skilled  operatives,  etc.  Foreign  manufacturers, 
however,  are  unable  to  compete  with  Mexican  mills  in  the  cheaper 
goods,  and  will  be  unable  to  do  so  while  the  present  tariff  is  in 
effect. 

For  many  years  Mexico  was  obliged  to  import  raw  cotton  from  the 
United  States,  but  the  Laguna  district  is  now  furnishing  an  adequate 
supply  and  this  year  will  have  an  excess  for  export  of  about  100,000 
bales.  There  has  been,  however,  much  criticism  on  the  part  of 
buyers  that  the  Laguna  cotton  is  not  well  classified  and  has  caused 
confusion.  The  Mexican  fiber  has  a  long  staple  and  has  given 
excellent  results  in  Great  Britain,  where  30,000  bales  were  used  in 
1919.  Owing  to  the  presence  of  the  pink  bollworm  it  is  not  admitted 
into  the  United  States. 

Previous  to  the  war  German  dyes  were  used  almost  entirely  and 
large  stocks  were  held  by  German  importers  when  the  United  States 
entered  the  European  conflict.  During  the  last  two  years  American 
dyes  have  been  used  almost  exclusively,  and  in  spite  of  adverse 
propaganda  are  giving  results. 


388  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  equipment  of  the  mills  is  in  the  main  modern  and  consists  of 
German,  British,  French,  American,  and  Belgian  machinery.  The 
mills  in  Mexico  are  located  near  available  power  sites,  and  with  the 
exception  of  the  plants  in  the  Federal  District  are  still  utilizing  some 
water-power.  The  others  are  using  hydroelectric  power,  which  is 
supplied  now  by  the  Mexico  Light  and  Power  Company  from  its 
Necaxa  plant  at  the  principal  centers,  Puebla,  Orizaba,  and  Mexico 
City. 

The  managers,  foremen,  dyers,  weavers,  etc.,  are  Europeans, 
French  and  Spanish  in  the  main,  but  some  Germans  and  a  few  Mexi- 
cans are  found  in  these  positions.  They  are,  as  a  rule,  trained  men, 
brought  from  the  large  mills  in  Spain,  France,  and  Germany.  The 
operatives  are,  of  course,  Mexican,  mostly  Indians,  and  they  are 
about  as  efficient  as  their  wages  indicate.  At  a  recent  hearing  before 
the  board  of  conciliation  in  Mexico  City  it  was  stated  that  the  aver- 
age wage  paid  the  operatives  in  Orizaba  was  1.83  pesos,  or  about  92 
cents  United  States  currency,  per  day.  Their  capacity  for  produc- 
tion in  comparison  with  workmen  of  this  country  may  be  gauged  by 
a  comparison  of  wages  paid  to  each.  The  labor  problem,  however, 
has  been  a  serious  one  to  the  industry  and  frequently  prolonged 
strikes  have  served  greatly  to  curtail  production.1 

11.    THE  PETROLEUM  INDUSTRY  IN  MEXICO  (NORTHERN 
GULF  COASTAL  PLAIN)2 

Topography  and  Drainage  about  Tampico.  The  topography  of  the 
states  of  Tamaulipas  and  Veracruz,  and  of  Texas  and  Louisiana  to 
the  north,  is  controlled  by  the  Gulf  Coastal  Plain,  which,  in  northern 
Veracruz,  has  an  average  width  of  about  60  miles.  To  the  west  along 
the  east  flank  of  the  Sierra  Madre  Oriental,  the  sedimentaries  of  the 

•Manufacturing  in  19 19  was  carried  on  in  the  following  lines:  Mining  and 
smelting,  cotton,  clothing,  pottery,  breweries,  foundries,  rebozos,  rugs,  zarapes, 
hats,  basketry,  cigars  and  cigarettes,  sugar,  flour,  bagging,  twine,  soap,  leather, 
shoes,  paper,  iron  and  steel  works,  electric  light  and  power.  While  no  manufactur- 
ing is  carried  on  on  a  large  scale  in  Mexico,  except  mining  and  smelting,  it  is  well 
distributed  throughout  the  country  and  gives  employment  to  many  people.  Primi- 
tive methods  are  followed  in  many  of  the  industries,  especially  in  the  making  of 
rugs,  zarapes,  rebozos,  pottery,  and  basketry,  which  in  general  are  carried  on  in  the 
homes  of  the  workmen.     {Supplement  to  Commerce  Reports,  June  21,  1920,  p.  3.) 

2  Adapted  from  V.  R.  Garfias,  "The  Oil  Region  of  Northeastern  Mexico," 
Economic  Geology,  X,  195-224. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  389 

plain  are  folded  and  upturned,  and  disturbed  locally  by  volcanic 
intrusions.  The  transitional  topography  between  that  of  the  rugged 
flanks  of  the  Sierra  and  the  lowlands  of  the  coast  is  made  up  of  a 
series  of  terraces  and  irregular  hills  and  valleys,  which  represent  at 
the  surface  the  more  or  less  severe  folding  and  displacements  of  the 
underlying  basement.  In  the  northern  part  the  plain  is  made  up 
of  marls  and  clays,  which,  owing  to  their  nearly  horizontal  position 
and  impervious  nature,  give  rise  to  numerous  lagoons  and  marshes, 
particularly  near  Tampico  and  for  30  miles  inland,  where  the  flooded 
district  constitutes  at  times  about  one-half  the  total  area. 

A  topographic  feature  of  the  greatest  economic  importance  as  a 
means  of  transportation  along  this  coast,  where  good  natural  harbors 
are  the  exception,  is  the  Tamiahua  Lagoon.  This  body  of  shallow 
water,  with  a  maximum  width  of  10  miles,  skirts  the  coast  for  about 
90  miles  between  Tampico  and  Tuxpan,  and  is  separated  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  by  a  strip  of  land  nowhere  over  4  miles  wide.  The 
lagoon  proper  is  connected  with  the  Panuco  River  and  Tampico  on 
the  north  by  an  artificial  canal  about  20  miles  in  length,  and  with  the 
Tuxpan  River  on  the  south  by  a  similar  passage.  It  is  therefore 
possible  to  transport  freight  throughout  the  year  from  Tampico  to 
points  to  the  south,  the  accessibility  of  which  would  otherwise  be 
very  uncertain  during  the  stormy  season. 

The  rainfall  of  the  Coastal  Plain  is  heavy,  although  irregularly 
distributed  throughout  the  year.  A  great  quantity  of  it,  however,  is 
absorbed  by  the  mantle  of  vegetation,  and  the  run-off  is  compara- 
tively light.  The  most  important  streams  are  the  Tamesi  and 
Panuco,  the  union  of  which  forms  the  harbor  of  Tampico,  and  the 
La  Laja,  Tanconchin,  and  Tuxpan  rivers.  All  of  these  rivers  afford 
a  perennial  supply  of  water,  but  with  the  exception  of  that  furnished 
by  the  La  Laja  and  Tanconchin,  the  quality  of  the  water  is  not  of 
the  best.  During  the  rainy  season  the  volume  of  water  carried  by 
the  streams  is  sufficient  to  overcome  the  inflow  of  salt  water  from 
the  estuaries,  but  at  other  times  this  salt  water  creeps  upstream  for 
many  miles,  necessitating  that  intakes  for  fresh  water  be  located  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  the  outlets  of  the  rivers.  Considering  the 
great  thickness  and  impervious  nature  of  the  shales  which  make  up 
the  plain,  there  is  little  probability  of  encountering  an  underground 
water  supply  of  practical  value. 


39°  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Discovery  and  Location  of  the  Fields.  In  1901,  the  first  successful 
oil  well  in  Mexico  was  drilled  about  50  miles  west  of  Tampico.  In 
the  same  year,  the  Mexican  government  issued  a  law  with  the  object 
of  encouraging  prospecting  for  oil,  in  which,  among  other  franchises, 
the  free  export  of  products,  free  import  of  machinery  (on  one  occasion), 
and  exemption  from  some  taxes  for  a  period  of  ten  years  were  granted 
to  the  operator. 

Soon  afterward  the  English  engineering  firm  of  S.  Pearson  and 
Son,  Ltd.,  started  operations  in  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuan tepee  in  the 
southern  part  of  Mexico,  and  in  1906  extended  their  work  to  the 
Huasteca  region  south  of  Tampico.  On  May  12,  1906,  this  company 
entered  into  a  contract  with  the  Mexican  government  for  the  purpose 
of  exploiting  government  lands  in  the  states  of  Chiapas,  Campeche, 
Tabasco,  and  Veracruz,  in  the  southern  district  of  the  state  of  Tamau- 
lipas,  and  in  Valles  County,  in  the  state  of  San  Luis  Potosi. 

It  is  estimated  that  up  to  December  31,  191 2,  there  had  been 
drilled  in  Mexico  252  wells  of  which  64  were  producing.  Five  of 
these  yielded  more  than  90  per  cent  of  the  total  production  for  the 
year.  The  fields  producing  in  that  year  were  within  40  miles  of 
Tampico  or  Tuxpan. 

Transportation  of  Oil.  In  the  same  manner  that  lack  of  trans- 
portation facilities  affects  the  early  development  of  any  new  territory, 
so  has  the  lack  of  adequate  means  of  transporting  the  oil  from  the 
wells  to  market  hindered  the  successful  operation  of  entire  districts. 
Two  factors  control  the  transportation  of  the  Mexican  oil  from  the 
wells  to  seaboard,  (1)  the  quality  of  the  oil,  and  (2)  the  distance  of 
the  field  from  the  shipping  centers,  Tampico  and  Tuxpan. 

The  oil  produced  in  the  Ebano  and  Panuco  districts  is  of  such  low 
gravity  and  high  viscosity  that  it  cannot  be  pumped  through  pipe 
lines  economically.  Therefore  it  must  be  shipped  either  by  first 
removing  the  heavy  constituents  and  shipping  the  resultant  fuel  oil 
in  tank  cars  (as  is  done  at  Ebano),  or  by  transporting  the  crude 
oil  in  barges,  as  is  done  in  the  Panuco  district.  As  most  of  the  oil 
produced  at  Ebano  is  used  for  asphalt  and  fuel  by  the  Mexican  rail- 
roads, its  transportation  to  Tampico  does  not  greatly  affect  its  dis- 
posal. The  Panuco  product,  on  the  other  hand,  is  exported  and  has 
to  be  barged  about  60  miles  along  the  river  to  Tampico,  where  it  is 
stored  in  tanks  before  delivery  to  the  tank  steamers.     Owing  to  its 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  391 

high  viscosity,  it  is  necessary  to  heat  this  oil  before  delivering  to  the 
barges  and  again  before  loading  it  on  the  tank  steamers  from  the 
storage  tanks  at  Tampico. 

Ideal  wharfing  facilities  are  available  at  Tampico  where  tank 
steamers  are  loaded  in  record  time  alongside  the  companies'  storage 
farms.  The  loading  of  tank  steamers  at  Tuxpan  is  not  so  efficient 
as  at  Tampico,  although  remarkable  results  have  been  obtained  by 
running  lines  on  the  sea  bottom  to  about  a  mile  off  shore,  where  the 
tankers  anchor  and  are  loaded  through  flexible  piping  connected  to 
the  submerged  lines. 

Although  the  tank  steamers  of  foreign  companies  operating  in 
these  fields  transport  Mexican  oil  to  the  United  States  and  Europe, 
the  two  principal  Mexican  oil  companies  are  equipped  with  sub- 
stantial fleets. 

Production  of  Oil.  The  annual  production  of  petroleum  in  barrels 
of  42  gallons  in  Mexico  since  1904  is  shown  by  the  following  table: 

1904 221,000  1912 16,558,000 

1905 320,000  1913 25,902,000 

1906 1,097,000  1914 21,188,000 

1907 1,718,000  1915 32,911,000 

1908 3,482,000  1916 39,817,000 

1909 2,498,000  191 7 55,293,000 

1910 3,333,ooo  1918 ' 63,828,000 

19" 14,052,000  1919 87,359,000 

Markets  and  Refineries.1  All  oil  exported  from  Mexico  goes  by 
tank  ships.  During  normal  times  most  of  the  Mexican  railroads 
are  equipped  for  oil-burning  and  obtain  their  fuel  from  the  Ebano 
field,  or  from  the  several  refineries  at  Tampico  or  Minatitlan  after 
it  has  been  "topped."  By  far  the  greater  proportion  of  all  Mexican 
oil  which  is  exported  goes  to  United  States  ports,where  it  is  "topped" 
and  the  residue  is  sold  as  fuel  or  for  paving  purposes.  During  19 14 
shipments  of  Mexican  oil  were  as  follows: 

'Remainder  of  this  reading  taken  from  L.  G.  Huntley,  "The  Mexican  Oil 
Fields,"  Bulletin  of  the  American  Institute  of  Mining  Engineers,  September,  1915, 
pp.  2083,  2106-7. 


392  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Destination  Barrels  (42  gal.) 

United  States 15,476,727 

Mexican  coastwise 4,510,061 

South  America 195,138 

Continental  Europe 365,205 

United  Kingdom 67,780 

Panama 46,446 

Cuba 20,000 

Total  clearances 20,674,357 


Problems  of  Production.  It  is  believed  that  Mexico  is  potentially 
the  second  greatest  oil-producing  country  in  the  world  today.  The 
reasons  for  this  belief  are  summarized  below,  as  well  as  the  causes 
which  will  tend  to  hold  back  for  some  time  the  realization  of  the 
possible  maximum  production : 

1.  A  large  number  of  widely  separated  areas  have  been  tested 
and  have  developed  uniformly  large  wells. 

2.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  initial  wells,  none  of  these  areas 
has  been  fully  developed  by  the  drill.  There  is  thus  a  considerable 
acreage  undeveloped  in  already  proven  territory. 

3.  Numerous  promising  localities  remain  untested  in  the  present 
fields. 

4.  Large  districts  yet  untested,  such  as  those  north  of  Tampico 
and  west  and  northwest  of  Otontepec,  offer  surface  evidence  of  the 
same  characteristics  as  the  proven  fields. 

5.  The  production  per  well  has  been  large,  and  the  decline  slow 
in  most  fields. 

6.  The  underground  accumulations  in  fractured  zones  are  capable 
of  yielding  a  much  larger  percentage  of  their  petroleum  content  than 
is  a  sand  body. 

7.  More  efficient  methods  of  production  result  from  the  usual 
control  of  each  producing  district  by  one  large  company. 

If  such  districts  were  located  in  the  United  States,  they  would 
soon  be  drilled  up  to  a  production  such  that  the  price  would  break 
to  a  very  low  point;  but  in  Mexico  this  maximum  production  will 
doubtless  be  reached  much  more  slowly,  because  of:  (i)  internal 
political  difficulties;  (2)  delay  in  opening  up  isolated  districts  by 
railroads  and  pipe  lines;    (3)  the  many  large  tracts  of  land  in  most 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  393 

districts,  the  expense  of  handling  which  keeps  out  small  operators, 
who  would  overdrill;  (4)  the  high  expense  of  operating,  which  keeps 
out  a  host  of  adventurers;  (5)  the  lack  of  tankers  for  transportation; 
(6)  the  difficulty,  by  reason  of  expensive  production  and  transpor- 
tation, of  competing  in  the  United  States  market  with  Gulf  Coast 
and  California  fuel  oils;  and  (7)  the  present  overproduction  of  high- 
grade  oil  in  the  United  States,  which  will  delay  the  adaptation  to 
Mexican  oils  of  the  new  processes  for  refining  heavy  oils.  These 
economic  conditions  account  for  the  fact  that  Mexico,  from  wells 
having  a  present  daily  capacity  of  from  330,000  to  500,000  barrels, 
is  producing  only  70,000  barrels  a  day,  and  that  no  active  endeavors 
adequate  to  this  discrepancy  are  now  in  progress  for  the  liberation 
and  conveyance  to  the  sea-coast  of  the  enormous  amount  of  oil  thus 
shut  in. 

12.     THE  PENINSULA  OF  YUCATAN    (EASTERN  TIERRA  CALIENTE)1 

The  position  of  Yucatan  with  respect  to  the  rest  of  the  world  is 
highly  isolated.  Toward  the  south  and  east  it  is  bounded  by  dense 
tropical  forests  which  even  in  our  day  are  penetrated  neither  by  rail- 
way nor  road.  They  can  be  traversed  only  along  Indian  trails, 
winding  and  crooked,  and  often  coming  blindly  to  an  end.  Even 
these  poor  apologies  for  paths  are  impassable  except  with  the  help  of 
a  party  of  natives  armed  with  big  machetes  for  cutting  the  young 
trees  and  lianas,  which  grow  with  astounding  rapidity.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  forests  are  limited  to  a  few  scattered  bands  of  Indians  in 
the  lowest  stages  of  civilization.  Often  the  traveler  may  go  for  days 
without  seeing  a  village  or  even  a  camp.  On  the  north,  east,  and 
west,  Yucatan  is  surrounded  by  water,  but  that  does  not  make  it 
accessible.  The  harbors  on  the  east  coast  are  said  to  be  fairly  good, 
but  the  country  back  of  them  is  covered  with  dense  forests  like  those 
on  the  south,  and  hence  they  are  almost  useless  as  means  of  getting 
at  the  important  portions  of  the  country.  On  the  north  the  coast 
is  bordered  by  an  almost  continuous  line  of  sand  bars  and  lagoons. 
Within  the  lagoons  the  water  is  quiet  and  small  boats  can  sail  easily, 
but  unfortunately  it  is  not  possible  to  go  any  great  distance  without 

1  Adapted  from  Ellsworth  Huntington,  "The  Peninsula  of  Yucatan,"  Bulletin 
of  the  American  Geographical  Society,  XLIV,  1012,  801-22.  Mr.  Huntington  is 
research  associate  in  geography  at  Yale  University. 


394  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

meeting  barriers  which  force  the  navigator  to  take  to  the  open  sea. 
There  the  waves  raised  by  the  prevailing  trade  winds  blowing  freshly 
from  the  northeast  are  so  high  as  to  make  long  voyages  too  dangerous 
to  be  commonly  undertaken.  As  far  as  modern  steamers  are  con- 
cerned conditions  are  no  better.  Like  all  newly  uplifted  coastal 
plains  Yucatan  is  bordered  by  very  shallow  seas.  The  steamers  of 
the  Ward  Line,  the  only  one  plying  regularly  to  the  country,  are 
forced  to  anchor  three  miles  or  more  from  land,  and  to  send  their  freight 
and  passengers  ashore  in  a  tug  which  pitches  most  disquietingly  even 
in  comparatively  good  weather.  In  bad  weather  it  is  often  impos- 
sible to  make  a  landing.  On  the  west  coast,  known  as  Campeche, 
conditions  are  somewhat  better  because  of  less  exposure  to  the  winds, 
but  the  difficulties  due  to  shallow  water  are  not  much  different. 
Altogether  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan  is  a  decidedly  inaccessible  region. 
No  great  trade  routes  touch  it,  its  near  neighbors  on  every  side  are 
backward,  and  there  is  little  in  its  geographical  position  or  in  its 
degree  of  accessibility  to  permit  of  the  stimulation  which  comes  by 
contact  with  people  of  other  ideas  and  habits. 

Physiographically,  as  has  already  been  implied,  the  northern  part 
of  Yucatan  is  a  coastal  plain  newly  uplifted  from  the  sea.  For  scores 
of  miles  the  general  aspect  of  the  country  is  absolutely  flat.  Near 
the  center,  low  hills  rise  to  a  height  of  300  or  400  feet,  and  farther 
south  the  relief  becomes  greater.  The  most  noticeable  ridge,  so  far 
as  the  inhabited  portions  of  the  country  are  concerned,  runs  south- 
westward  from  a  point  about  30  miles  inland  from  the  northwestern 
corner  of  the  peninsula.  Its  rounded  hills  are  a  prominent  feature  in 
the  landscape  as  looked  at  from  the  plain  to  the  east,  but  they  are 
nowhere  difficult  to  cross.  Nevertheless  they  form  a  genuine  barrier 
to  civilization,  largely  because  of  their  relation  to  water  supply, 
rainfall,  and  vegetation. 

Practically  all  of  Yucatan  is  composed  of  soluble  limestone.  This 
has  given  rise  to  one  of  the  most  widely  known  features  of  the  country, 
that  is,  its  underground  drainage  and  cenotes  or  caves.  The  topog- 
raphy is  almost  universally  of  the  type  known  as  "karst."  The 
karst,  however,  is  not  of  the  kind  most  commonly  known,  for  in 
Yucatan  we  have  to  deal  with  a  level  plain  instead  of  with  a  region 
of  considerable  relief.  Because  of  the  flatness  of  the  country  and  the 
porous  nature  of  the  soluble  limestone  such  a  thing  as  a  river  is 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  395 

unknown.  Not  even  a  brook  is  found  in  the  whole  region,  and  natu- 
rally there  are  no  valleys  either.  The  only  break  in  the  flat  monotony 
is  afforded  by  innumerable  little  hillocks  5  to  15  feet  high.  They  he 
in  no  regular  order,  being  merely  the  remnants  which  happen  to  have 
been  left  between  depressions  in  which  a  little  water  gathers  in  the 
rainy  season.  The  water  stands  in  pools  for  a  while,  and  by  so  doing 
tends  to  dissolve  the  hollows  to  a  deeper  level.  Only  rarely  does  the 
water  of  one  hollow  run  over  into  another,  and  even  then  not  in 
sufficient  amounts  to  make  real  running  streams.  Such  being  the 
case,  the  drainage  of  the  country  is  naturally  confined  to  underground 
channels.  Often  the  concealed  waters  dissolve  large  caves,  whose 
tops  sometimes  have  fallen  in,  exposing  the  water  at  a  depth  of 
anywhere  from  20  to  100  feet,  and  thus  giving  rise  to  the  cenotes. 
These  broken-down  caves  are  of  great  importance  to  the  inhabitants, 
for,  as  has  already  been  said,  they  are  the  only  places  where  a  per- 
manent supply  of  water  is  obtainable  naturally  throughout  the  year. 
At  the  time  of  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  all  the  native  inhabitants, 
the  Maya  Indians,  are  said  to  have  been  clustered  around  them. 
Having  no  iron  tools,  the  primitive  Mayas  were  unable  to  dig  wells. 
Today  wells  can  be  dug  almost  everywhere  with  full  assurance  of 
striking  an  abundant  and  unfailing  supply  of  water.  The  only 
difficulty  is  that  in  the  hilly  regions  the  wells  have  to  be  sunk  to  a 
depth  of  from  100  to  200  feet,  and  the  labor  involved  is  sufficient  in 
many  cases  to  prevent  the  inefficient  people  of  the  tropics  from 
making  the  attempt.  Where  ground  water  lies  at  a  depth  of  only  20 
to  30  feet,  as  in  most  parts  of  the  plain,  wells  are  numerous.  In 
many  cases  the  water  is  raised  by  windmills  which  seem  to  rise  like  a 
forest  when  one  looks  from  a  distance  at  such  a  town  as  Merida,  the 
capital.  During  recent  years,  when  Yucatan  has  grown  rich  from 
the  henequen  or  sisal  fiber  industry,  pumps  run  by  gasoline  or  steam 
have  in  many  places  appeared. 

Climatically,  as  well  as  in  other  ways,  Yucatan  is  relatively  simple. 
It  lies  in  the  trade-wind  belt  from  about  180  10'  to  2i°3o'N.  In 
winter  the  brisk  winds  from  the  ocean  pass  over  the  land  without 
giving  up  much  moisture.  The  sky  is  clear  a  large  part  of  the  time, 
and  although  some  rain  falls  in  every  month  the  amount  in  the 
northern  parts  is  insignificant.  Farther  south,  however,  where  the 
hills  begin  to  rise,  the  rainfall  increases  rapidly,  and  showers  are 


396  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

quite  frequent  even  in  the  dry  season.  The  temperature  in  winter 
is  agreeable,  being  rarely  extremely  warm  and  never  cold  according 
to  the  ideas  of  people  from  the  north.  There  is,  however,  considerable 
variety,  especially  when  the  so-called  northers  blow.  These  appear 
to  be  connected  with  the  cyclonic  storms  of  the  United  States.  The 
winds  blow  violently  from  the  north  and  reduce  the  temperature  to 
the  lowest  points  ever  reached.  The  minimum,  however,  is  rarely 
below  500  F.,  while  the  maximum,  even  in  winter,  is  usually  above 
86°  F.  In  summer,  as  might  be  expected  in  this  latitude,  the  maxi- 
mum temperature  is  scarcely  higher  than  in  winter,  although  the 
minimum  does  not  fall  so  low.  The  zone  of  subtropical  rains  exerts 
its  accustomed  influence  and  gives  rise  to  heavy  tropical  showers. 
How  greatly  the  summer  rainfall  exceeds  that  of  winter  may  be  seen 
from  the  accompanying  table  which  gives  the  average  monthly  rain- 
fall for  the  fifteen  years  from  1896  to  1910  inclusive  at  Merida: 

■\/r     n.  Rainfall        vr„nti.  Rainfall 

Month  in  Inches       Month  in  Inches 

January 0.88  July 4.90 

February o  .68  August 8 .48 

March 0.58  September 4-4^ 

April 0.74  October 3.04 

May 1 .  70  November 1 .  94 

June 5.61  December 1.36 

Total 34-37 

The  seasonal  variation  of  rainfall  is  no  more  striking  than  its 
variation  from  region  to  region.  In  the  north  the  rainfall  is  slight, 
being  at  a  minimum  on  the  coast  in  the  neighborhood  of  Progreso. 
Here  in  191 1,  the  only  year  for  which  statistics  are  at  hand,  the 
precipitation  amounted  to  13.5  inches.  In  the  southeastern  and 
southern  part  of  the  peninsula  the  rainfall  is  more  than  50  inches 
during  the  year.  The  cause  for  the  variation  in  rainfall  is  twofold. 
In  the  first  place,  the  presence  of  hills  in  the  south  and  southwest 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  proximity  of  the  east  coast  to  the  open 
Caribbean  Sea  with  its  moist  east  winds  on  the  other,  give  those 
regions  more  rain  than  has  the  north  coast  and  northern  interior. 
In  the  second  place,  we  are  here  near  the  edge  of  the  area  reached 
by  the  zone  of  subequatorial  rains.  Hence  the  amount  of  these 
rains  increases  rapidly  toward  the  equator. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  397 

With  such  marked  changes  in  the  amount  of  rainfall  from  place 
to  place,  it  is  evident  that  the  vegetation  must  vary  greatly,  and 
this  in  turn  must  profoundly  affect  the  conditions  of  human  life. 
In  regions  like  Progreso,  where  the  rainfall  is  only  from  10  to  15 
inches  and  is  concentrated  largely  in  the  summer,  the  long  dry  period 
of  winter  prevents  the  growth  of  anything  except  small  bushes  6  or 
8  feet  high.  These,  however,  thrive  in  abundance,  so  that  the  coun- 
try is  well  covered  with  vegetation  and  is  everywhere  bright  green 
in  summer.  In  the  dry  winter,  however,  the  leaves  fall  off  and  the 
landscape  would  be  quite  like  that  of  a  thick  bushy  pasture  in  the 
United  States  were  it  not  that  in  March  or  April  some  of  the  bushes 
bear  brilliant  red,  yellow,  or  white  flowers.  As  one  goes  inland  from 
the  north  coast  to  regions  of  greater  rainfall  the  size  of  the  bushes 
gradually  increases  and  small  trees  appear.  Even  at  the  southern 
limit  of  the  jungle,  however,  at  places  like  Tecax  and  Peto,  the 
diminutive  limestone  hillocks  or  the  larger  hills  of  the  range  bordering 
the  administrative  province  of  Yucatan  are  covered  with  a  low, 
scrubby  growth.  Some  trees  rise  30  or  40  feet,  and  many  20  feet. 
There  is  nothing,  however,  to  suggest  the  deep,  somber  forest.  Small 
growths  not  over  20  feet  high  and  with  stems  only  3  or  4  inches  in 
diameter  predominate.  The  aspect  is  like  that  of  a  second  growth 
of  timber  in  the  northern  United  States  fifteen  or  twenty  years  after 
the  cutting  of  the  original  forest.  A  few  bushes  and  even  an  occa- 
sional tree  of  some  special  species  may  remain  green  throughout  the 
year,  but  most  become  as  bare  as  northern  trees. 

From  the  jungle  to  the  forest  the  transition  is  rapid.  A  day's 
ride  on  horseback  is  sometimes  sufficient  to  take  one  from  a  well- 
developed  sample  of  one  to  an  almost  equally  well-developed  sample 
of  the  other.  The  forest  is  of  the  kind  whose  descriptions  are  so 
familiar.  Many  trees  remain  green  throughout  the  year.  The 
trunks  rise  to  heights  of  50  or  60  feet  even  on  the  borders  of  their 
province,  and  at  the  top  the  leaves  form  a  canopy  so  that  the  ground 
is  usually  shady.  Until  9  or  10  a.m.  the  rays  of  the  sun,  even  in 
the  drier  months  when  a  portion  of  the  leaves  have  fallen,  scarcely 
reach  the  ground.  Even  at  high  noon  the  sunlight  straggles  through 
only  in  small  patches.  Long,  sinuous  lianas,  often  queerly  braided, 
hang  down  from  the  trees;  epiphytes  and  various  other  parasitic 
growths  add  their  strange  greens  and  reds  to  the  varied  complex  of 


398  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

plants.  Young  palms  grow  up  almost  in  a  night,  and  block  a  trail 
which  was  passable  a  few  days  before.  Wherever  the  death  of  old 
trees  forms  an  opening,  hundreds  of  seedlings  begin  a  fierce  race  to 
reach  the  light  and  strangle  their  competitors.  Everywhere  the 
dominant  note  is  intensely  vigorous  life,  rapid  growth,  and  quick 
decay,  as  befits  the  warm,  moist  air  which  rarely  varies  and  never  is 
so  cold  or  dry  as  seriously  to  interfere  with  the  development  of  the 
most  sensitive  types  of  plants. 

The  people  of  Yucatan  consist  of  every  gradation  from  pure 
Indians  to  pure  Spaniards.  The  forests  and  the  remoter  villages 
are  occupied  by  Indians  of  the  Maya  stock;  the  small  towns  and 
the  less  remote  villages  are  peopled  by  a  mixed  race  of  mestizos  in 
which  the  Indian  element  predominates,  while  in  the  larger  towns 
and  their  environs  the  proportion  of  Spanish  blood  steadily  rises. 
The  degree  of  energy  and  initiative  is  almost  directly  in  proportion 
to  the  amount  of  Spanish  blood.  The  pure  Indian  is  a  quiet,  slow 
being,  inoffensive  and  retiring  unless  abused.  He  never  seems  to 
work  unless  compelled.  As  for  storing  up  anything  for  the  future, 
the  thought  seems  never  to  enter  his  head.  If  he  has  enough  to  eat 
he  simply  sits  still  and  enjoys  life  until  hunger  again  arouses  him  to 
activity.  His  wants  are  few  and  easily  supplied.  His  agriculture 
begins  by  cutting  the  smaller  trees  of  the  jungle,  girdling  the  few 
larger  ones,  leaving  the  brush  to  dry  during  the  season  of  little  rain, 
and  finally  burning  it  off.  Then,  with  a  pointed  stick  he  makes  holes 
into  which  he  drops  corn,  beans,  and  the  seeds  of  the  pumpkin,  or 
of  one  or  two  other  vegetables.  The  corn  is  his  chief  reliance.  When 
the  crop  is  ripe,  he  never  thinks  of  gathering  it  all  at  once,  or  of 
storing  it  away  safely,  perhaps  in  the  form  of  flour.  His  method  is 
to  go  out  to  the  field  in  the  early  part  of  the  dry  season  after  the 
corn  is  well  ripe,  and  bend  down  each  stalk  so  that  the  ears  point 
downward  and  shed  the  occasional  rains.  Of  course,  he  uses  what 
corn  he  needs  day  by  day,  and  his  wife  grinds  a  little  each  morning 
for  the  day's  tortillas,  but  beyond  this  he  attempts  little.  Week  by 
week  he  picks  what  ears  he  needs,  caring  nothing  that  insects,  birds, 
and  beasts  are  eating  what  they  need  also.  He  knows  that  a  quarter 
or  a  third  of  the  ears  may  be  spoiled,  but  so  long  as  some  are  left,  he 
cares  little.  The  only  thing  that  ultimately  stirs  him  up  to  gather 
the  remainder  of  the  crop  is  the  end  of  the  dry  season.     Before  the 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  399 

rains  come  he  knows  that  he  must  burn  over  his  field  and  plant  more 
seed  or  else  he  will  starve.  Therefore  he  arouses  himself  for  a  period 
of  effort  at  least  once  during  the  year.  He  is  hardly  to  be  blamed 
for  his  apparent  laziness.  He  certainly  is  lazy  according  to  our 
standards,  but  he  has  little  to  stimulate  him,  and  it  is  easy  to  get  a 
living  without  much  work.  In  good  qualities,  however,  he  is  by  no 
means  lacking.  He  is  extremely  courteous,  and  according  to  all 
accounts  he  excels  in  both  honesty  and  morality. 

As  the  amount  of  Spanish  blood  in  the  people  of  Yucatan  increases, 
their  energy  and  resourcefulness  also  increase.  They  also  become 
more  light-hearted  and  gay  than  the  silent,  sober  Indians,  but  at  the 
same  time  the  degree  of  honesty  and  mo"ality  is  said  to  decrease 
markedly. 

The  human  inhabitants  of  Yucatan  are  distributed  unequally. 
Practically  all  of  the  400,000  people  of  the  peninsula  live  in  the  jungle 
region  of  Yucatan  proper  and  the  coastal  strip  north  of  Campeche, 
an  area  smaller  than  that  of  Massachusetts.  The  rest  of  the  country, 
comprising  most  of  the  province  of  Campeche  and  the  territory 
known  as  Quintana  Roo,  contains  only  a  few  wild  Indians  estimated 
at  4,000  or  5,000  in  number.  The  reason  is  not  far  to  seek:  the 
tropical  forest  has  hitherto  proved  unconquerable. 

Today,  in  spite  of  the  slowness  and  inefficiency  of  the  inhabitants 
as  compared  with  European  races,  the  country  compares  most  favor- 
ably with  other  tropical  lands.  Indeed,  it  is  so  wealthy  that  some 
travelers  have  supposed  Merida  to  be  the  richest  city  in  the  world 
in  proportion  to  its  size.  Whether  this  be  true  or  not,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  country  is  rich,  and  that  signs  of  poverty  are  hard 
to  find.  Possibly  this  apparent  prosperity  is  partly  due  to  the 
excessive  neatness  of  the  people,  for  neatness  is  in  most  countries 
the  luxury  of  the  well-to-do.  Perhaps,  too,  their  neatness  in  itself 
is  a  help  against  poverty.  However  that  may  be,  there  is  at  the  pres- 
ent time  a  distinct  and  special  reason  why  Yucatan  has  an  extraor- 
dinarily prosperous  air  and  impresses  the  casual  traveler  as  quite 
different  from  most  tropical  countries.  This  reason  is  the  henequen 
or  sisal  fiber  industry.  Henequen,  as  is  well  known,  is  a  species  of 
agave  which  grows  well  in  the  relatively  dry  portions  of  Yucatan. 
The  fiber  is  the  strongest  and  most  durable  known,  its  only  rival 
being  Manila  hemp.     The  growth  of  the  demand  for  strong  fibers, 

14 


400  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

occasioned  especially  by  the  expansion  of  the  grain  fields  in  America 
and  elsewhere,  has  for  many  years  tended  to  increase  the  value  of 
henequen,  and  has  led  to  the  planting  of  many  square  miles  of  the 
yucca  in  long,  monotonous  rows  extending  across  the  hillocky  plain 
between  uncompromisingly  angular  stone  walls.  This,  too,  has  led 
to  the  building  of  a  large  number  of  narrow-gauge  railroads  in  the 
dry  northern  part  of  Yucatan,  and  to  the  construction  of  hundreds 
of  miles  of  diminutive  tram  fines  leading  off  from  the  railroad  stations 
to  the  larger  henequen  fincas.  At  the  time  of  the  Spanish  War  in 
1898  the  supply  of  Manila  hemp  was  cut  off  for  a  few  years  and  the 
price  of  henequen  began  to  soar.  Now  it  has  fallen  a  good  deal, 
but  the  fiber  is  still  a  highly  valuable  export  and  makes  the  country 
much  more  prosperous  than  it  could  be  without  the  aid  of  some 
such  highly  specialized  product.  The  whole  aspect  of  the  country 
shows  this,  for  it  is  the  cause  not  only  of  the  abundant  railroads  and 
tram  lines,  the  almost  imposing  houses  at  some  of  the  estates,  and 
the  fine  dwellings  of  Merida,  but  also  of  the  excellent  public  buildings 
and  finely  paved  streets  which  make  such  an  impression  upon  the 
traveler  when  he  first  arrives. 


13.     FOREST  PRODUCTS  OF  THE  HUMID  TROPICAL  LOWLANDS  OF 
MEXICO  (EASTERN  TIERRA  CALIENTE)1 

In  those  regions  of  Mexico  which  enjoy  a  moist  tropical  climate, 
such  as  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  and  the 
southern  slopes  of  the  Sierra  Madre  of  Chiapas,  the  forests  are  still 
very  extensive,  for  only  in  the  vicinity  of  the  more  densely  popu- 
lated regions  have  they  been  destroyed  to  any  considerable  extent. 
The  inhabitants,  both  Indians  and  mestizos,  have  a  custom  of  mak- 
ing large  clearings  and  burning  the  trees  and  brush  as  soon  as  these 
are  sufficiently  dry.  As  a  result,  the  neighboring  forests  frequently 
are  set  on  fire,  but  because  of  the  great  humidity  such  fires  do 
not  extend  to  any  great  distance. 

The  importance  of  the  forest  industries  is  slight  in  comparison 
with  the  great  extent  of  the  forests,  both  because  of  the  difficulty  of 

'Adapted  by  Alice  Foster  from  Carlos  Sapper,  "Sobre  la  geografia  flsica 
y  la  geologla  de  la  peninsula  de  Yucatan,"  Boletin  del  Institute  Geologico  de 
Mlxico,  No.  3  (1896),  pp.  38-40. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  401 

communication  within  the  forests  and  because  the  utility  of  the 
products  of  these  forests  has  not  been  thoroughly  investigated.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  further  study  of  the  woods,  juices,  gums,  and  resins 
of  these  forests  would  reveal  other  useful  products.  At  present  the 
only  forest  products  exported  are,  (1)  sarsaparilla  root,  which  is 
found  in  nearly  all  the  moist  woods;  (2)  the  chicle  of  the  chico- 
zapote;  (3)  rubber  from  the  castilla  rubber  tree;  (4)  dyes  from 
the  logwood  and  the  mora;  and  (5)  mahogany  and  cedar  woods.  The 
mahogany,  cedar,  logwood,  mora,  rubber,  and  chico-zapote  are  found 
only  in  places  with  uniformly  high  temperature,  and  up  to  the  present 
time  have  not  been  found  in  the  states  of  Yucatan,  Campeche, 
Tabasco,  and  Chiapas  at  altitudes  above  2,700  feet  above  sea-level. 
Cedar  and  mahogany  are  found  only  in  the  very  moist  woods,  and 
since  they  will  float  in  water,  they  may  be  cut  in  places  distant 
from  the  sea.  When  the  rivers  are  in  flood  the  logs  are  thrown  into 
the  streams  and  floated  to  the  sea.  It  is  not  possible  to  export  the 
mahogany  and  cedar  logs  from  localities  (1)  where  there  are  no  rivers, 
as  in  southern  Yucatan,  (2)  where  the  rivers  have  high  waterfalls,  or 
(3)  where  a  part  of  the  course  of  a  stream  is  subterranean,  as  in  various 
of  the  northern  and  eastern  parts  of  Chiapas.  The  principal  ports 
for  the  exportation  of  these  woods  are  Minatitlan  and  Laguna  de 
Terminos. 

Logwood  is  found  in  moist  woods,  especially  in  places  which  are 
periodically  inundated,  and  also  in  less  moist  woods,  as  in  the  interior 
of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  It  is  exported  principally  from  Mina- 
titlan, Laguna  de  Terminos,  Champoton,  Campeche,  and  Belize. 
Mora  wood  is  less  important  commercially.  These  woods  will  not 
float  in  water  and  therefore  can  be  exploited  only  where  they  can 
be  shipped  by  boats  or  rafts  on  the  navigable  streams,  as  in  Tabasco ; 
or  over  wagon  roads,  as  in  the  northern  part  of  Yucatan;  or  by 
tramways,  as  in  the  vicinity  of  Champoton.  Where  there  is  lack 
of  transportation  facilities,  as  in  the  interior  of  the  peninsula  of 
Yucatan,  or  in  eastern  Chiapas,  above  the  rapids  which  interrupt 
the  navigation  of  the  Usumasinta  near  Tenosique,  the  woods  can- 
not be  exploited  unless  the  extracts  are  derived  at  the  place  where 
the  trees  are  cut. 

The  rubber  tree  is  found  only  in  the  moist  woods  of  the  Tierra 
Caliente.    The  chico-zapote  is  found  both  in  the  moist  woods  and 


402  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

in  the  drier  woods,  which  resemble  the  chaparral  of  the  Tierra  Ca- 
liente.  In  the  export  of  the  commercial  products  of  these  trees 
(respectively  rubber  and  chicle)  the  condition  of  the  roads  and  the 
distance  from  seaports  are  not  such  critical  matters.  Unfortunately 
the  rubber-gatherers  bleed  the  trees  excessively,  and  thereby  kill 
them.  For  this  reason  in  Soconusco,  on  the  Pacific  slope  of  southern 
Chiapas,  there  are  now  almost  no  wild  rubber  trees,  and  the  few 
rubber  plantations  which  have  been  established  in  the  district  are  not 
as  yet  producing  quantities  equal  to  the  former  export. 

14.     ANIMAL  INDUSTRIES  OF  SOUTHERN  MEXICO' 

In  all  inhabited  parts  of  Mexico  hens  and  pigs  are  raised  on 
a  small  scale,  almost  exclusively  for  domestic  use.  The  major 
animal  industry  of  the  states  of  Yucatan,  Campeche,  Tabasco,  and 
Chiapas  in  southern  Mexico  is  the  raising  of  horses,  mules,  and  sheep, 
which  form  an  important  part  of  the  national  wealth.  Stock-raising 
is  carried  on  chiefly  in  the  less  humid  sections,  where  there  are  natural 
pastures.  In  the  humid  regions  the  growth  of  the  jungle  is  so  rapid 
that  good  pastures  can  be  obtained  only  with  great  difficulty  and 
at  great  expense.  For  this  reason  it  will  be  understood  that  the 
animal  industries  are  most  important  in  the  savanna  regions  of 
these  states.  The  raising  of  horses  and  mules  is  carried  on  in  both 
the  hot  and  temperate  localities,  the  animals  being  exported  in 
considerable  numbers  from  Chiapas  and  Tabasco  to  Yucatan,  and 
from  Chiapas  to  the  neighboring  republic  of  Guatemala.  Sheep- 
raising  is  carried  on  principally  in  the  cold  and  rather  dry  parts 
of  Chiapas,  where  the  natives  weave  woolen  fabrics  on  their  very 
primitive  looms.  Although  the  production  of  wool  is  not  small, 
there  is  no  surplus  for  export.  On  the  contrary,  there  is  some  slight 
import  of  woolen  goods  from  foreign  countries.  In  Comitan,  woolen 
yarn  is  made  which  serves  to  decorate  the  long  braids  of  the  Indian 
women,  and  this  yarn  is  exported  to  Guatemala. 

'Adapted  by  Alice  Foster  from  Carlos  Sapper,  "Sobre  la  geografia  fisica 
y  la  geologia  de  la  peninsula  de  Yucatan,"  Boletin  del  Institutu  Gcologico  de 
Mexico,  No.  3  (1896),  pp.  40-41. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  403 

15.    THE  RELATION  OF  GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  TO  THE 
DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  MEXICAN  RAILROAD  SYSTEM' 

The  railroad  history  of  Mexico  began  with  the  first  presidential 
term  of  General  Diaz.  The  program  laid  out  at  that  time  by  the 
new  government,  and  responded  to  by  the  nation,  was  to  develop  its 
natural  elements  of  wealth;  to  repeople  the  national  territory  which 
foreign  wars  and  internal  strife  had  almost  depopulated;  to  cross  the 
land  with  ample  and  rapid  ways  of  communication;  to  open  new 
markets  to  Mexican  products;  to  increase  internal  trade;  to  end  at 
once  and  forever  fiscal  penury  and  its  fatal,  and  until  then  inevitable, 
consequences;  to  re-establish  the  lost  national  credit;  to  diffuse 
popular  instruction;  and,  finally,  to  promote  in  every  way  public 
and  private  prosperity,  thus  redeeming  the  nation  from  the  double 
slavery  of  ignorance  and  poverty,  and  elevating  it,  through  its  wealth 
and  power,  to  the  high  level  that  it  ought  to  occupy  among  civilized 
nations. 

To  establish  and  insure  peace,  it  was  necessary  to  join  the  integral 
parts  of  the  country  by  means  of  rapid  ways  of  transit,  a  military 
strategical  necessity.  Moreover,  beyond  their  military  significance, 
such  means  of  rapid  and  easy  internal  transportation,  permitting 
freedom  of  travel,  trade,  and  correspondence,  would  stimulate  enter- 
prise, increase  production,  and  promote  the  growth  of  both  general 
intelligence  and  national  wealth. 

The  technical  problem  of  Mexico's  rapid  and  economical  means 
of  communication  was  not  difficult.  On  the  map,  Mexico  has  the 
shape  of  a  leg  of  mutton,  wide  at  the  north;  its  coast  lines  joining  in 
curves  to  form  at  the  south  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec;  without 
navigable  rivers,  except  in  the  narrow  and  uncultivated  mountainous 
and  tropical  regions  of  the  south;  and  with  two  formidable  sys- 
tems of  mountains  parallel  to  the  coasts,  forming  in  the  center  of 
the  country  the  great  tableland  of  Mexico,  inhabited  by  about  half  the 
total  population.  This  tableland  has  the  same  general  shape  as  the 
country,  namely,  an  oblique  triangle  with  its  base  upon  the  northern 
frontier  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  its  apex  about  in  the  valley  of  the 
City  of  Mexico.  South  of  this  valley  the  two  coast  systems  of 
mountains  mix  and  join,  so  that  the  rest  of  the  country  down  to  the 

1  Adapted  from  Victor  M.  Braschi,  "The  Mexican  Railroad-System,"  Transac- 
tions of  the  American  Institute  of  Mining  Engineers,  XXXII  (1902),  259-62. 


404  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  is  mountainous,  with  the  exception,  of 
course,  of  the  flat  coast  fringes.  The  central  tableland  is  not  abso- 
lutely level,  but  slopes  northward  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  is  crossed 
by  numerous  separate  systems  of  mountains  and  hills,  independent 
of  the  two  coast  ranges. 

The  population  of  Mexico  is  distributed  roughly  as  follows: 

Per  Cent 

Central  states 47 

Pacific  Coast  states 33 

Gulf  of  Mexico  states 12 

Northern  frontier 8 

Total 100 

In  1877  the  central  tableland,  containing  about  half  the  popula- 
tion, and  which  is  the  true  and  typical  Mexico,  was  thus  separated 
from  the  coast  by  two  systems  of  mountain  ranges,  and  its  own 
principal  subdivisions  were  separated  by  long  distances,  occupied  by 
large,  uncultivated,  and  almost  desert  territories.  The  north,  with 
its  long,  thinly  settled  frontier  and  only  8  per  cent  of  the  total  popu- 
lation, was  indeed  a  free  and  wide  field  for  insurrection  and  smuggling. 
The  Pacific  Coast  states,  with  one-third  of  the  population,  were 
entirely  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  country  by  the  Sierra  Madre 
Mountains.  These  physical  barriers,  of  course,  still  remain;  but 
statesmanship  and  enterprise  have  so  far  overcome  them  that  they 
are  no  longer  absolute  barriers.  It  is  as  if  they  had  been  half 
obliterated. 

Mexico,  therefore,  was  then  a  nation  composed  of  almost  inde- 
pendent provinces  or  petty  states,  united  only  by  a  common  language, 
origin,  and  history,  and  by  memories  of  a  common  resistance  to  two 
foreign  aggressions,  notwithstanding  which  they  tore  each  other  up 
in  internal  fratricidal  wars.  These  states,  separated  by  difficult 
mountains  and  extensive  deserts,  had  accentuated  their  natural 
isolation  by  raising  against  each  other  artificial  walls  in  the  shape 
of  interior  customhouses;  and  their  highways  were  infested  by 
bandits,  encouraged  by  the  long  intervals  between  cities,  and  by 
repeated  revolutionary  disorders.  When  the  modern  history  of 
Mexico  began  in  1877,  the  country  was  anxious  and  ready  for  a 
change. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY 


405 


The  topographical  and  geographical  distribution  of  the  population 
being  such  as  we  have  seen,  and  no  navigable  rivers  existing  in  the 
populated  portion  of  the  country,  the  engineering  scheme  for  rapid 
ways  of  transit  proposed,  of  course,  a  net  of  railroads.  This  was 
composed,  broadly  speaking,  of  the  following  systems: 

1.  Lines  which,  starting  from  various  points  on  the  northern 
frontier  upon  the  Rio  Grande,  should  cross  the  great  central  tableland, 
converging  at  the  capital,  the  apex  of  the  triangle  of  the  tableland. 
These  lines  would  join  the  capital  to  the  central  and  northern  states, 
and,  crossing  vast  uncultivated  territories,  would  connect  with  the 
railroad  systems  of  the  United  States. 

2.  Lines  which,  starting  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  should  climb 
the  east  or  Gulf  range  of  mountains,  to  join  the  central  tableland 
with  the  Gulf. 

3.  Lines  which,  starting  from  the  City  of  Mexico  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, should  invade  the  mountainous  regions  of  the  South  and  the 
Southern  Pacific  Coast. 

4.  Lines  which,  crossing  the  Sierra  Madre  from  any  possible  point 
on  the  west,  should  join  the  Pacific  Coast  with  the  center  and  the 
Gulf. 

5.  Subsidiary  lines  and  branches. 

16.    THE  MEXICAN  RAILWAYS" 

During  the  period  of  comparative  quiet  which  Mexico  enjoyed 
between  1877,  the  beginning  of  President  Diaz'  regime,  and  191 1, 
the  beginning  of  the  revolutionary  period,  a  marked  economic  advance 
was  made.  Perhaps  the  most  notable  result  of  this  period  is  the 
present  rather  extensive  railway  system.  In  1910,  when  President 
Diaz  retired,  Mexico  had  some  16,000  miles  of  railway  track,  including 
about  3,000  miles  of  narrow-gauge  track  (mostly  unimportant  local 
roads)  and  8,200  miles  of  government-owned  or  -controlled  track. 
As  in  most  of  the  Latin  American  countries,  the  railroads  of  Mexico 
have  been  built  each  one  for  some  special  purpose,  with  little  regard 
to  any  general  plan.  Consequently,  in  some  parts  of  the  country, 
two  or  more  roads  compete  for  traffic  which  is  scarcely  sufficient  to 
support  one,  while  rich  mineral  and  agricultural  sections  remain 

'Adapted  from  Latin  American  Circular,  No.  41  (1918)  Bureau  of  Foreign 
and  Domestic  Commerce. 


406  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

undeveloped  because  of  their  isolation.  Acapulco,  the  best  natural 
harbor  of  Mexico  and  the  natural  outlet  for  a  rich  section  of  the 
country,  is  little  used  because  it  lacks  railroad  connections  with  the 
interior. 

In  1Q12,  approximately  $1,057,770,000  American  capital  was 
invested  in  Mexico,  $321,302,800  English,  and  $143,466,000  French. 
Of  this  American  capital  $235,464,000  was  invested  in  railway  stocks 
and  $408,926,000  in  railway  bonds;  $81,237,800  English  capital  in 
railway  stocks  and  $87,680,000  in  railway  bonds;  $17,000,000  French 
capital  in  railway  bonds;  $125,440,000  Mexican  capital  in  railway 
stocks  and  $12,275,000  in  railway  bonds;  $75,000  from  other  coun- 
tries in  stocks  and  $38,535,380  in  bonds. 

Under  the  Diaz  government,  concessions  granted  to  private 
companies  for  railroad  construction  provided  for  the  automatic  return 
of  the  roads  to  the  government  after  a  stated  period,  usually  ninety 
years,  upon  the  payment  by  the  government  of  compensation  for 
rolling  stock,  buildings,  and  materials  on  hand  at  the  date  of  the 
transfer.  In  1903,  the  government  began  to  buy  controlling  interests 
in  three  of  the  most  important  railways  of  the  country  and  in  1909 
united  these  three  lines  under  the  name  of  the  National  Railways  of 
Mexico.  This  company,  in  which  the  government  owned  50.3  per 
cent  of  the  stock,  was  gradually  extended  to  include  other  roads, 
until  it  became  by  far  the  most  important  system  of  the  country. 

National  Railways  of  Mexico.  This  company  owns  6,818  miles 
of  track  and  controls  an  additional  1,220  miles.  The  following  roads 
are  owned:  The  old  National  Railway,  803  miles  in  length,  extends 
from  Laredo  on  the  northern  border  to  Mexico  City,  traversing 
Nuevo  Leon  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  is  the  only  outlet  for  mining 
districts  from  which  zinc  and  lead  are  now  being  exported  to  the 
United  States.  From  Monterey,  a  branch  extends  to  Matamoros 
on  the  border  and  a  second  branch  west  to  Torreon.  The  Mexican 
Central  extends  from  Ciudad  Juarez  on  the  border  across  the  great 
central  uplands  to  Mexico  City  and  has  numerous  branches.  One 
of  these  extends  to  Tampico  and  connects  with  the  Laredo  line  at 
San  Luis  Potosi.  A  second  branch  extends  to  Manzanillo  on  the 
Pacific.  The  Mexican  International  Railway  extends  from  Ciudad 
Porfirio  Diaz  south  through  the  state  of  Coahuila  and  then  east  to 
Monterey  and   west   to   Durango.     According   to  a   recent   report, 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY  407 

construction  work  has  been  resumed  on  the  branch  from  Durango  to 
Mazatlan,  opening  up  a  new  timber  region  from  which  cross  ties 
may  be  obtained.  The  Veracruz  &  Isthmus  Railroad  connects 
the  part  of  Veracruz  with  the  Tehuantepec  Railway.  The  Pan- 
American  Railway  extends  from  a  station  on  the  Tehuantepec  Rail- 
way along  the  Pacific  Coastal  Plain  to  a  point  on  the  Guatemalan 
border. 

The  Interoceanic  and  the  Mexican  Southern  are  owned  by  British 
interests,  but  are  controlled  by  the  government  and  form  part  of  the 
National  Railways  system.  The  Interoceanic  Railway  runs  from 
Veracruz  to  Mexico  City.  The  Mexican  Southern  runs  from  the 
city  of  Puebla  through  the  state  of  Oaxaca  to  the  city  of  Oaxaca  and 
some  60  miles  farther  to  Ejutla. 

Mexican  Railway.  This  system  has  520  miles  of  track,  including 
the  main  line  from  Veracruz  to  Mexico  City  and  several  branch  lines. 
With  the  exception  of  the  short  period  between  September  1,  1916, 
and  March  31,  1917,  the  property  of  the  company  has  been  under 
the  control  of  the  Mexican  government  since  November,  19 14,  and 
during  this  "entire  time  only  the  most  necessary  repairs  have  been 
made.  It  is  estimated  that  an  outlay  of  £2,000,000  sterling  will  be 
necessary  to  restore  the  road  to  its  former  good  condition  when  the 
company  once  more  assumes  control. 

Tehuantepec  Railway.  This  company  owns  the  line  (184  miles 
of  track)  which  crosses  the  isthmus  from  Puerto  Mexico  on  the 
Atlantic  to  Salina  Cruz  on  the  Pacific,  and  also  completed  port 
works  on  both  coasts.  Before  the  revolution,  S.  Pearson  &  Com- 
pany, of  London,  the  builders  of  the  road  and  port  works,  and  the 
Mexican  government  were  partners  in  this  company,  each  with  an 
equal  amount  of  capital  invested. 

For  a  few  years  after  the  building  of  the  railroad  there  was  a 
considerable  amount  of  cargo  shipped  across  the  isthmus  in  transit 
from  an  Atlantic  to  a  Pacific  port  of  the  United  States,  or  vice  versa. 
During  the  calendar  year  1908  the  cargo  so  transshipped  amounted 
to  348,000  metric  tons,  and  during  191 1  to  more  than  1,000,000  tons. 
Most  of  this  traffic  was  sugar  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  intended 
for  Philadelphia  and  New  York,  and  general  merchandise  going  from 
the  east  coast  of  the  United  States  to  the  west  coast  and  to  the 
Hawaiian  Islands. 


408  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Due  to  the  unsettled  political  conditions  in  this  country  in  recent 
years,  this  transshipment  traffic  entirely  stopped.  Recently  a  few 
shipments  of  cabinet  woods  and  of  coffee  have  been  made  to  the 
eastern  coast  of  the  United  States  from  the  west  coast  of  Central 
America  via  this  isthmus,  but  the  traffic  is  so  far  insignificant.  In 
an  effort  to  encourage  such  traffic  the  Mexican  government  has  made 
certain  concessions  in  the  payment  of  port  charges  to  vessels  engaged 
in  such  traffic.  Whether  or  not  the  reductions  already  made  will 
be  efficacious  in  again  building  up  such  traffic  remains  to  be  seen. 

Mexico  Northwestern.  This  company  is  incorporated  under  the 
laws  of  Canada  and  controls  various  lumber  mills  and  timber  land 
in  northern  Mexico  as  well  as  512  miles  of  track,  370  of  which  it  owns. 
The  Mexican  Northwestern  Railway  runs  from  Ciudad  Juarez  to 
Chihuahua  and  is  reported  to  have  suffered  more  from  the  revolution 
than  any  other  road  in  Mexico. 

The  Southern  Pacific  of  Mexico.  This  road  is  owned  by  the 
Southern  Pacific  of  the  United  States  and  has  approximately  1,000 
miles  of  track.  The  main  line  extends  from  Nogales,  Arizona,  south- 
ward through  the  state  of  Sonora  and  down  the  west  coast  to  Tepic, 
from  which  point  it  is  eventually  to  go  to  Guadalajara  and  Mexico 
City. 

United  Railways  of  Yucatan.  The  company  has  fines  from  Merida 
to  Progreso  and  Campeche,  and  from  Merida  east  and  south  through 
the  state  of  Yucatan.  There  were  500  miles  of  railway  operating 
(1918)  in  the  consular  district  of  Progreso,  which  included  most  of 
the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  and  the  trackage  was  reported  to  be  in 
good  condition  although  it  had  had  little  care. 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY 


409 


17.    THE  FOREIGN  TRADE  OF  MEXICO1 

TABLE  XXXV 
Foreign  Trade  of  Mexico  by  Ports 

The  ports  of  Veracruz  and  Tampico  handle  more  than  half  of  the 
foreign  trade  of  the  country,  as  shown  by  the  following  table,  which 
shows  the  import  and  export  trade  by  ports  for  1912-13: 


Ports 

Gulf  Ports: 

Coatzacoalcos  (Puerto  Mexico) 

Frontera 

Progreso 

Tampico 

Veracruz 

Others 

Pacific  ports: 

Guaymas 

Manzanillo , 

Mazatlan , 

Salina  Cruz 

Santa  Rosalia 

Others 

Northern  frontier  ports: 

Agua  Prieta , 

Ciudad  Juarez 

La  Marita 

Laredo 

Matamoras 

Nogales 

Piedras  Negras 

Others 

Southern  frontier  ports 

Total 


Imports 


Exports 


$  2,520,000 

$  3,315,000 

740,000 

1,476,000 

5,601,000 

14,598,000 

22,825,000 

40,379,000 

40,733.000 

42,118,000 

944,000 

5,688,000 

1,115,000 

1,461,000 

740,000 

153,000 

1,252,000 

2,123,000 

311,000 

670,000 

799,000 

3,191,000 

764,000 

1,150,000 

602,000 

1,994,000 

1,686,000 

4,115,000 

3,016,000 

9,931,000 

9,395,000 

7,702,000 

837,000 

1,189,000 

925,000 

5,135,000 

2,186,000 

2,168,000 

495,000 

723,000 

9,000 

321,000 

$97.495>ooo 

$149,602,000 

1  Adapted  from  Commercial  Relations  of  the  United  States,  IQ12,  Bureau  of 
Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce  (Washington;  1914),  pp.  106-8. 


4TO 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


TABLE  XXXVI 
Value  of  Principal  Imports  into  and  Exports  from  Mexico  in  19 12-13 


Imports 


Value 
1012-13 


Exports 


Value 
1012-13 


Animal  substances: 

Animals,  live , 

Manufactures 

Footwear 

Furs  and  leather .... 

Miscellaneous 

Products  and  wastes .  . 
Vegetable  substances: 

Fibers,  textile 

Fruits  and  grain , 

Manufactures,  various. 

Wood 

Other 

Mineral  substances: 

Gold,  silver,  and  platinum 
Copper  and  its  alloys.  .  . 

Tin,  lead,  and  zinc , 

Iron  and  steel , 

Other  metals 

Stones  and  earths , 

Textiles: 
Cotton 

Yarn , 

Fabrics 

Manufactured  articles 
Wool 

Yarn 

Fabrics 

Manufactured  articles 
Flax,   hemp,  and  similar 

fibers 

Silk... 

Silk  mixtures 

Artificial  silk 

Chemical  and  pharmaceuti 

cal  products 

Spritis,  beverages,  etc 

Paper  and  paper  products: 

Waste  and  pulp , 

Paper  and  cardboard. ... 

Paper  manufactures 

Machinery  and  apparatus... 

Vehicles 

Arms  and  explosives , 

All  other  articles 

Total  $97,494,625 


$     598,006 

1,830,665 

1,236,429 

299,125 

5,020,401 

2,116,970 
4,595,25o 
2,448,487 
2,630,693 

3,93o,233 

736,259 
3,120,660 

848,595 

12,092,987 

42,168 

6,787,889 


1,461,444 
4,324,442 
1,867,091 

74,906 

1,525,001 

652,473 

613,699 

1,034,564 

934,576 

403,209 

6,283,279 
3,412,189 

506,852 

425,135 

1,701,307 

12,200,344 

2,543,101 

3,853,309 
5,342,887 


Animal  products: 

Bones,  horns,  and  hair 

Cattle 

Hides,  untanned 

Others 

Mineral  products: 

Antimony 

Asphalt 

Copper 

Gold 

Lead 

Silver 

Zinc 

Others 

Vegetable  products: 

Beans 

Chick  peas 

Chicle 

Coffee 

Fruit,  fresh 

Guayule 

Henequen 

Ixtle 

Rubber 

Tobacco 

Vanilla 

Wood 

Others 

Manufactured  products: 

Bran 

Flour  and  meal 

Hats 

Sugar 

Tobacco 

Others 

Other  products 

Total 


163,154 
3,760,689 
5,562,876 

392,521 

784,599 

468,650 

18,188,014 

19,716,531 

2,443,852 

45,464,239 

266,975 

7,112,148 

577,86i 
2,455,320 
2,162,252 
5,609,323 

507,312 

3,602,819 

15,006,609 

1,888,754 

4,171,422 

499,300 
1,651,^05 

1,675,835 
2,991,679 

101,422 
259,636 
277,597 
428,570 
159,126 
439,59o 
812,217 


$149,601,997 


ASPECTS  OF  MEXICAN  GEOGRAPHY 


411 


TABLE  XXXVII 

Total  Value  of  Imports  into  and  Exports  from  Mexico,  by  Principal 
Countries,  in  the  Fiscal  Years  Ending  June  30,  1912  and  1913 


Imports 

Exports 

IQII-I2 

1912-13 

1011-12 

IQI2-13 

United  States 

$49,020,000 

10,710,000 

11,880,000 

7,780,000 

1,630,000 

2,940,000 

$48,500,000 

12,900,000 

12,560,000 

9,130,000 

1,400,000 

5,240,000 

$111,600,000 
20,020,000 
5,140,000 
4,150,000 
3,170,000 
1,180,000 

$115,550,000 
15,500,000 
8,190,000 
3,560,000 
2,570,000 
1,090,000 

United  Kingdom 

Germany 

France 

Belgium 

Spain 

Total,   including  all 
others 

$90,980,000 

$97,490,000 

$148,400,000 

$149,600,000 

18.    POPULATION  OF  MEXICO  IN  1910 
TABLE  XXXVIII 


States  and  Territories 

Popula- 
tion, IQIO, 
per  Square 
Mile 

Total 

States  and  Territories 

Popula- 
tion, IQIO, 
per  Square 
Mile 

Total 

Aguascalientes .... 

Campeche 

Chiapas 

40  .6 

4-7 

16. 1 

4.6 

5-7 

34-2 

12.8 

1556  .8 

95-i 
20  .1 

74-7 

37-9 

0.8 

107  .0 

43-3 
60  .4 

i5-i 

118,978 

85,795 
436,817 
405,265 
367,652 
77,704 
436,147 
719,052 
1,075,270 

605,437 

641,895 

1,202,802 

52,244 

975,019 
991,640 

179,814 
171,837 

Nuevo  Leon 

Oaxaco 

15-4 

29-3 

90  .2 
68.8 

0.4 
24.7 

9.6 

3-4 
18.6 

7-7 

"5-4 

38.7 

9.6 

19  .2 

368,929 
1,041,035 
1,092,456 

243,515 
9,086 

624,748 

323,499 
262,545 
183,708 

249,253 
183,805 
1,124,368 
337,020 
475,863 

Puebla. . 

Coahuila 

Queretaro 

Quintana  Roo.  .  .  . 
San  Luis  Potosi .  .  . 
Sinaloa 

Colima 

Durango 

Federal  District. . . 

Sonora 

Guanajuato 

Tobasco 

Guerrero 

Tamaulipas 

Tlaxcala 

Hidalgo 

Jalisco 

Vera  Cruz 

Yucatan 

Grand  total .... 

Lower  California .  . 
Mexico 

Michoacan 

Morelos 

19  .2 

15,063,207 

Nayarit 

CHAPTER  XV 

RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA 

I.     POPULATION  OF  ALASKA 

TABLE    XXXIX 

Distribution  and  Composition  of  the  Population  of  the  Territory  of 

Alaska  by  Judicial  Districts  ln  19201 


The 
Territory 

Judicial  District* 

Population 

First 

Second 

Third 

Fourth 

Total  population 

55,036 

16,286 

29.6 

",597 

21.  I 

26,558 

48.3 

17,402 

7,291 

4-1.9 

4,409 

25 -3 

5,357 

30.8 

10,890 
928 
8-3 
78S 

7.2 

9,158 
84.1 

16,231 

4,983 

30.7 

3,618 

22.3 

7,453 

45-9 

10,513 

3,084 

29-3 

2,785 

26.5 

4,590 
43-7 

Native  white , 

Percentage  native  white .  .  . 

Foreign-born  white 

Percentage        foreign-born 
white 

Indian 

Percentage  Indian 

*  The  first  district  includes  southeastern  Alaska,  the  second  the  three  peninsulas  of  western 
Alaska,  the  third  southern  Alaska,  including  the  Alaska  Peninsula  and  the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  the 
fourth  central  and  northeastern  Alaska. 

2.     PHYSIOGRAPHIC  PROVINCES  OF  ALASKA* 

Five  principal  physiographic  provinces,  each  divisible  into  sub- 
provinces,  are  recognizable  in  Alaska.  These  are  (1)  Pacific 
Mountain  system,  (2)  Central  Plateau  region,  (3)  Rocky  Mountain 
system,  (4)  Arctic  Mountain  system,  and  (5)  Arctic  Slope  region. 

The  Pacific  Mountain  system  is  made  up  of  a  number  of  parallel 
ranges  forming  a  rugged  highland  of  crescentic  outline  sweeping 
around  the  Gulf  of  Alaska.  Its  central  part  is  upward  of  two  hundred 
miles  in  width,  but  the  system  narrows  to  the  southeast  and  to  the 

1  Fourteenth  Census  of  the  United  States,  1920. 

"Taken  from  Alfred  H.  Brooks,  "The  Physiographic  Provinces  of  Alaska," 
Journal  of  the  Washington  Academy  of  Sciences,  May  4,  1916,  pp.  252-53. 
Mr.  Brooks  is  geologist  in  charge  of  the  division  of  Alaskan  mineral  resources, 
United  States  Geological  Survey.  [I  am  greatly  indebted  to  Mr.  Brooks  for 
numerous  extracts  from  his  publications,  for  his  previously  unpublished  map  on 
the  opposite  page,  and  for  numerous  suggestions  as  to  the  selection  of  material 
for  this  chapter. — C.  C.  C] 

iI2 


160° 


180" 


160*    West"   from    Greenwich      i^o' 


1 20* 


16  0° 


18  0*  160*  140*  120* 

Map  i2. — Geographic  Provinces  of  Northwestern  North  America  and  Northeastern  Siberia 
Drawn  by  Alfred  H.  Brooks,  United  States  Ge  >logical  Survey,  1922,  published  here  for  the  first  time 


•«<S!fofc 


xS> 


s^ 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  413 

southwest.  It  is  continued  to  the  southeast  by  the  Coast  Range  of 
British  Columbia  and  to  the  southwest  by  the  rugged  Aleutian 
Islands.  Several  subprovinces  of  lesser  relief  are  included  within  the 
Pacific  Mountain  system.  In  most  places  the  inland  slope  of  this 
system  falls  off  abruptly  to  the  Central  Plateau  region,  though  the 
line  of  demarcation  between  the  two  provinces  is  not  everywhere 
well  defined. 

The  Central  Plateau  region  is  characterized  by  fiat-topped  inter- 
stream  areas  separated  by  broad  valleys  and  lowlands  and  broken  by 
minor  ranges  and  peaks  that  rise  above  the  general  level.  The  plateau 
feature  is  best  developed  in  the  upper  Yukon  basin,  for  it  loses 
its  definition  on  approaching  Bering  Sea.  Here  the  characteristic 
topography  consists  of  low,  rounded  highlands  rising  island-like  from 
broad  lowlands. 

The  Rocky  Mountain  system  maintains  its  northwesterly  trend 
through  western  Canada  to  within  about  400  miles  of  the  Arctic 
Ocean  and  then  bends  to  the  west  and  enters  Alaska  as  a  single  range 
(Ogilvie  Mountains).  Crossing  the  boundary  just  south  of  the  66th 
parallel  it  loses  its  definition  and  soon  merges  with  the  flat  summits 
of  the  Central  Plateau  region.  The  Crazy  and  White  mountains  of 
the  Yukon-Tanana  region  that  stand  above  the  plateau  level  lie  in 
the  continuation  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  axis. 

A  new  name,  Arctic  Mountain  system,  is  proposed  for  the  east 
and  west  trending  mountain  system  of  northern  Alaska  formerly 
regarded  as  part  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  system.  Recent  investiga- 
tions by  Canadian  and  American  geologists  have  shown  that  this  is 
a  distinct  system  from  the  Rocky  Mountains,  although  they  are 
connected  by  the  flat-topped  Richardson  Mountains  forming  the 
Mackenzie-Porcupine  divide.  The  Arctic  Mountain  system  stretches 
westward  from  the  International  Boundary  to  the  Arctic  Ocean 
north  of  Kotzebue  Sound.  It  is  not  everywhere  sharply  differentiated 
from  the  plateau  region  to  the  south,  for  in  many  places  the  dissected 
plateau  remnants  merge  with  the  foothills  of  the  ranges.  In  its 
western  part  the  northern  limit  of  the  lowlands  of  the  Kobuk  Valley 
affords  a  definite  line  of  demarcation.  On  the  north  the  mountains, 
so  far  as  known,  everywhere  fall  off  abruptly  to  the  Arctic  Slope. 
This  scarp  affords  a  definite  boundary  line  between  the  two  provinces. 
The  system  is  made  up  throughout  its  extent  of  two  or  more  parallel 


414  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

ranges  and  includes  some  broad  lowlands.  These  lowlands  are 
specially  striking  topographic  features  in  the  western  half  of  the 
chain.  The  Arctic  Mountain  system  is  continued  east  of  the  boundary 
by  some  mountains  of  lesser  altitude.  These  end  in  a  scarp  at  the 
Mackenzie  delta,  east  of  which  they  have  not  been  recognized. 

The  Arctic  Slope  region  has  two  subdivisions,  the  Anaktuvuk 
Plateau  and  the  Coastal  Plain.  The  first  forms  a  piedmont  plateau 
sloping  northward  from  the  base  of  the  range.  Along  the  Colville 
River  it  has  a  width  of  about  50  miles,  but  it  narrows  to  the  east. 
At  the  boundary  it  appears  to  be  entirely  absent,  for  here  only  a 
narrow  coastal  plain  intervenes  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea. 
The  westward  extension  of  Anaktuvuk  Plateau  is  unexplored.  On 
the  north  the  plateau  is  bounded  by  a  scarp  which  separates  it  from 
the  Coastal  Plain.  This  plain  varies  from  a  width  of  less  than  10 
miles  at  the  boundary  to  over  150  south  of  Point  Barrow. 

All  of  the  features  described,  except  those  of  the  Arctic  Slope 
region,  form  a  part  of  the  North  American  Cordillera.  Technically, 
however,  the  Arctic  Mountain  system  is  a  discordant  element  in  this 
cordillera.  Its  structures  parallel  the  Arctic  Ocean,  and  its  folding 
was  probably  caused  by  movements  from  the  Polar  Sea.  Tectonically 
and  possibly  physiographically  it  is  to  be  correlated  with  the 
Werojanski  Range  and  its  northeastward  extension  of  Siberia. 

Drainage  Basins.1  The  drainage  of  Alaska  belongs  to  three 
divisions:  Its  southern  part,  about  one-fifth  of  its  area,  drains  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean;  the  great  interior  region,  nearly  one-half  of  all  Alaska, 
drains  into  Bering  Sea;  and  the  rest  of  the  territory,  its  northern 
part,  drains  to  the  Arctic  Ocean. 

The  Yukon,  flowing  into  Bering  Sea,  and  the  fifth  river  in  size 
in  North  America,  rises  in  British  Columbia,  far  to  the  southeast  of 
Alaska.  The  Kuskokwim,  also  emptying  into  Bering  Sea,  is  second 
in  size  only  to  the  Yukon  among  Alaska  rivers.  It  rises  on  the 
western  slope  of  the  Alaska  Range,  and  its  course  is  southwesterly, 
generally  parallel  to  the  Yukon. 

The  Pacific  drainage  embraces  two  classes  of  rivers:  First,  those 
whose  basins  lie  entirely  within  the  coastal  mountains,  such  as  the 
Susitna  and  Copper;    and  second,  those  which  rise  in  the  interior 

1  Taken  from  General  Information  Regarding  the  Territory  of  Alaska,  Edition 
of  September,  1918,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Office  of  the  Secretary,  p.  8. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  415 

and  traverse  the  mountains  on  their  way  to  the  sea,  such  as  the 
Alsek,  Taku,  and  Stikine. 

The  Arctic  Ocean  receives  waters  from  a  small  part  of  the  plateau 
province  through  short  rivers  draining  the  northern  part  of  the 
Seward  Peninsula,  from  larger  ones  flowing  into  Kotzebue  Sound, 
and  from  interior  valleys  and  northern  slopes  of  the  Rocky  Mountain 
ranges. 

3.     CLIMATIC  PROVINCES  OF  ALASKA1 

Though  Alaska  is  often  loosely  referred  to  as  an  Arctic  province, 
yet  nearly  three-quarters  of  its  area  lies  within  the  North  Temperate 
Zone.  Geographic  position  and  extent  relative  to  oceanic  bodies, 
together  with  relief,  have  brought  about  physical  conditions  producing 
strong  contrasts  in  climate  between  different  parts  of  the  Territory. 
Three  general  climatic  provinces,  each  of  which  in  turn  includes  a 
number  of  subordinate  provinces,  are  recognized. 

The  first  is  the  maritime  province  lying  adjacent  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  This  has  heavy  precipitation  (50  to  190  inches),  compara- 
tively high  mean  annual  temperature  (350  to  480  F.),  cool  summers 
(mean  temperatures  500  to  550  F.),  and  mild  winters  (mean  temper- 
atures 200  to  350  F.).  It  has  small  variations  of  annual  extremes 
of  temperature  compared  with  the  interior  provinces,  the  records 
showing  from  —  270  to  940.  The  second  is  the  inland  province  lying 
beyond  the  coastal  mountain^  with  a  continental  climate  character- 
ized by  semiaridity  (precipitation  9  to  15  inches),  comparatively 
warm  summers  (mean  temperatures  500  to  58  F.),  and  cold  winters 
(mean  temperatures  o°  to  — 150  F.).  Its  most  striking  feature  is 
the  extreme  annual  variation  in  temperature,  which  is  from  --760  to 
ioo°  F.  The  mean  annual  temperature  varies  from  150  to  270  F. 
The  third  province  includes  the  region  tributary  to  the  Arctic  Ocean, 
which,  according  to  a  few  records,  has  a  precipitation  of  only  about 
6  to  8  inches,  an  average  summer  temperature  of  from  400  to  450  F., 
a  winter  temperature  of  about  —  io°  to  — 160  F.,  and  an  extreme 
variation,  according  to  a  few  records,  of  —54°  to  66°  F. 

The  climate  of  the  Pacific  coastal  province  is  comparable  with 
that  of  Scotland  and  the  Scandinavian  Peninsula,  in  Europe,  but  is 

'  Adapted  from  the  report  of  the  Alaska  Railroad  Commission:  House  Doc, 
1346,  62d  Cong.,  3d  sess.,  pp.  28-32;  the  figures  have  been  revised  by  the  Weather 
Bureau,  Department  of  Agriculture. 


41 6  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

somewhat  warmer.  That  of  the  inland  region  is  not  unlike  the 
climate  of  Alberta,  Saskatchewan,  and  Manitoba,  in  Canada.  The 
northerly  province  bordering  the  Polar  Sea  is  the  only  one  in  which 
Arctic  conditions  prevail. 

4.     THE  FUTURE  OF  ALASKA  MINING' 

As  there  are  no  political  subdivisions  of  Alaska,  it  will  be  desirable 
to  refer  the  distribution  of  its  resources  to  the  physiographic  provinces, 
defined  on  Map  12,  opposite  page  412.  The  Pacific  province  includes 
the  lode  and  placer  districts  of  southeastern  Alaska,  the  Controller 
Bay  coal  and  petroleum  fields,  the  copper  lodes  of  Prince  William 
Sound,  the  copper-bearing  lodes  and  gold  placers  of  the  Copper  River 
region,  the  gold  placers  and  lodes  and  coal  fields  of  the  Susitna  and 
Matanuska  basins  and  of  the  Kenai  Peninsula,  and  the  coal  fields 
and  gold  and  copper  lodes  of  the  Alaska  Peninsula  and  adjacent 
islands,  often  called  southwestern  Alaska.  This  whole  coast  province 
is  a  region  of  strong  relief,  and  much  of  it  is  readily  accessible  from 
the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  open  to  navigation  throughout  the  year. 

The  mountain  system  included  within  the  Pacific  province  forms 
a  high  barrier  between  the  coast  and  the  central  province,  which  is  of 
lesser  relief.  This  central  province,  drained  to  Bering  Sea  by  the 
Yukon,  Kuskokwim,  and  some  smaller  rivers,  includes  the  gold  placers 
of  the  Yukon-Tanana  region,  the  Koyukuk,  and  some  smaller  districts, 
as  well  as  extensive  deposits  of  lignitic  coal.  It  is  accessible  in 
summer  by  river  steamers,  but  in  winter  only  by  long  sled  journeys. 

Seward  Peninsula,  forming  a  distinct  province,  embraces  valuable 
gold  placers,  as  well  as  some  auriferous  and  argentiferous  lodes,  some 
tin  deposits,  and  a  little  lignitic  coal.  It  is  accessible  by  steamer  only 
during  the  summer  months. 

Northern  Alaska  is  here  made  to  include  the  high  mountains  which 
bound  the  central  province  on  the  north,  as  well  as  the  region  of 
lesser  relief  bordering  the  Arctic  Ocean.  This  field  has  been  but 
little  explored,  but  it  is  known  to  contain  some  placer  gold  and 
bituminous  as  well  as  lignitic  coal.  It  seems  probable  that  further 
surveys  will  show  the  presence  of  extensive  coal  fields  in  northern 
Alaska. 

'Adapted  from  Alfred  H.  Brooks,  "The  Future  of  Alaska  Mining  and  the 
A.Iaskan  Mining  Industry  in  iqio,"  United  States  Geological  Survey,  Bulletin  714-A, 
pp.  5-57,  and  "Mineral  Resources  of  Alasea,  *  Suttetin  $94,  pp.  173-74. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  417 

These  geographic  subdivisions  have  an  important  influence  on  the 
question  of  the  conservation  of  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  Territory, 
for  as  the  geographic  conditions  dominate  the  commercial  exploitation 
of  the  resources,  they  determine  in  a  large  measure  the  rapidity 
with  which  these  resources  will  become  exhausted.  For  example,  the 
lode  deposits  and  coal  fields  readily  accessible  from  the  Pacific  sea- 
board are  being  exploited  for  the  use  of  the  present  generation.  On 
the  other  hand,  though  the  development  of  the  placer  fields  of  the 
central  province  began  nearly  a  generation  ago,  large  areas  are  still 
entirely  unprospected,  and  the  coal  fields  of  the  same  region  are  almost 
entirely  untouched.  The  coal  fields  of  northern  Alaska  are  not  only 
entirely  undeveloped,  but  are  certain  to  remain  so  until  the  time  in 
the  future  when  the  accessible  coal  of  Alaska  and  the  United  States 
approaches  exhaustion. 

The  Alaska  mining  industry,  which  has  turned  out  products  having 
a  total  value  of  $438,160,000,  began  in  1880  with  the  recovery  of  some 
$20,000  worth  of  gold  from  placers  near  Juneau.  Of  this  total  value 
96  per  cent  is  to  be  credited  to  the  gold  and  copper  deposits,  but 
Alaska  mines  have  also  produced  silver,  platinum,  palladium,  tin, 
lead,  antimony,  tungsten,  chromite,  coal,  petroleum,  marble,  gypsum, 
graphite,  and  barite,  and  development  work  had  been  done  on  deposits 
carrying  nickel,  iron,  molybdenite,  and  sulphur. 

The  exploitation  of  Alaska's  mineral  wealth  before  the  war  showed 
a  rather  steady  growth,  with  some  fluctuations  from  year  to  year, 
such  as  are  more  or  less  inherent  to  mining  in  remote  regions.  This 
advance  was  made  in  spite  of  the  handicaps  imposed  by  isolation, 
the  inadequacy  of  means  of  communication,  and  the  long  existing 
interdict  on  the  development  of  the  coal  and  oil  fields.  Then  came 
the  change  of  industrial  conditions  wrought  by  the  war.  Its  first 
effect  was  to  increase  Alaska's  output  of  copper  enormously,  owing 
to  the  high  price  of  that  metal,  and  this  increase  in  1916  brought 
the  value  of  the  total  mineral  output  of  Alaska  up  to  over  $48,632,000, 
a  larger  amount  than  that  for  any  other  year  since  mining  began. 
The  decline  in  price  and  market  demand  for  copper  since  1916  has 
greatly  reduced  Alaska's  output  of  copper.  Meanwhile  the  world- 
wide depression  of  the  gold-mining  industry  has  also  greatly  affected 
Alaska.  As  a  consequence  the  value  of  the  total  mineral  output  of 
the  Territory  in  1919  was  only  $19,621,000,  as  compared  with 
$28,254,000  in  1918,  and  was  the  lowest  annual  value  since  1914. 


418  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Although  many  local  factors  affect  the  future  of  the  Alaska  mining 
industry,  the  most  important  consists  of  the  mineral  reserves.  Unless 
the  accessible  reserves  are  large  enough  to  support  a  future  growth 
the  mining  industry,  no  matter  how  favorable  may  be  the  conditions 
of  exploitation,  will  languish.  Those  who  have  inquired  about  the 
quantity  of  mineral  reserves  have  usually  received  the  stereotyped 
answer  that  Alaska  has  vast  stores  of  mineral  wealth  awaiting  develop- 
ment. However  true  this  may  be,  the  public  has  a  right  to  know 
on  what  facts  such  statements  are  based.  An  attempt  will  be  made 
here  to  summarize  briefly  these  facts,  which  are  scattered  through 
scores  of  publications  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  and 
to  forecast,  so  far  as  may  be,  the  future  of  Alaska  as  a  producer  of 
minerals. 

Gold  Mining  in  the  Past.  During  40  years  of  mining  Alaska  has 
produced  gold  to  the  value  of  $311,665,000,  of  which  $218,000,000 
is  to  be  credited  to  the  placer  mines.  The  first  notable  impetus 
given  to  gold  mining  in  the  Territory  was  the  discovery  of  the  Nome 
placers  in  1898  and  their  rapid  development,  which  reached  its 
maximum  in  1906.  Meanwhile  the  placer  gold  from  the  Fairbanks 
district,  first  developed  in  1903,  helped  to  swell  the  gold  output,  into 
a  maximum  production  in  1909.  Much  the  larger  part  of  the  placer 
gold  recovered  in  these  two  fields,  as  well  as  in  most  other  placer 
districts,  such  as  Iditarod,  Hot  Springs,  and  Koyukuk,  has  been  taken 
from  relatively  small  and  very  rich  or  so-called  bonanza  deposits 
rather  than  from  larger  bodies  of  gravel  having  a  lower  gold  content. 
The  production  of  placer  gold  in  the  past  has  therefore  been  main- 
tained by  the  exploitation  of  new  bonanzas  rather  than  by  larger 
installations  in  the  developed  districts.  Since  191 1,  however,  there 
has  been  a  gradual  improvement  in  mining  methods,  notably  in  the 
use  of  gold  dredges,  by  which  over  $20,000,000  worth  of  gold  has 
been  recovered. 

Auriferous  lodes  in  Alaska  have  yielded  $92,000,000  worth  of 
gold,  of  which  more  than  80  per  cent  has  come  from  the  six  large 
low-grade  mines  of  the  Juneau  district.  Successful  lode  mining 
at  Juneau,  in  complete  contrast  to  most  of  the  placer  operations,  has 
been  based  on  the  exploitation  of  low-grade  deposits  on  a  very  large 
scale.  The  mines  have,  indeed,  been  operated  at  a  lower  unit  cost 
than  any  others  in  the  world.     The  average  value  per  ton  of  the  gold 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  419 

and  silver  recovered  from  the  ore  produced  in  these  mines  since  18S2 
is  $1.95.  The  small  margin  of  profit  was  offset  by  the  very  large 
tonnage  of  ore  handled.  Because  of  the  small  margin  these  operations 
were  naturally  among  the  first  to  react  to  the  economic  conditions 
that  have  affected  gold  mining  so  adversely. 

Most  of  the  lode  mines  outside  of  the  Juneau  district  have  been 
small  ventures  that  could  practice  none  of  the  economies  introduced 
at  Juneau.  Therefore,  with  the  decline  of  mining  at  Juneau,  Alaska's 
auriferous  lode-mining  industry  has  received  a  serious  setback. 

Gold  Placers.  Auriferous  gravels  are  very  widely  distributed 
over  Alaska,  but  it  is  only  in  comparatively  small  areas  that  their 
gold  content  is  high  enough  to  permit  profitable  exploitation  or,  in 
other  words,  to  constitute  a  placer.  The  question  whether  a  body 
of  auriferous  gravels  is  a  placer  depends  on  the  cost  of  its  exploitation. 
If  it  can  be  exploited  at  a  profit  it  is  a  placer,  no  matter  how  small 
its  gold  content.  At  one  locality  a  body  of  gravel  carrying  less  than 
25  cents  worth  of  gold  to  the  cubic  yard  may  be  a  placer,  whereas 
at  another  a  body  of  gravel  whose  gold  content  has  a  value  of  several 
dollars  to  the  cubic  yard  may  be  worthless.  Some  of  the  conditions 
that  affect  mining  costs,  such  as  physical  character  and  thickness  of 
the  deposit,  grade  of  streams,  and  availability  of  water,  are  fixed. 
Others,  relating  chiefly  to  accessibility,  may  be  improved  by  better- 
ment of  means  of  communication.  Thus  a  body  of  gravel  whose  gold 
content  is  too  low  for  profitable  exploitation  at  one  time  may,  with 
improvements  in  transportation,  become  a  valuable  placer.  In  the 
early  days  of  mining  at  Nome  gravels  that  carried  less  than  $5  in 
gold  to  the  cubic  yard  could  not  be  profitably  exploited,  but  in  1918 
the  21  dredges  operating  on  Seward  Peninsula  made  an  average  gold 
recovery  per  cubic  yard  of  only  40  cents.  Again,  the  average  value  of 
gold  in  all  the  gravel  mined  in  Alaska  in  191 1  was  $2.17  per  cubic 
yard;  in  191 8  it  was  $1.20.  This  change  has  been  due  to  a  cheapen- 
ing of  mining  cost,  both  by  larger  installations  and  by  better  means  of 
communication.  These  facts  of  themselves  make  it  impossible  to 
estimate  closely  the  reserves  of  the  Alaska  placers,  even  if  the  quantity 
and  gold  contents  of  the  auriferous  gravels  were  known,  for  it  is 
impossible  now  to  forecast  what  part  of  these  gravels  will  in  the  future 
prove  to  be  workable  placers.  On  the  assumption,  however,  that 
profitable  mining  will  be  possible  in  the  future  on  the  same  grade  of 


420  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

placers  as  it  has  in  the  past,  a  rough  measure  of  the  placer  reserves 
can  be  arrived  at.  . 

A  careful  scrutiny  of  all  the  available  geologic,  statistical,  and 
mining  data  indicates  that  the  original  total  length  of  creek  gravels 
that  probably  carry  enough  gold  to  be  classed  as  placers  is  about 
1,050  miles.  Of  this  total,  deposits  aggregating  about  200  miles  are 
on  creeks  whose  alluvial  floors  are  15  yards  or  less  in  width,  and  the 
rest  on  streams  whose  valley  floors  are  chiefly  from  50  to  100  yards 
wide,  with  some  that  have  a  width  of  300  yards  or  more.  In  this 
total  mileage  have  been  included  only  those  stream  gravels  which  have 
been  mined  or  more  or  less  prospected.  The  many  large  deposits  of 
gravels  which  are  known  to  be  auriferous,  but  about  whose  gold  con- 
tent no  information  is  available,  are  not  included  in  this  estimate. 

It  is  believed  that  of  this  1,050  miles  of  original  gold  placer  ground, 
250  miles  has  been  mined  out.  The  value  of  the  total  placer-gold 
output  of  Alaska  is  $218,000,000,  of  which  about  $18,000,000  is  to 
be  credited  to  beach  and  high  bench  placers  that  are  not  included  in 
this  estimate  of  stream  gravels.  Therefore,  as  nearly  as  can  be 
determined,  the  stream  gravel  placers  thus  far  exploited  have  yielded 
gold  to  the  value  of  $800,000  to  the  mile.  Much  of  the  placer  gold  has 
been  won  from  bonanza  deposits,  such  as  those  of  Nome,  Fairbanks, 
and  Hot  Springs.  The  Fairbanks  placers  have  produced  about 
$2,000,000  worth  of  gold  to  the  mile  for  the  ground  actually  mined, 
and  the  recovery  from  the  creek  placers  of  the  Seward  Peninsula  has 
been  about  $500,000  to  the  mile.  On  the  other  hand,  the  recovery 
has  been  only  $50,000  to  the  mile  in  some  of  the  poorer  districts. 

Although  it  is  quite  possible  that  other  very  rich  creek  placers  will 
be  found  in  Alaska,  notably  in  the  Yukon  and  Kuskokwim  basins, 
where  there  are  many  streams  that  have  not  yet  been  thoroughly 
prospected,  yet  a  forecast  of  the  future  cannot  take  account  of  such 
possible  discoveries,  and  must  include  in  the  estimate  of  available 
reserves  only  placers  about  whose  gold  content  there  is  some  infor- 
mation based  on  actual  development.  If  the  gold-placer  reserves 
are  measured  by  the  least  valuable  creek  placers  that  have  thus  far 
been  developed,  namely,  at  $50,000  a  mile,  the  total  value  will  be 
$40,000,000;  if  the  estimate  is  based  on  the  average  gold  recovery  of 
the  past,  the  total  value  will  be  $640,000,000.  The  truth  will  lie  some- 
where between  these  two  extremes.     In  the  writer's  opinion  it  will 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  421 

be  conservative  to  estimate  the  value  of  the  undeveloped  creek  placers 
at  $200,000  a  mile,  a  figure  which  will  make  the  value  of  the  total 
creek  placer  reserves  $160,000,000.  To  these  must  be  added  the 
reserves  of  bench  and  ancient  beach  and  gravel  placers.  Deposits 
of  these  types  have  been  developed  and  tested  only  on  Seward  Penin- 
sula. It  was  estimated  some  years  ago  that  the  value  of  the  gold 
reserves  in  the  gravel-plain,  ancient-beach,  and  high-bench  placers 
of  Seward  Peninsula  was  about  $215,000,000.  Subtracting  the 
amount  of  gold  that  has  since  been  mined  from  these  deposits  leaves 
the  value  of  the  reserve  $200,000,000.  This  very  large  reserve 
compared  with  those  of  other  parts  of  Alaska  is  due  largely  to  the  fact 
that  in  Seward  Peninsula  the  cost  of  mining  has  been  much  lower 
than  elsewhere  in  Alaska.  Therefore  deposits  of  a  low  gold  tenor 
are  included  in  the  reserve. 

In  view  of  the  above  facts  it  is  believed  that  the  available  placer- 
gold  reserves  in  the  developed  districts  of  Alaska  have  a  value  of  at 
least  $360,000,000  and  perhaps  of  twice  that  amount.  There  is  also 
the  possibilities  of  discoveries  of  new  deposits,  of  which  not  even  a 
rough  estimate  can  be  made. 

Gold  Lodes.  Few  of  the  Alaska  gold-lode  mines  have  blocked  out 
ore  to  supply  them  for  more  than  a  few  years  in  advance,  and  therefore 
there  is  no  basis  for  estimating  their  reserves,  which  are  developed 
from  year  to  year.  The  large  Juneau  mines,  where  development 
work  has  usually  been  kept  well  in  advance  of  the  stoping,  can  for 
the  present  not  be  counted  as  a  very  definite  source  of  gold.  Most  of 
the  other  auriferous  lode  mines  are  equipped  with  only  small  plants. 
Many  of  them  are,  indeed,  only  prospects  with  small  mills,  operated 
for  only  a  part  of  the  year.  Were  the  future  of  Alaska's  gold-lode 
mining  dependent  on  the  developed  mines,  the  outlook  would  not  be 
hopeful. 

The  wide  distribution  of  gold  placers  is  in  itself  an  indication  of 
widespread  mineralization.  Gold  placers  by  no  means  give  definite 
evidence  that  the  gold  is  sufficiently  concentrated  in  its  bedrock 
source  to  be  profitably  mined.  Yet  the  placers  show  that  the  bed- 
rock is  mineralized,  and  this  fact  alone  augurs  well  for  the  discovery 
of  auriferous  veins.  Moreover,  some  auriferous  quartz  veins  have 
been  found  in  nearly  every  placer  district.  The  geology  shows  that 
the  Alaska  auriferous  quartz  is  genetically  related  to  intrusive  granitic 


422  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

and  kindred  rocks.  Such  intrusive  rocks  are  widespread  in  the 
territory  south  of  the  crest  of  the  Arctic  Mountain  system.  The 
geologic  conditions  are  therefore  favorable  to  the  occurrence  of 
auriferous  quartz  veins.  This  fact  has  been  generally  recognized, 
and  the  question  is  often  asked  why  more  lode  mines  have  not  been 
developed.  A  partial  answer  to  this  question  lies  in  the  fact  that  in 
much  of  Alaska  lode  prospecting  is  beset  by  the  difficulty  that  the 
bedrock  is  masked  by  a  mat  of  moss  and  other  vegetation.  Therefore 
the  lode  prospector  has  little  to  guide  his  search  except  the  distribution 
of  placer  gold.  Moreover,  there  has  been  little  incentive  to  lode 
prospecting.  The  inaccessibility  of  so  much  of  Alaska  has  prohibited 
mining  development  except  such  as  could  be  carried  on  with  the  simple 
tools  and  methods  of  the  placer  miner.  Much  of  the  placer  mining 
has  been  done  far  from  navigable  rivers,  where  there  were  no  roads 
and  few,  if  any,  trails.  Under  such  conditions  lode  mining  cannot 
thrive. 

On  the  other  hand,  where  a  region  has  been  made  even  reasonably 
accessible,  small  lode-mining  industries  have  sprung  up,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, in  the  Willow  Creek  and  Fairbanks  districts.  The  evidence  in 
hand  indicates  that  gold-lode  mining  in  Alaska  has  only  begun,  for 
there  are  many  districts  that  contain  evidence  of  the  presence  of 
auriferous  veins.  Though  no  quantitative  statement  of  reserves  of 
lode  gold  is  possible,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  when  normal 
economic  conditions  become  re-established  and  transportation  is 
provided,  lode  mining  will  be  undertaken  in  many  localities.  It  is 
quite  possible  that  the  reserve  of  lode  gold  far  exceeds  that  of  the 
placers. 

Copper.  The  total  copper  production  of  Alaska  to  the  end  of 
1919  has  been  545,007,336  pounds,  recovered  from  3,736,000  tons  of 
ore.  The  first  copper-mine  developments  were  in  the  Ketchikan 
district,  but  production  began  in  1900  in  both  the  Ketchikan  and 
Prince  William  Sound  districts.  The  first  large  shipments  of  copper 
ore  from  the  great  Kennecott  mine,  in  the  Chitina  district,  were  made 
in  191 1,  after  the  completion  of  the  Copper  River  Railroad.  At 
about  the  same  time  the  Beatson-Bonanza  mine,  on  Latouche  Island, 
in  the  Prince  William  Sound  region,  was  opened  on  a  large  scale. 
In  1913  the  Jumbo  and  Mother  Lode  mines  of  the  Kennecott  group 
began  shipping  ore.     These  two,  together  with  the  original  Kennecott 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  423 

mine,  are  operated  on  very  rich  chalcocite  ore,  and  it  is  their  output 
which  has  so  greatly  swelled  the  copper  output  of  Alaska.  It  was  a 
fortunate  coincidence  that  these  rich  mines  should  have  been  prepared 
to  take  advantage  of  the  war  prices  of  copper.  The  large  output  of 
copper  ore  from  these  three  bonanza  deposits  has  greatly  benefited  the 
industries  of  Alaska  and  has  stimulated  other  copper-mining  ventures. 
The  Beatson-Bonanza,  the  only  other  large  copper  mine  in  Alaska,  is 
working  a  large  body  of  copper  ore  of  much  lower  grade  than  that  of 
the  Kennecott  group.  This  ore  is  concentrated  by  oil  flotation  before 
shipment.  Most  of  the  other  copper  mines  are  small  and  many  are 
developing  ore  bodies  which  are  not  large  and  whose  copper  content 
is  low.  As  a  consequence  of  this  condition  and  of  high  freight  rates, 
many  of  the  small  mines  have  been  operated  only  during  the  period 
of  high  price  for  copper. 

Southeastern  Alaska.  All  the  productive  copper  mines  as  well  as 
the  largest  developed  cupriferous  ore  bodies  of  southeastern  Alaska 
are  in  the  Ketchikan  district.  Copper  is  widely  distributed  in  the 
Ketchikan  district  and,  as  will  be  shown,  occurs  in  deposits  of  several 
distinct  types.  The  most  important  so  far  as  present  production 
and  extent  of  proved  ore  bodies  are  concerned  are  the  contact  deposits, 
which  have  yielded  more  than  98  per  cent  of  the  copper  produced  in 
the  Ketchikan  district. 

The  Ketchikan  copper  deposits  are  not  far  from  tidewater  and  are 
on  good  harbors  open  to  navigation  throughout  the  year.  They 
are  connected  by  sheltered  waterways  with  the  smelters  at  Anyox, 
Tyee,  and  Tacoma.  This  condition  should  give  cheap  freight  rates. 
The  strong  topographic  relief,  excellent  timber,  and  good  water  powers 
of  the  district  all  favor  low  mining  costs. 

A  total  of  543,498  tons  of  copper  ore  has  been  produced  in  the 
Ketchikan  district  since  mining  began  in  1901.  This  ore  yielded 
34,056,376  pounds  of  copper,  gold  to  the  value  of  $545,000,  and 
255,440  ounces  of  silver.  The  average  copper  content  of  this  ore  is 
62.66  pounds  to  the  ton,  equal  to  3.13  per  cent.  The  average  value 
of  the  gold  and  silver  content  is  $1.31  a  ton.  The  average  value  of 
the  total  metallic  contents  of  the  ore  is  $12.71  a  ton.  No  attempt 
has  been  made  to  concentrate  the  Ketchikan  ore  except  by  hand 
sorting.  The  small  mines  have  normally  maintained  their  shipping 
grade  of  ore  at  5  per  cent  or  more. 


424  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

The  facts  above  set  forth  clearly  indicate  that  the  Ketchikan  dis- 
trict contains  copper  deposits  which  are  well  worth  investigating 
by  those  who  have  the  capital  to  develop  and  reduce  ores  on  a  large 
scale.  The  physical  conditions  seem  almost  ideal  for  cheap  opera- 
tions. Special  attention  should  be  directed  to  devising  methods  by 
which  the  iron  content  of  the  chalcopyrite-magnetite  ores,  as  well 
as  the  copper,  can  be  utilized. 

Prince  William  Sound.  Copper  in  the  form  of  sulphides  is  very 
widely  distributed  on  Prince  William  Sound,  but  as  yet  commercial 
ore  bodies  of  this  metal  have  been  developed  at  relatively  few  localities. 
Though  some  shipments  of  copper  ore  have  been  made  from  a  dozen 
different  properties,  only  three  large  mines  have  been  opened.  Most 
of  the  mining  has  been  done  by  those  who  had  little  capital  and  hence 
were  forced  to  concentrate  their  efforts  on  the  search  for  rich  ore 
shoots  that  would  promise  immediate  returns  rather  than  on  the 
prospecting  of  the  larger  ore  bodies  of  lesser  copper  tenor,  on  which 
a  more  permanent  industry  could  be  established.  As  a  consequence 
the  present  developments  have  not  aided  much  in  determining  the 
potential  value  of  the  copper  deposits  of  the  region  as  a  whole. 

The  first  mining  on  Prince  William  Sound  was  done  in  1900,  and 
since  then  a  total  of  1,819,578  tons  of  ore  has  been  produced,  from 
which  94,185,716  pounds  of  copper,  $1,099,176  worth  of  gold,  and 
772,749  ounces  of  silver  have  been  recovered.  The  average  copper 
content  of  the  ore  mined  was  51.76  pounds  to  the  ton,  or  2.58  per 
cent.  On  an  average  60  cents'  worth  of  gold  and  0.43  ounce  of  silver 
were  obtained  from  each  ton  of  copper  ore.  This  average  gold  value 
is  somewhat  misleading,  because  much  the  larger  part  of  the  ore 
contains  only  an  insignificant  amount  of  gold.  The  average  has 
been  greatly  increased  by  the  high  gold  content  found  in  part  of  the 
Ellamar  ore  body.  The  average  value  of  the  total  metallic  contents 
of  the  copper  ores  produced  on  Prince  William  Sound  during  20 
years  of  mining  is  $11.32  a  ton. 

Much  the  larger  part  of  the  above-stated  tonnage  is  the  output  of 
the  Beatson-Bonanza  mine,  where  the  ores  are  concentrated  by  oil 
flotation.  Nearly  all  the  copper  deposits  of  this  region  are  readily 
accessible  from  tidewater,  and  the  ore  can  usually  be  delivered  at  the 
beach  by  aerial  trams.  It  is  transported  to  the  smelters  of  Washington 
and  British  Columbia  by  ocean  routes  open  to  navigation  throughout 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  425 

the  year.  Given  tonnage  enough  to  justify  the  employment  of 
suitable  carriers,  freight  rates  should  not  be  high.  On  the  other 
hand,  should  a  sufficient  tonnage  be  developed  and  local  smelting 
of  the  ores  prove  to  be  economical,  the  necessary  fuel  should  be  made 
available  from  the  high-grade  coking  and  steaming  coals  of  the 
Bering  River  and  Matanuska  fields  or  from  the  Cook  Inlet  lignites. 
It  has  been  shown  that  some  siliceous  ores  could  be  obtained  locally 
and  that  limestone  is  not  far  distant. 

The  climate  of  Prince  William  Sound  is  no  deterrent  to  operations 
throughout  the  year.  Many  of  the  ore  bodies  are  topographically  so 
located  that  they  could  be  undercut.  Timber,  though  not  abundant, 
is  ample  for  the  purposes  of  mining.  Small  water  powers  are  fairly 
abundant,  and  there  are  also  some  larger  ones.  During  the  era  of 
high  prices  there  has  been  a  shortage  of  labor  in  all  Alaska  mining 
camps.  As  a  consequence  miners'  wages  on  the  Sound  have  of  late 
been  about  10  per  cent  higher  than  in  the  lode-mining  districts  of  the 
States.  Should  copper  mining  ever  develop  on  a  large  scale,  there 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  this  difference  would  continue.  On  the 
whole,  the  controlling  physical  conditions  on  Prince  William  Sound 
are  favorable  to  fairly  low  operating  costs,  though  probably  higher 
than  in  southeastern  Alaska. 

Copper  River  Region.  The  richest  copper  lodes  of  Alaska  are 
those  developed  by  the  Kennecott  group  of  mines  and  are  tributary 
to  the  Copper  River  &  Northwestern  Railroad.  These  deposits  are 
near  the  east  end  of  a  copper-bearing  belt,  which  has  been  traced 
some  50  miles  westward  along  the  southern  foothills  of  the  Wrangell 
Mountains  and  as  measured  by  present  discoveries  is  from  5  to  15 
miles  in  width.  The  belt  takes  its  name,  the  Kotsina-Chitina  district, 
from  the  two  principal  rivers  which  carry  its  drainage  into  Copper 
River.  There  is  evidence  that  this  zone  of  mineralization  extends 
eastward  into  the  upper  Chitina  basin.  Some  cupriferous  lodes 
have  also  been  found  southwest  of  the  main  belt,  near  the  valley 
of  Copper  River.  All  these  deposits  may  be  regarded  as  a  part 
of  the  same  copper-bearing  province,  which  finds  outlet  to  tidewater 
over  the  railroad  terminating  at  Cordova. 

The  Kotsina-Chitina  copper  district  is  easily  accessible  by  the 
Copper  River  &  Northwestern  Railroad,  which  extends  inland  for 
192  miles  from  Cordova,  a  good  harbor  and  ice-free  port  on  Prince 


426  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

William  Sound.  Outgoing  shipments  are  on  a  down  grade,  and  if  a 
large  tonnage  were  available  reasonable  freight  rates  should  be 
expected.  This  railroad  passes  within  38  miles  of  the  Bering  River 
coal  field,  and  a  short  distance  beyond  this  is  the  Katalla  oil  field. 
These  geographic  facts  would  seem  to  favor  the  use  of  the  copper 
deposits  here  described  for  the  upbuilding  of  a  local  industry.  The 
high-grade  ores,  with  calcareous  gangue,  would  meet  ores  of  lower 
grade  from  Prince  William  Sound  at  Cordova,  while  near  by  there  are 
sources  of  excellent  fuel. 

There  is  no  great  amount  of  timber  in  the  Kotsina-Chitina  district, 
but  it  is  sufficient  to  meet  the  immediate  needs  of  a  mining  industry. 
The  district  is  one  of  strong  relief,  and  most  of  the  ore  bodies  now 
known  could  be  developed  by  adits.  There  are  some  large  water 
powers  in  this  general  region,  but  most  of  them  are  not  near  the  ore 
bodies.  There  are  no  climatic  conditions  in  the  district  which  prevent 
mining  throughout  the  year,  though  some  difficulties  are  caused 
by  snowslides. 

Although  the  conditions  above  described  are  in  general  favorable 
to  the  developments  of  the  copper  deposits,  the  present  situation 
presents  many  drawbacks.  The  railroad  traverses  the  southern  mar- 
gin of  the  copper  belt,  making  the  district  accessible  as  a  whole,  but 
many  of  the  prospects  are  5  to  25  miles  from  the  track.  No  spurs 
have  been  built,  and  there  are  few  wagon  roads.  This  condition 
makes  development  work  expensive.  In  the  event  of  the  opening 
up  of  large  ore  bodies  this  situation  would  of  course  be  met  by  pro- 
viding connection  with  the  railroad  by  spurs  or  aerial  trams. 

The  present  freight  rates  on  the  railroad  are  high.  The  rates  on 
ore  and  concentrates  from  this  district  to  the  Tacoma  smelter  in  1920 
ranged  from  $11.20  a  ton  on  ore  worth  $25  a  ton  to  $40.90  on  ore 
worth  $500.  The  railroad  company  contends  that  as  it  is  not  making 
expenses  it  cannot  afford  to  lower  the  rates.  On  the  other  hand, 
prospective  operators  hold  that  under  the  present  rates  no  mining 
is  possible  except  that  of  very  high-grade  ore.  Consequently  but 
little  development  work  is  now  under  way.  It  would  appear  to 
be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  lower  the  rates  with  a  view  of  encouraging 
a  development  that  would  produce  enough  ore  to  make  the  railroad 
a  profitable  venture  in  the  future.  As  it  is,  no  ore  is  shipped  except 
the  high-grade  product  of  the  Kennecott  Mines  Co.,  which  controls 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  427 

the  railroad.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  there  has  not  yet  been  a 
sufficient  assured  quantity  of  coal  disclosed  in  the  Bering  River  field 
to  justify  the  extension  of  a  branch  line  into  the  coal  field,  also  that 
the  Katalla  oil  field  is  as  yet  only  a  small  producer.  Aside  from  the 
question  of  freight  rates,  mining  costs  in  the  interior  will  certainly 
for  a  long  time  to  come  be  higher  than  on  the  coast. 

In  view  of  these  conditions  an  ore  body  of  a  given  size  and  copper 
content  which  might  if  located  on  the  coast  be  valuable,  if  in  the 
interior  would  at  present  be  worthless.  Nevertheless  the  situation 
of  the  Kotsina-Chitina  copper  deposits  with  reference  to  sources  of 
fuel  and  to  the  ores  of  a  different  character  on  the  Sound  presents 
possibilities  which  should  not  be  underestimated. 

Productive  mining  in  the  Kotsina-Chitina  district  began  in  191 1. 
Up  to  the  end  of  1919  about  1,360,000  tons  of  copper  ore  had  been 
mined,  from  which  about  417,700,000  pounds  of  copper  had  been 
recovered.  In  1919  the  district  produced  195,631  tons  of  ore,  carrying 
36,291,390  pounds  of  copper  and  408,726  ounces  of  silver.  No  gold 
has  been  recovered  from  the  copper  of  this  district. 

Reserves.  The  reserve  tonnage  of  the  present  Alaskan  copper 
developments  is  small.  On  the  other  hand,  the  evidence  of  strong 
copper  mineralization  in  several  of  the  accessible  mining  districts  of 
Alaska  and  the  widespread  distribution  of  copper  ores  give  every 
assurance  for  the  future.  It  can  therefore  be  confidently  predicted 
that  Alaska's  copper  industry  will  grow  when  transportation  is 
improved  and  general  industrial  conditions  are  revived. 

Coal.  Formations  that  are  known  to  be  locally  coal  bearing  are 
widely  distributed  in  Alaska  and  occupy  an  aggregate  area  of  more 
than  12,000  square  miles.  About  80  per  cent  of  Alaska  is  unsurveyed, 
and  some  of  the  unexplored  regions  may  contain  coal.  It  is  therefore 
not  impossible  that  the  total  area  of  the  coal-bearing  formations 
may  far  exceed  12,000  square  miles.  Any  additions  that  may  be 
made  to  the  known  coal  reserves  as  a  result  of  future  explorations 
will  probably  not  greatly  increase  the  immediately  available  stores 
of  fuel,  which  alone  are  here  under  discussion.  Most  of  the  regions 
tributary  to  the  existing  lines  of  transportation  or  those  under  con- 
struction are  sufficiently  explored  to  indicate  whether  or  not  they 
contain  coal.  Outcrops  of  coal  are  not  easily  overlooked,  either  during 
hasty  exploration  or  by  the  orospector.  and,    therefore,   the   coal- 


428  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

bearing  areas  already  outlined  in  a  rough  way,  though  many  have 
not  been  surveyed,  probably  include  much  the  larger  part  of 
those  that  will  be  available  for  use  in  the  immediate  future.  In  any 
event,  it  is  with  reference  to  these  known  coal  fields,  and  not  to 
possible  discoveries  in  unsurveyed  tracts,  that  the  future  of  the  coal- 
mining industry  must  here  be  discussed.  The  Alaska  reserves  in 
general  may  be  said  to  include  enormous  quantities  of  lignite,  con- 
siderable low-grade  bituminous  coal,  much  smaller  quantities  of 
high-grade  bituminous  coal,  and  some  anthracite.  The  bituminous 
coals  are  the  highest-grade  coals  found  on  the  west  coast  of  the 
American  continent  and  are  comparable  in  composition  to  the  best 
Appalachian  fuels.  It  is  on  these  high-grade  coals  that  the  present 
development  of  the  coal-mining  industry  in  Alaska  depends,  for  they 
are  the  only  fuels  suitable  for  export. 

There  has  been  a  little  mining  of  lignitic  coal  at  various  places  in 
Alaska  since  1888.  It  was  not,  however,  until  the  high  quality  of 
the  Bering  River  and  Matanuska  coal  was  established  by  both  public 
and  private  surveys  and  examinations,  made  between  1898  and  1905, 
that  these  northern  coal  fields  excited  any  special  interest.  An 
Alaska  coal-land  law  was  enacted  in  1904,  but  it  proved,  as  inter- 
preted, ineffective  in  encouraging  mining  development,  nor  did  the 
supplementary  legislation  of  1908  serve  to  improve  the  situation. 
Meanwhile,  all  Alaska  coal  lands  were  withdrawn  from  entry  by 
executive  order  dated  November  12,  1906.  Many  coal  claims  were 
staked  previous  to  this  withdrawal,  but  patent  was  refused  to  all 
except  a  few  that  were  isolated  and  too  small  in  area  to  permit 
economic  exploitation. 

The  Alaska  coal  situation  was  further  embarrassed  by  the  rapid 
increase  in  the  petroleum  output  of  California.  As  a  result,  the  short- 
age of  fuel  of  the  Pacific  seaboard  that  was  threatening  at  the  time  of 
the  first  attempted  development  of  Alaska  bituminous  coal  was 
changed  to  an  excess  of  production.  The  net  result  of  these  condi- 
tions was  to  prevent  all  coal-mining  development  in  Alaska  and  to 
force  Alaskan  industries  to  draw  on  foreign  sources  for  fuel.  Further- 
more, the  projects  for  private  railroad  construction  to  the  coal  fields 
were  necessarily  abandoned.  The  logic  of  the  situation  forced  the  gov- 
ernment to  enter  the  field  of  railroad  construction  and  also  to  under- 
take the  underground  exploration  of  the  coal  fields  at  public  expense. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  429 

The  long  and  bitter  controversy  regarding  an  Alaska  coal-land 
policy  ended  in  19 14  with  the  enactment  of  a  leasing  law.  As  a  con- 
sequence of  the  relative  decrease  in  the  market  for  coal,  because  of 
the  large  use  of  petroleum  and  the  unsettled  financial  conditions 
brought  about  by  the  war,  no  great  eagerness  has  been  shown  by 
capitalists  to  enter  upon  the  development  of  the  Alaska  coal  fields. 
Furthermore,  the  little  underground  work  thus  far  done  has  more  than 
confirmed  the  incomplete  evidence  obtained  from  surface  exposures 
as  to  the  greatly  folded  and  broken  condition  of  the  coal  beds  in  both 
the  important  fields.  Most  American  coal  mining  has  been  done  on 
beds  that  are  but  little  disturbed.  Hence  those  engaged  in  the 
industry  have  had  little  experience  in  the  exploitation  of  greatly 
disturbed  coal  beds  such  as  those  of  Alaska,  which  are,  however, 
comparable  to  some  of  those  mined  in  France  and  Belgium.  Many 
have  also  contended  that  the  terms  of  the  coal  leases  are  not  sufficiently 
liberal,  in  view  of  the  isolation  and  unprospected  condition  of  the 
Alaska  field.  As  a  result  of  these  conditions  only  one  considerable 
coal-mining  operation  under  leasehold  is  underway,  and  this  has  not 
yet  reached  a  productive  stage. 

Between  1899  and  1919  Alaska  mines  produced  a  total  of  243,677 
tons  of  coal,  of  which  190,000  tons  is  the  output  of  the  last  three  years 
and  is  chiefly  from  the  government  mines.  During  the  same  two 
decades  the  Territory  has  consumed  a  total  of  2,411,947  tons  of  coal. 
Of  this  amount  1,276,600  tons  has  been  imported  from  the  Vancouver 
fields  in  British  Columbia. 

The  market  for  these  high-grade  bituminous  fuels  is  ample  to 
absorb  all  the  coal  that  can  be  produced  for  a  number  of  years  to 
come.  The  coal  consumption  of  the  Pacific  Coast  States  and  Alaska, 
exclusive  of  that  used  on  railroads  and  steamers,  is  now  about 
3,200,000  tons  annually,  of  which  200,000  to  300,000  tons  is  imported 
from  British  Columbia.  Railroads  in  the  Pacific  Coast  States 
consume  about  2,000,000  tons,  practically  all  used  in  Washington. 
The  bunker  coal  supplied  to  steamers  at  American  Pacific  ports 
amounted  to  343,000  tons  in  1915  and  474,000  tons  in  1918.  This 
bunker  trade  is  one  for  which  the  Alaska  coals  are  especially  well 
suited.  Some  of  the  Alaska  coals  are  also  well  adapted  for  coking. 
About  200,000  tons  of  coking  coal  is  used  in  the  Pacific  Coast  States. 
Of  the  Pacific  Coast  coals  only  those  from  Alaska  are  of  sufficiently 


43©  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

high  grade  to  be  suitable  for  navy  use.  An  estimate  of  the  needs  of 
the  navy  at  200,000  tons,  of  Alaska  at  100,000  tons,  and  of  coking 
coal  at  200,000  tons  would  give  a  certain  market  for  500,000  tons. 
In  addition  to  this  the  Alaska  fuel  should  be  a  strong  competitor  in 
the  bunker  trade.  Furthermore,  the  increased  cost  of  petroleum  will 
soon  enlarge  the  market  for  coal  on  the  Pacific  seaboard.  One 
adverse  factor  that  should  be  considered  is  the  competition  of  the 
high-grade  Alaska  coals  with  those  from  the  East  brought  through 
the  Panama  Canal.  Owing  to  the  physical  conditions  under  which 
the  eastern  bituminous  coals  occur  they  are  cheaper  to  mine  than 
those  in  Alaska,  and  another  advantage  lies  in  the  more  favorable 
industrial  conditions.  It  is  probably  safe  to  assume,  however,  that 
even  under  this  competition  Alaska  coal  should  have  a  market  for 
at  least  1,000,000  tons.  Whether  any  such  production  can  be 
reached  in  the  immediate  future  can  be  determined  only  by  further 
prospecting. 

Petroleum.  The  Alaska  oil  lands  were  withdrawn  from  entry  in 
1910  and  thereby  practically  all  petroleum  development  was  stopped 
until  the  passage  of  the  leasing  law  in  1920.  In  spite  of  this  handicap 
some  53,000  barrels  of  petroleum  have  been  produced  in  the  Katalla 
field.  Meanwhile,  Alaska  is  drawing  on  California  annually  for  nearly 
500,000  barrels  of  petroleum  and  petroleum  products.  This  does  not 
include  the  oil  consumed  by  steamers  running  to  Alaska  ports.  The 
information  afforded  by  seepages  indicates  that  there  are  five  oii 
fields  in  Alaska  which  could  probably  be  made  productive.  So  far 
as  known  the  Alaska  petroleum  is  a  high-grade  refining  oil  for  which 
there  is  at  present  a  great  need.  Therefore  the  development  of  the 
Alaska  petroleum  fields  is  not  only  of  great  importance  to  the  Territory 
but  also  to  the  entire  nation. 

5.     POSSIBLE  AGRICULTURAL  DEVELOPMENT  IN  ALASKA1 

The  inside  route  from  Seattle  to  Alaska  is  by  a  winding,  narrow 
course,  over  still  waters,  through  archipelagoes  of  mountain  islands 
that  front  the  mainland  all  the  way  from  Puget  Sound  to  Skagway. 
The  1,000-mile  journey  is  a  boat  ride  through  mountain  canyons. 

'Adapted  from  Levi  Chubbuck,  "Possible  Agricultural  Development  in 
Alaska,"  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bulletin  No.  50,  pp.  1-30.  Mr. 
Chubbuck  formerly  was  Agriculturist  in  the  Office  of  Farm  Management. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  431 

The  mountains  on  both  mainland  and  islands  are  snow  capped,  and 
coming  from  the  snow  fields  are  numerous  waterfalls  that  are  empha- 
sized by  the  dark  cloak  of  spruce  that  drapes  the  land  from  the  water's 
edge  to  snow  line. 

The  mountains  increase  in  height  and  consequently  in  extent  of 
snow  fields  toward  the  north.  The  tourist  naturally  concludes  that 
this  is  the  result  of  the  higher  latitude.  After  four  or  five  days' 
travel  northward  glaciers  are  seen  on  the  sides  of  the  mountains. 
When  near  Juneau  the  steamer  may  turn  from  its  course  and  run 
into  Taku  Inlet,  to  give  the  passengers  a  near  view  of  a  glacier  that 
reaches  tidewater  and  is  discharging  icebergs  into  the  sea. 

With  many  of  the  tourists  Juneau,  the  capital  of  Alaska,  or  Skag- 
way,  100  miles  farther  north  and  the  end  of  navigation  by  this  route, 
is  as  far  as  they  go,  possibly  returning  to  Seattle  on  the  same  boat. 
If  this  is  so,  all  they  have  seen  of  Alaska  is  a  400-mile  stretch  of 
channel  between  the  forest-covered  mountains  that  constitute  the 
100-mile  wide  strip  of  southeastern  Alaska.  If  they  go  on  to  Seward, 
the  end  of  the  steamer  run,  with  calls  at  Cordova  and  Valdez,  travel- 
ing nearly  1,000  miles  farther  along  the  south  coast  of  Alaska  to 
the  westward,  they  will  see  magnificent  views  of  other  mountains, 
glaciers,  and  illimitable  fields  of  snow.  The  tourist  has  traveled 
nearly  2,000  miles  from  Seattle  by  this  route,  but  he  has  seen  only 
the  narrow  southeastern  projection  of  the  territory  and  a  small  sec- 
tion of  the  south  coast  of  the  mainland.  He  has  seen,  however,  what 
has  given  to  the  world  the  most  commonly  accepted  opinion  of 
Alaska.  Erroneous  as  is  the  opinion  thus  developed  of  the  Terri- 
tory as  a  whole,  it  is  the  more  remarkable  that  it  is  quite  as  far 
wrong  respecting  the  portion  that  comes  under  observation,  for, 
notwithstanding  the  prevalence  and  close  proximity  of  the  snow 
and  ice  fields  on  the  south  coast,  the  fact  remains  that  this  portion 
of  the  Territory  has  a  comparatively  mild  climate.  To  get  a  clear 
understanding  of  how  this  can  be  and  of  Alaskan  climatic  conditions 
in  general,  a  brief  description  of  the  physical  features  of  Alaska 
will  be  in  order  and  necessary  to  a  consideration  of  the  agricultural 
possibilities. 

Alaska  comprises  the  northwestern  end  of  the  continent.     The 

Territory  all  lies  west  of  longtitude  1410  W.,  excepting  the  narrow 

strip  that  extends  from  Mount  St.  Elias  along  the  shore  southeastward 
15 


432  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

some  600  miles,  the  extreme  southern  point  touching  latitude  54° 
40'  N.  The  long  projection  extending  out  from  the  southwestern 
coast,  forming  the  Alaska  Peninsula  and  the  Aleutian  Islands,  goes 
so  far  to  the  southwest  that  the  farthermost  island,  Attu,  is  in  the 
longtitude  of  New  Zealand,  1730  E.  The  mainland  is  about  700 
miles  from  north  to  south  and  700  to  800  miles  from  east  to  west. 
The  total  area  is  586,400  square  miles.  This  area  is  thrust  out  from 
the  main  continental  land  mass,  so  that  it  is  surrounded  on  three 
sides  by  great  bodies  of  salt  water  differing  greatly  in  temperature. 
The  Arctic  Ocean  is  on  the  north,  Bering  Sea  on  the  west,  and  the 
Pacific  Ocean  on  the  south.  The  waters  of  the  first  are  very  cold,  of 
course,  because  of  the  drift  from  the  polar  region.  This  drift  extend- 
ing through  the  Bering  Strait  makes  the  Bering  Sea  also  quite  cold. 
The  drift  of  warm  water  from  the  southern  Pacific  Ocean  northeast- 
ward modifies  quite  markedly  the  temperatures  along  the  south  coast, 
just  as  it  does  all  along  the  western  coast  of  the  United  States.  Quite 
different  climatic  effects  are  thus  produced  on  their  respective  shores 
by  these  different  bodies  of  water.  How  far  these  effects  extend 
inland  depends  much  upon  the  topography  of  the  country. 

Pacific  Mountain  System.  The  Pacific  Mountain  system,  which 
fronts  the  south  coast  of  Alaska,  demands  attention,  for  it  is  not  only 
that  which  has  developed  public  opinion  regarding  Alaska,  but  it  is 
the  dominating  physical  factor.  It  is  the  extension  of  the  Coast 
Range  of  the  United  States  and  Canada.  North  of  Puget  Sound 
the  sea  has  broken  into  the  mountain  fastnesses  along  a  1,000-mile 
stretch  until  the  St.  Elias  Range  is  reached,  where,  with  increasing 
height,  the  sea  is  forced  back  outside  of  the  coast  line.  Northwest- 
ward from  Mount  St.  Elias  the  range  widens  into  a  system,  with  the 
Chugach  and  Kenai  mountains  immediately  on  the  coast,  and  back 
of  these  the  Wrangell  and  Nutzotin  mountains.  These,  with  the 
minor  ranges,  merge  into  the  Alaskan  Range  that  swings  southwest- 
ward  and  continues  out  on  the  Alaska  Peninsula  as  the  Aleutian 
Range,  the  whole  mass  forming  the  arc  of  a  great  circle.  The  system, 
extending  in  width  from  the  water's  edge  to  200  miles  back  from  the 
coast,  is  of  great  altitude,  the  maximum  being  Mount  McKinley,  in 
the  Alaskan  Range,  20,464  feet. 

Right  here  in  this  mountain  mass,  occupying  an  area  200  bv 
400  miles  in  extent,  is  the  dominating  fact  that  always  must  be  borne 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  433 

in  mind  when  studying  Alaska,  namely,  the  effect  on  the  moisture 
with  which  the  warm  air  currents  from  the  sea  are  laden.  The 
moisture  in  the  air  is  condensed  and  precipitated  as  snow  on  the  high 
levels  and  as  rain  lower  down,  90  inches  being  the  average  annual 
precipitation  at  Sitka,  while  at  a  number  of  points  on  the  coast  in 
southeastern  Alaska  150  inches  annually  have  been  recorded.  This 
heavy  snowfall  at  the  higher  levels,  accumulating  through  the  ages 
and  solidifying  into  ice,  forms  the  great  glaciers,  and  we  have  here  on 
the  south  coast  of  Alaska  in  this  200  by  400  mile  area,  much  of  which 
lies  plainly  in  sight  from  the  decks  of  steamers,  the  most  extensive 
permanent  snow  and  ice  field  in  the  world,  outside  of  the  polar  region. 
In  fact,  nearly  all  of  the  permanent  snow  fields  and  glaciers  of  Alaska 
are  in  this  area,  there  being,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  comparatively 
few  that  he  wholly  north  of  the  Arctic  Circle,  even  in  the  Arctic 
mountain  system.  At  the  shore  line  of  this  same  south-coast  snow 
and  ice  field,  in  sight  of  the  great  glaciers,  the  temperatures  are  so  high 
in  winter  that  zero  is  rarely  reached.  The  winters  at  Sitka,  Juneau, 
and  other  points  in  southeastern  Alaska  are  never  as  cold  as  they  are 
at  Washington,  D.C.,  though  the  mean  annual  temperatures  are  about 
the  same,  the  summers  on  the  Alaskan  coast  being  cooler  than  those 
in  Washington.  But  it  does  not  follow  that  because  the  south  coast 
has  a  mild  climate  the  conditions  are  favorable  for  agriculture.  The 
cool  summers  and  excessive  precipitation,  with  much  cloudy  weather, 
are  distinctly  unfavorable,  excepting  for  the  growth  of  grass,  garden 
vegetables,  and  small  fruits.  Vegetation  is  slow  in  maturing,  and  the 
curing  of  hay  and  grain  quite  difficult;  to  which  may  be  added  the 
fact  that  land  available  for  tillage  is  very  limited  because  of  the 
mountainous  topography. 

The  south  portion  of  Alaska  is  a  heavily  timbered  area,  a  natural 
result  of  the  heavy  precipitation  and  equable  temperatures.  The 
timber  is  largely  spruce,  with  some  hemlock,  and  groves  of  poplar  on 
the  alluvial  bottoms.  Proceeding  southwestward  along  the  Alaska 
Peninsula  and  adjacent  islands,  the  timber  decreases  and  disappears 
entirely  beyond  the  north  end  of  Kodiak  Island.  The  islands  and 
mainland  are  quite  mountainous,  level  land  being  limited  to  narrow 
strips  along  the  beaches  and  to  the  numerous  coves  that  indent  the 
shores.  Grass  in  great  variety  and  luxuriance  clothes  the  land  from 
water  and  snow  fine  and  makes  this  the  best  grazing  area  of  Alaska. 


434  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Central  Plateau  Region.  The  great  interior  of  Alaska  is  essentially 
a  mountainous  area,  although  the  mountains  between  the  Endicott 
Range  on  the  north  and  the  Alaskan  Range  on  the  south  are  more 
or  less  detached  and  of  quite  moderate  altitude. 

Level  areas  in  the  interior  are  for  the  most  part  limited  to  the 
alluvial  bottoms  along  the  streams.  The  most  pronounced  exception 
to  this  is  in  the  Yukon  Flats.  About  200  miles  downstream  from 
Eagle  the  river  passes  into  an  area  150  miles  long  and  50  to  75  miles 
wide  that  is  quite  level.  The  river  banks  are  low  and  the  stream 
divides  into  innumerable  channels,  thus  forming  a  myriad  of  islands. 
Dense  growth  of  spruce  and  poplar  occupy  the  land,  with  occasional 
grass  meadows.  For  the  most  part  the  bottom  lands  comprise  a 
strip  on  one  or  both  banks  of  the  larger  streams,  rarely  exceeding  a 
couple  of  miles  in  width.  Next  to  the  bottoms  there  may  be  benches 
which  merge  into  low  hills,  and  these  into  the  mountains  that  make 
up  the  larger  proportion  of  the  area.  The  bottom,  bench,  and  low 
hill  lands  are,  of  course,  those  that  are  suitable  for  farming,  the 
higher  hills  and  mountains  being  more  or  less  available  for  grazing. 

The  low  hills  having  a  southern  exposure,  and  particularly  if 
covered  with  a  growth  of  birch,  are  the  best  suited  to  tillage.  The 
benches  with  comparatively  high  banks  above  the  streams  and  free 
from  gravel  banks  are  the  next  best.  The  low-lying  bottom  lands, 
lacking  both  water  and  air  drainage,  are  the  least  desirable  for  farming 
purposes. 

The  largest  area  of  tillable  land  thus  far  located  in  the  interior  is 
in  the  Tanana  Valley,  extending  20  to  30  miles  above  Fairbanks  and 
downstream  to  the  junction  of  the  Tanana  with  the  Yukon.  The 
Kuskokwim  River,  which  rises  on  the  northwestern  slope  of  the 
Alaskan  Range  and  flows  southwest  into  Bering  Sea,  occupies  a 
great  and  little-explored  region,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  there  are 
large  tillable  areas  in  its  valley. 

Small  areas  of  land  for  gardens  maybe  found  even  above  the  Arctic 
Circle  along  the  Koyukuk,  Chandalar,  and  other  Yukon  tributaries 
that  come  in  from  the  north.  The  Kobuk  River,  which  empties  into 
Kotzebue  Sound  above  Seward  Peninsula  and  lies  wholly  above  the 
Arctic  Circle,  is  said  to  offer  some  farming  and  gardening  possibilities. 

Climate  of  the  Interior.  Climatic  conditions  of  the  interior  are 
determined  by  the  latitude  and  its  relation  to  the  bodies  of  water  and 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  435 

mountain  systems  already  mentioned.  Much  of  the  area  of  the 
interior,  particularly  the  Tanana  Valley  and  the  upper  Yukon  Valley 
in  Alaska,  lies  north  of  latitude  640  N.,  and  extends  above  the  Arctic 
Circle.  Cut  off  from  the  tempering  influence  of  the  warm  waters  of 
the  Pacific  that  have  so  much  effect  at  the  coast,  both  with  reference 
to  temperature  and  precipitation,  the  result  is  light  precipitation, 
short  but  quite  warm  summers,  and  long,  cold  winters.  It  must  be 
remembered  that,  while  the  summers  are  short  in  number  of  days, 
there  are  18  to  20  hours  of  sunshine  daily  during  the  growing  season, 
and  that  this,  with  comparatively  high  temperature,  causes  very 
rapid  growth  of  vegetation.  The  lower  Yukon  and  Kuskokwim 
region  is  in  a  lower  latitude,  but  this  is  counteracted  by  proximity 
to  the  cold  waters  of  Bering  Sea,  with  no  protecting  mountain  range 
to  arrest  the  cold  air  currents. 

As  a  result  of  the  long  winters,  and,  generally  speaking,  low  tem- 
peratures, during  which  the  ground  is  deeply  frozen,  and  the  short 
summers,  there  is  frozen  earth  even  in  the  summer  time  within  a  few 
feet  of  the  surface  over  much  of  Alaska.  Because  of  this  frost  line 
the  moisture  from  the  melted  snow  on  the  ground  and  the  frost  in  it 
cannot  drain  away  and  can  escape  only  by  evaporation.  This  con- 
dition of  slow  melting  and  evaporation  is  emphasized  by  the  vegetable 
growth  and  particularly  the  moss,  which  is  a  most  efficient  non- 
conductor of  heat  as  well  as  an  excellent  sponge  for  holding  moisture. 

Over  much  of  Alaska  during  the  summer  there  is,  then,  a  thin 
stratum  of  saturated  earth  with  its  protecting  coat  of  moss  or  other 
vegetation,  forming  for  the  most  part  a  morass  impassable  for  wheeled 
vehicles  and  almost  impassable  for  horses.  Land  travel  by  teams 
is  therefore  practically  out  of  the  question  in  Alaska  during  the 
summer,  even  where  the  mountains  and  timber  growth  do  not  inter- 
fere. But  with  a  coast  line  of  26,000  miles  and  6,000  miles  of  navigable 
rivers,  one  of  which,  the  Yukon,  bisects  the  territory  with  a  1,500- 
mile  waterway,  Alaska  is  marvelously  well  supplied  with  facilities 
for  water  travel  during  the  summer  season.  But  as  the  streams 
are  icebound  from  early  in  October  until  June  and  only  the  harbors 
on  the  south  coast  are  ice-free  during  the  winter,  the  dog  team  and 
sled  are  still  the  most  general  and  widely  used  mode  of  conveyance 
in  winter,  although  horses  are  being  used  more  and  more  during  this 
season  on  established  lines  of  travel. 


436  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Vegetation  of  the  Interior.  Practically  all  of  the  interior  that  comes 
within  our  purview  as  possessing  agricultural  possibilities  is  timbered, 
but  for  the  most  part  the  growth  is  small  and  thin.  Spruce  is  the  most 
prevalent.  There  are  belts  of  balm  of  Gilead  poplar  at  the  lower 
levels  and  quaking  aspen  near  the  snow  line.  Birch  groves  occupy 
many  of  the  benches  and  low  hills  adjacent  to  the  river  bottoms. 
If  not  destroyed  by  fire  and  undue  waste,  there  is  enough  timber  in 
the  interior  to  meet  the  needs  of  a  largely  increased  population. 

Grasses  in  great  variety  are  native  to  Alaska  and  are  widely 
disseminated,  many  of  them  being  of  large  agricultural  value  for  hay 
and  silage  and  for  grazing.  Wherever  the  timber  is  destroyed  by  fire 
or  cut  away,  grasses  at  once  spring  up  and  make  a  luxuriant  growth. 

Other  native  vegetation  of  agricultural  economic  value  includes  a 
considerable  variety  of  wild  fruit — salmon  berries,  red  and  black 
currants,  gooseberries,  cranberries,  blueberries,  and  other  edible  small 
fruits  that  are  found  in  plentiful  quantities  over  wide  areas. 

The  most  widespread  forms  of  plant  life  in  Alaska  are  the  mosses 
and  lichens,  and  they  claim  attention  both  for  their  agricultural  value 
and  because  they  are  also  an  obstacle  to  agricultural  development. 
One  of  the  lichens  known  as  reindeer  moss  grows  widely  in  the  western 
half  of  Alaska  and  in  all  that  portion  north  of  the  Yukon.  It  is  the 
principal  winter  food  of  the  domesticated  reindeer. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  water  and  frost  holding  character- 
istics of  the  moss  growth.  It  is  this  that  makes  the  moss  an  impedi- 
ment to  agricultural  development  in  sections  where  tillage  is  feasible. 
It  appears  to  decay  very  slowly,  as  is  the  case  to  a  certain  extent  with 
all  vegetable  matter  in  localities  where  there  are  but  brief  periods  of 
warm  weather,  so  that  a  coat  of  moss  varying  in  thickness  from  a  few 
inches  to  a  number  of  feet  accumulates  over  much  of  the  land  surface. 
Even  in  those  portions  of  Alaska  where  the  winters  are  comparatively 
mild,  but  the  summers  cool  and  moist,  the  frost  will  be  so  near  the 
surface  under  a  coat  of  moss  that  at  any  time  during  the  summer 
a  cane  may  be  thrust  through  the  moss  to  the  frost  line.  Under  these 
wet  and  cold  conditions  and  the  slow  decay  of  the  vegetation  the  soil 
is  quite  acid,  as  is  evidenced  by  much  of  the  plant  growth,  the  species 
being  those  that  grow  on  land  that  is  too  sour  for  most  farm  crops. 
When  the  timber  and  other  plant  growth,  including  the  moss,  is 
removed  from  the  land,  thus  giving  the  heat  of  the  sun  and  the  air  a 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  437 

chance  to  penetrate  the  soil  and  dry  out  the  moisture,  the  frost  line 
goes  lower  each  season  until  it  ceases  to  be  an  injurious  factor,  and 
in  the  meantime  the  acidity  of  the  soil  grows  less. 

The  Soils  of  Alaska.  Alaskan  soils  have  their  origin  largely  in 
material  formed  by  glacial  action.  They  are  not  very  rich  in  available 
plant  food,  as  a  rule.  The  vegetable  matter  that  has  accumulated 
on  the  surface  is  in  such  a  partially  decayed  and  acid  condition  that 
it  is  quite  apt  to  be  injurious  to  some  cultivated  plants.  This 
is  quite  pronounced  even  in  the  regions  of  mild  temperatures  and 
abundant  rainfall,  as  in  southeastern  Alaska,  where  vegetation  is 
luxuriant  and  the  soil  is  apt  to  be  quite  peaty  and  mucky.  In  fact, 
extensive  beds  of  peat  exist  in  various  portions  of  Alaska.  Wherever 
there  has  been  sufficient  drainage  and  the  vegetable  matter  has  fully 
decayed  there  is  a  rich  black  loam  of  varying  depths;  but  these  areas 
are  limited  to  small  valleys,  some  of  which  are  the  dried-up  beds  of 
former  shallow  lakes.  The  alluvial  deposits  along  the  larger  streams 
contain  good  soil,  but  there  are  many  gravel  beds  that  have  only  a 
thin  covering  of  fertile  soil.  Much  of  the  soil,  particularly  of  the 
benches  and  low  hills,  is  composed  largely  of  material  deposited  by 
the  melting  of  the  ice  sheet  that  formerly  covered  the  land. 

Drainage  is  an  important  and  widespread  need  in  Alaskan  agri- 
culture, not  merely  in  the  southeastern  section  where  the  rainfall 
is  so  abundant,  but  in  the  interior  where  the  precipitation  is  so  light 
that  irrigation  is  thought  by  some  to  be  a  possible  essential. 
Wherever  the  soil  is  at  all  peaty,  from  the  accumulation  of  partly 
decayed  vegetable  matter,  drainage  will  greatly  improve  the  condi- 
tion. Shallow  lakes  and  partially  dried  lake  beds  abound,  and  the 
draining  of  these  will  make  available  for  tillage  much  good  land  and 
will  be  otherwise  beneficial.  It  is  noticed  that  wherever  the  tundra 
moss  is  disturbed  in  such  a  way  that  drainage  has  resulted  incidentally, 
as  has  been  done  at  St.  Michael  in  connection  with  building  opera- 
tions, grasses  come  in  and  make  a  luxuriant  growth. 

Notwithstanding  the  need  of  drainage,  even  in  the  interior,  as 
has  been  stated,  some  of  the  settlers  are  of  the  opinion  that  irrigation 
will  be  necessary  in  certain  localities,  and  a  few  have  installed  irriga- 
tion systems.  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  irrigation  will  be  a 
general  or  pressing  need.  The  ground  is  usually  frozen  to  a  great 
depth  during  the  long  and  severe  winters  and,  of  course,   thaws 


438  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

quite  slowly  after  the  frost  line  has  fallen  a  foot  or  so.  So  long 
as  there  is  frost  in  the  ground  drainage  will  be  retarded,  and  as  the 
frost  slowly  melts  it  will  supply  moisture  by  capillarity  to  the  surface 
soil.  The  shortness  of  the  growing  season  and  the  tendency  of 
vegetation  to  rapid  growth  and  early  maturity  under  the  influence 
of  the  almost  continuous  sunlight  will  lessen  the  need  of  irrigation. 

Possible  Agricultural  Areas.  So  far  as  topography,  soil,  and 
climate  determine  the  matter,  Alaska  has  probably  100,000  square 
miles  of  area  on  which  there  are  possibilities  for  farming  and  grazing.1 
The  larger  portion  of  the  farming  land  is  in  the  interior,  in  the  Yukon 
Drainage  Basin.  Notwithstanding  the  mildness  of  the  climate  and 
the  accessibility  of  the  south  coast,  the  precipitous  topography  to  the 
water's  edge  makes  tillable  land  very  limited,  particularly  in  the 
southeastern  section,  where  the  excessive  precipitation  and  much 
cloudy  weather  are  also  agricultural  handicaps.  Of  tillable  land 
contiguous  to  the  south  coast  from  southeastern  to  southwestern 
Alaska,  probably  not  more  than  1,000  square  miles  are  available. 
In  the  Copper  River  drainage,  100  miles  back  from  the  coast,  there 
are  possibly  2,000  square  miles  of  such  land,  and  not  less  than  3,000 
square  miles  in  the  Cook  Inlet  region,  including  the  Matanuska  and 
Susitna  drainage  areas.  It  is  estimated  that  there  are  8,000  square 
miles  of  tillable  land  in  the  Tanana  Valley  and  possibly  twice  that 
area  in  other  portions  of  the  Yukon  Drainage  Basin,  much  of  this 
being  in  the  Yukon  Flats. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  prove  that  agriculture  is  feasible  in 
Alaska  other  than  by  citing  examples  of  successful  gardening,  farming, 
and  stock  raising  at  widely  separated  points.  First  in  importance 
are  the  agricultural  experiment  stations  of  the  United  States  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture;  one  at  Sitka,  the  headquarters  station,  in 
southeastern  Alaska;  one  at  Kodiak,  in  the  southwestern  portion; 
and  two  in  the  interior,  one  of  which  is  at  Fairbanks  on  the  Tanana 
and  one  at  Rampart  on  the  Yukon,  the  latter  being  within  75  miles 
of  the  Arctic  Circle.  "Alaska  contains  extensive  areas  of  farm 
lands  suitable  for  raising  the  hardier  grains,  including  wheat,  potatoes, 
forage  crops,  and  many  varieties  of  vegetables.  Tests  have  shown 
that  sugar  beets  can  be  matured  in  the  Tanana  and  Susitna  valleys, 
and  that  these  contain  a  high  percentage  of  sugar.     The  most  promis- 

1  1920  estimates  reduce  this  to  65,000  square  miles. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  439 

ing  agricultural  fields  are  in  the  Tanana  and  in  the  Susitna  Valley, 
both  tributary  to  the  government  railroad.  Extensive  areas  of 
agricultural  land  are  also  found  in  other  parts  of  the  Yukon  Basin, 
and  in  lesser  amounts  in  some  of  the  Pacific  coastal  region. 

The  best-developed  farming  region  is  that  tributary  to  Fairbanks. 
In  this  region  there  are  102  homesteads,  with  about  2,000  acres  of 
land  under  cultivation,  and  with  an  agricultural  population  of  about 
250.  These  farms  produced,  in  1919,  60  tons  of  wheat,  40  tons  of 
oats,  10  tons  of  barley,  500  tons  of  hay,  325  tons  of  potatoes,  60 
tons  of  vegetables,  and  150  hogs.  The  success  during  the  last  five 
years  in  the  raising  of  wheat  has  so  encouraged  the  farmers  and  local 
business  men  that  they  are  now  building  a  small  flour  mill  at  Fair- 
banks. There  is  a  little  dairying  at  Fairbanks,  and  in  other  parts  of 
the  Territory,  but  the  raising  of  cattle  has  not  yet  been  greatly 
developed  in  connection  with  other  farming."1 

Cattle  and  Sheep  Raising.  A  cattle  and  sheep  raising  industry  "ties 
on"  to  the  reindeer  industry  in  southwestern  Alaska.  The  animal- 
husbandry  experiment  station  of  the  United  States  Department  of 
Agriculture  is  at  Kodiak  on  Kodiak  Island  where  a  herd  of  Galloway 
cattle  and  a  flock  of  sheep  are  maintained.  Private  individuals  and 
companies  are  also  establishing  stock  ranches  on  this  and  adjoining 
islands.  Unsurpassed  cattle  and  sheep  grazing  is  found  on  these 
islands  and  on  the  mainland  of  the  Aleutian  Peninsula  near  the  shore, 
while  in  the  mountainous  interior  there  is  said  to  be  good  reindeer 
grazing  ground. 

Winter  forage  for  cattle  and  sheep  is  provided  largely  from  the 
native  grasses,  both  hay  and  silage  being  made. 

The  next  most  extensive  and  favorable  grazing  area  in  Alaska  for 
domestic  cattle  and  sheep  is  in  the  Tanana  Valley,  including  also 
portions  of  the  upper  Yukon  Valley  and  extending  from  the  inter- 
national boundary  westward  to  the  confluence  of  the  two  streams 
named.  Other  more  or  less  favorable  grazing  areas  are  in  the  Copper 
River  drainage,  the  Susitna  drainage,  on  the  Kenai  Peninsula  and  in 
the  upper  valley  of  the  Kuskokwim  River.     The  practicability  of 

'Taken  from  "Report  of  Alaska  Advisory  Committee,"  appointed  by  Hon. 
John  Barton  Payne,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  in  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Alaska 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  1920,  p.  107.  The  chairman  of  this  committee 
was  Alfred  II.  Brook  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey. 


440  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

raising  stock  in  these  areas,  other  than  in  small  herds  in  quite  close 
proximity  to  individual  farms,  has  not  been  investigated  with  sufficient 
care  to  warrant  more  than  an  intimation  of  its  possibilities.  The 
long  winters  with  very  low  temperatures  at  all  points  behind  the 
mountains  that  front  the  south  coast,  the  boggy  and  moss-covered 
condition  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  land,  the  prevalence  of  mos- 
quitoes and  other  insects  that  are  very  trying  to  cattle  and  horses, 
and  numerous  carnivorous  animals  are  serious  obstacles  to  the 
development  of  a  larger  grazing  industry,  other  than  with  reindeer 
and  (except  as  has  been  noted)  in  southwestern  Alaska. 

The  Reindeer  Industry.1  Between  1892  and  1902  the  government 
imported  1,280  reindeer  into  Alaska  for  the  use  of  the  Alaskan  natives. 
The  natural  increase  from  the  original  stock  has  resulted  in  a  herd 
numbering  nearly  200,000,  besides  which  about  100,000  have  been 
killed  for  food  and  skins.  Of  these  about  69  per  cent  belongs  to  the 
natives,  5  per  cent  to  the  missions,  23  per  cent  to  Laplanders  and 
other  whites,  and  3  per  cent  are  still  in  government  ownership. 

There  is  a  company  at  Nome  which  engages  in  raising  reindeer 
for  the  market.  Their  herd  now  includes  nearly  20,000  animals, 
and  they  have  3  cold  storage  plants  in  operation  and  2  more  in 
construction.  Shipments  of  reindeer  meat  are  limited  to  cold  storage 
capacity  of  steamers  running  to  Nome,  and  were  99,000  pounds  in 
1918,  and  37,000  pounds  in  1919. 

There  are  extensive  reindeer  pastures  in  inland  Alaska,  and  on 
the  shores  of  Bering  Sea  and  the  Arctic  Ocean.  It  is  estimated  that 
these  pastures  should  support  a  total  of  9,000,000  to  10,000,000 
animals.  The  reindeer  range  tributary  to  Broad  Pass,  and  hence  to 
the  Alaska  Railroad,  should  be  capable  of  supporting  some  600,000 
animals.  This,  if  utilized,  will  give  tonnage  to  the  railroad  and  would 
furnish  a  new  source  of  meat  and  leather  from  a  region  which  has  no 
value  for  other  purposes. 

"The  reindeer  enterprise  in  Alaska  has  successfully  passed 
through  two  stages — the  introduction  of  the  reindeer  to  a  new 
country  and  people,  and  the  development  of  an  administration  which 
has  established  the  industry  in  the  coastal  region  from  Point  Barrow 

'Taken  from  "Report  of  Alaska  Advisory  Committee,"  appointed  by  Hon. 
John  Barton  Payne,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  in  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Alaska 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  1920,  pp.  107-8. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  441 

to  the  Aleutian  Peninsula.  There  remains  the  successful  com- 
mercializing of  the  industry,  the  advancement  of  the  enterprise 
from  a  branch  of  industrial  education  to  one  of  the  industries  of  the 
country."1 

6.     FOREST  RESOURCES  OF  ALASKA' 

The  differentiations  between  forest  types  are  as  sharp  as  those 
between  the  topographic  and  climatic,  and,  of  course,  depend  upon 
them.  The  coast  forests  of  southern  Alaska  are  the  northernmost 
extension  of  the  coast  type  of  Washington  and  British  Columbia. 
The  interior  forests  are  an  extension  of  the  interior  Canadian  forests. 
The  forests  of  the  Susitna  and  Copper  River  basins  are  somewhat 
intermediate  in  character,  since  these  rivers  rise  in  the  interior  and 
break  through  the  mountain  barrier  to  the  southern  coast. 

On  the  coast  of  southeastern  Alaska  trees  grow  to  large  size ;  in  the 
interior  the  timber  is  much  smaller.  The  higher  mountain  areas  are 
completely  above  timber  line.  Climatic  conditions  in  the  region 
adjacent  to  Bering  Sea  and  on  the  Arctic  slope  make  forest  growth 
altogether  impossible,  so  there  are  great  stretches  of  tundra  whose 
vegetation  consists  chiefly  of  moss,  sedges,  and  a  few  small  shrubs. 
Moss  may  be  said  to  be  the  garment  of  Alaska,  and  layers  of  it  12 
to  18  inches  thick  are  not  at  all  uncommon  either  on  the  coast  or  in 
the  interior. 

It  is  estimated  that  the  total  forest  and  woodland  area  of  Alaska 
is  approximately  100  million  acres,  or  about  27  per  cent  of  the  land 
surface  of  the  territory.  Of  these,  about  20  million  acres  may  possibly 
bear  timber  of  sufficient  size  and  density  to  be  considered  forest  in 
the  sense  that  much  of  it  can  be  used  for  saw  timber,  while  the  balance, 
or  80  million  acres,  is  woodland  which  bears  some  saw  timber,  but 
on  which  the  forest  is  of  a  smaller  and  more  scattered  character  and 
valuable  chiefly  for  fuel. 

'Taken  from  "Report  on  the  Work  of  the  Bureau  of  Education  for  the 
Natives  of  Alaska,  1914-15,"  Department  of  the  Interior,  Bureau  of  Education, 
Bulletin,  igi6,  No.  47,  p.  8. 

2  Adapted  from  R.  S.  Kellogg,  "The  Forests  of  Alaska,"  United  Slates  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture,  Forest  Service,  Bulletin  81  (1910),  pp.  13-22.  When  this 
article  was  written  Mr.  Kellogg  was  assistant  forester  in  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. 


442  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

There  is  not  sufficient  information  upon  which  to  base  any  satis- 
factory estimate  of  the  total  stand  of  timber  in  Alaska.  It  has 
been  estimated,  for  instance,  that  the  coast  forests  contain  75  billion 
feet  of  merchantable  saw  timber,  but  this  estimate  might  be  much 
exceeded  were  both  the  spruce  and  hemlock  closely  utilized.  More 
than  twenty  cords  per  acre  have  been  cut  in  good  stands  of  birch  and 
aspen  in  the  interior,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  large  areas  of 
black  spruce  that  are  too  small  to  use  for  any  purpose;  so  that  it  is 
still  impossible  to  give  a  satisfactory  estimate  of  the  total  stand. 

The  Coast  Forests.  The  coast  forests  of  southeastern  and  southern 
Alaska  are  nearly  all  included  in  the  Tongass  and  Chugach  National 
Forests,  which  comprise  26,761,626  acres,  approximately  5  per  cent 
of  the  total  area  of  Alaska;  and  a  large  proportion  of  this  area  is 
forested.1  The  species  are  chiefly  western  hemlock,  Sitka  spruce, 
western  red  cedar,  and  yellow  cedar,  with  occasional  specimens  of 
lodgepole,  or  chore,  pine,  black  hemlock,  Alpine  fir,  black  and  white 
spruce,  balm  of  Gilead,  locally  known  as  balsam  poplar,  black  cotton- 
wood,  Oregon  alder,  and  several  birches  and  willows.  Sitka  spruce 
and  hemlock  grow  almost  everywhere  in  this  region,  though  in 
Kenai  Peninsula  the  spruce  extends  farther  westward  than  the  hemlock 
and  grows  also  on  Kodiak  Island.  The  cedars  grow  in  commercial 
quantities  only  in  the  extreme  southeastern  part,  though  yellow 
cedar  is  occasionally  found  in  the  Chugach  Forest.  Lodgepole  pine 
grows  as  far  north  as  Skagway,  but  is  of  no  commercial  importance. 

On  the  coast  the  timber  line  is  low.  On  Deer  Mountain  at 
Ketchikan,  for  instance,  spruce  saw  timber  stops  at  about  1,500 
feet,  and  the  peak,  with  an  elevation  of  3,000  feet,  bears  only  stunted 
black  hemlock. 

In  the  coast  region  the  stand  is  generally  dense,  and  as  much  as 
25,000  feet  per  acre  has  been  estimated  for  considerable  tracts.  Sitka 
spruce  probably  averages  20  per  cent  of  the  stand,  and  western 
hemlock  about  75  per  cent.  The  spruce  reaches  a  large  size,  and 
occasionally  attains  diameters  of  more  than  6  feet  and  heights  of  15c 
feet.  Diameters  of  3  to  4  feet  are  attained  by  western  red  cedar. 
While  by  far  the  most  abundant  species,  western  hemlock  does  not 

1  In  1920  the  Forest  Service  estimated  that  the  national  forests  of  Alaska 
included  77,000,000,000  feet  (B.M.)  of  timber  suitable  for  lumber  and  pulp. — 

c.  c.  c. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  443 

produce  as  large  individual  trees  as  the  spruce  or  the  cedar.  The 
heavy  rainfall  causes  an  undergrowth  of  moss  and  brush  which 
completely  covers  the  surface  except  where  it  is  too  rocky  or  too 
steep.  So  dense  is  this  surface  covering  that  one  may  walk  long 
distances  without  touching  bare  soil.  Water  exudes  from  the  moss 
when  it  is  stepped  upon,  as  from  a  sponge,  and  consequently  there  is 
little  or  no  damage  by  fire  in  the  coast  forests. 

Logging  in  southeastern  Alaska  employs  the  crudest  of  methods. 
It  is  now  carried  on  entirely  by  hand,  though  logging  machinery  was 
used  in  a  few  earlier  operations.  Only  the  best  spruce  trees  at  the 
edge  of  tidewater  are  cut.  The  logs  are  frequently  made  the  entire 
length  of  the  tree,  and  are  jacked  up  and  rolled  into  the  water,  where 
they  are  tied  into  rafts  and  towed  to  the  sawmill  by  tugs. 

The  annual  lumber  cut  in  the  coast  forests  of  Alaska  is  about 
27,000,000  board  feet.  This  consists  almost  entirely  of  spruce,  since 
hemlock  is  but  little  used.  There  are  about  twenty-five  sawmills 
on  the  coast,  most  of  them  rather  crude  in  character  and  of  small 
capacity.  A  large  proportion  of  the  output,  probably  more  than 
one-third,  is  used  for  salmon  cases,  and  much  of  the  best  lumber 
goes  into  them. 

The  southern  and  southeastern  coast  of  Alaska  has  a  much  greater 
timber  supply  than  there  is  any  reason  to  think  will  be  needed  locally 
for  a  long  time  to  come.  The  permanent  industries  of  the  region 
are  fishing  and  mining.  The  mountainous  character  of  the  country 
will  forever  prevent  agricultural  operations  of  any  magnitude.  The 
total  stumpage  is  large,  much  of  it  overmature,  and  the  proportion 
of  hemlock  too  great.  The  timber  should  be  cut  and  utilized  as 
soon  as  possible  and  the  spruce,  which  is  more  valuable  than  the 
hemlock,  should  be  given  an  opportunity  to  increase.  Under  present 
conditions,  with  the  well-known  ability  of  the  hemlock  to  reproduce 
under  shade  and  upon  decaying  logs  and  debris,  it  has  the  advantage 
of  the  spruce. 

Since  the  Alaska  coast  forests  do  not  contain  timber  of  either  as 
high  quality  or  as  great  variety  as  grows  in  Oregon  and  Washington, 
there  is  little  likelihood  that  lumber  from  them  will  compete  largely 
in  the  general  market  with  lumber  from  those  states.  In  fact,  some 
lumber  used  in  southeastern  Alaska  is  imported  from  the  Pacific 
Coast  States,  but  good  management  on  the  part  of  the  Alaska  mills 


444  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

should  enable  them  to  supply  the  home  demand  for  common  kinds  of 
lumber.1  While  Alaska  may  eventually  export  considerable  material 
of  this  sort,  it  must  continue  to  import  timber  like  Douglas  fir  for 
heavy  construction  work.  Utilization  for  other  purposes  than  for 
lumber  should  be  encouraged.  The  most  promising  of  these  is 
for  pulp.  Both  the  spruce  and  hemlock  are  undoubtedly  good 
pulp  woods,  and,  taken  together,  they  comprise  almost  the  entire 
forest. 

There  is  a  supply  of  water,  without  storage,  for  six  or  eight 
months  of  the  year,  for  the  needs  of  pulp  mills,  and  transportation 
to  the  States  through  the  inside  passage  to  Seattle  would  be  quick 
and  cheap.  The  country  is  mountainous,  it  is  true,  and  logging 
appears  difficult,  but  much  of  it  would  be  no  more  difficult  than 
that  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  and  modern  ingenuity  can  safely  be  relied 
upon  to  get  most  of  the  timber  out  as  soon  as  there  is  a  market 
for  it. 

The  Interior  Forests.  The  forests  of  interior  Alaska  are  practically 
all  included  within  the  drainage  basins  of  the  Yukon  and  Kuskokwim 
rivers.  They  are  chiefly  of  the  woodland  type,  and  are  estimated  to 
cover  approximately  80  million  acres,  but  probably  not  more  than  40 
million  acres  bear  timber  of  sufficient  size  and  density  to  make  it 
especially  valuable  for  either  cord  wood  or  saw  logs.  The  three 
species  include  white  spruce,  white  birch,  balsam  poplar,  black 
cottonwood,  aspen,  black  spruce,  and  tamarack.  Of  these  the  white 
spruce  is  the  most  important,  since  it  furnishes  the  only  saw  timber 
of  the  region  and  is  also  much  used  for  fuel.  White  birch  is  extremely 
abundant,  as  are  also  poplar  and  aspen,  in  many  localities.  Black 
spruce  is  of  general  occurrence  and  abundant.  Mixed  forests  of  all 
species  are  common,  though  there  are  occasional  pure  stands  of  each 
species. 

'"The  annual  production  of  timber  in  Alaska  is  relatively  small,  but  the 
proportion  of  timber  cut  from  the  National  Forests,  as  compared  with  lumber 
imported,  is  steadily  increasing.  In  1906  the  lumber  shipped  into  Alaska  composed 
86  per  cent,  as  compared  with  14  per  cent  cut  from  National  Forests.  In  1919 
the  proportion  was  exactly  reversed,  86  per  cent  being  produced  locally  and  14  per 
cent  imported,  chiefly  Douglas  fir  for  heavy  construction  purposes.  Alaska  Sitka 
spruce  is  now  being  exported  as  far  as  the  Atlantic  Coast  for  specialized  use,  and 
the  birch  will  also  in  all  probability  find  an  export  market." — Report  of  the 
Governor  of  Alaska  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  1920,  p.  107. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  445 

The  best  timber  of  spruce,  birch,  and  poplar  grows  in  the  valleys 
of  the  streams,  particularly  along  the  Tanana,  and  excellent  stands 
of  birch  and  aspen  are  found  also  on  the  easterly  and  southerly 
slopes  of  creeks  which  have  a  silt  soil.  This  is  particularly  true  in 
the  Fairbanks  district.  Black  spruce  predominates  in  the  more 
poorly  drained  situations.  Here,  as  farther  south,  it  is  characteris- 
tically a  swamp  and  muskeg  tree,  though  in  some  places  abundant  on 
hill  and  mountain  slopes.  Tamarack  grows  sparsely  in  river  and 
creek  valleys,  but  is  nowhere  of  particular  importance. 

The  stand  in  the  interior  forests  varies  from  practically  nothing  in 
areas  of  scrubby  black  spruce  to  20  or  more  cords  per  acre  in  the 
birch-aspen  type,  and  several  thousand  board  feet  per  acre  in  the 
best  white-spruce  forest.  The  average  of  the  timber  is  small  through- 
out; white  spruce  rarely  and  balsam  poplar  sometimes  attain 
diameters  of  from  18  to  24  inches.  The  average  diameter  in  white 
birch  and  aspen  stands  is  about  8  inches,  though  maximums  of  18 
inches  on  unusually  favorable  sites  were  noted  for  these  species. 
Black  spruce  rarely  attains  a  diameter  of  6  inches,  and  the  less 
abundant  tamarack  is  even  smaller.  The  best  white-spruce  trees  are 
about  75  feet  high.  Birch,  aspen,  and  poplar  usually  reach  a  height 
of  about  50  feet;  black  spruce  rarely  more  than  40  feet,  many  times 
not  exceeding  20  feet,  and  tamarack  seldom  more  than  30  feet. 
Naturally,  it  is  impossible  for  timber  to  grow  rapidly  or  to  large  sizes 
in  soil  which  is  perpetually  frozen.  On  such  sites  the  roots  can 
penetrate  only  the  overlying  cover  of  moss  and  humus  and  must 
spread  out  flat  upon  the  frozen  layer  beneath.  Rapid  and  thrifty 
growth  has  taken  place  only  upon  warm  slopes  and  in  river  valleys 
with  sandy  soil,  where  the  roots  are  able  to  go  deeper.  As  the  people 
in  the  interior  of  Alaska  depend  almost  entirely  upon  wood  for  heat, 
light  and  power,  the  bulk  of  the  timber  cut  is  for  firewood.  Unlike 
the  coast  forests,  the  interior  forests  have  suffered  much  from  fire. 
Probably  ten  times  as  much  timber  has  been  killed  by  fixe  as  has 
been  cut  for  either  fuel  or  lumber. 

7.     ALASKAN  FISHING  AND  FUR  INDUSTRIES' 

The  total  value  of  the  Alaska  fishery  products  up  to  the  close  of 
1919  is  $418,042,000.     Measured  from  the  standpoint  of  value  of 

1  Adapted  from  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Alaska  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
1921,  pp.  35-36;   ''Canned  Salmon,"  Report  of  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  on 


446 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


annual  product  and  men  employed,  the  fishing  industry  is  the  most 
important  of  the  Territory.  It  was  especially  prosperous  during  the 
war,  the  value  of  its  total  output  increasing  from  $15,739,068  in  1913 
to  $59,144,859  in  1918.  The  number  of  employees  rose  from  24,263 
in  1913  to  31,213  in  1918. 

In  1920  the  total  value  of  the  products  of  the  Alaskan  fishing 
industry,  exclusive  of  aquatic  furs,  amounted  to  $41,429,124.  Of 
this  total  the  largest  item  was  canned  salmon  with  a  value  of 
$35,602,800.  The  value  of  the  fishery  products  varies  from  year  to 
year  because  of  (1)  variations  in  the  run  of  the  fish,  (2)  the  weather 
during  the  fishing  season,  (3)  operating  agreements  limiting  production 
brought  about  by  combinations  of  the  principal  packers,  and  (4) 
the  activity  of  the  market. 

TABLE  XL 
Investments  in  the  Fisheries  of  Alaska  in  1919 


Fisheries 


Salmon  canning 
Salmon  mild-curing. 
Salmon  pickling 

Salmon  fresh 

Salmon  dry-salting. . 

Halibut  fishery 

Herring  fishery 

Cod  fishery 

Whale  fishery 

Clam  fishery 

Crab  fishery 

Shrimp  fishery 


Total . 


Southeast 
Alaska 


$33,741,891 
741,635 


104,336 


1,979,457 
418,571 


545,256 


200 
41,796 


37,573,142 


Central 

Alaska 


$12,897,947 


236,261 


431,338 
938,699 


147,167 


14,651,412 


Western 
Alaska 


$19,855,333 


354,l6l 
103,862 


50,663 

347,376 

1,245,611 


21,957,006 


Total 


$66,495,171 

741,635 
590,422 

104,336 
103,862 

1,979,457 

900,572 

1,286,075 

1,790,867 

147,167 

200 

4i , 796 


74,181,560 


In  1919  there  were  28,534  persons  engaged  in  the  fishing  business 
in  Alaska.  Of  these,  13,356  were  in  southeastern  Alaska,  5,699  in 
Central  Alaska,  and  9,509  in  western  Alaska. 

The  Alaska  salmon  catch  has  probably  reached  its  maximum  and 
any  effort  to  a  more  intensive  development  of  these  fisheries  would 


Canned  Goods,  p.  14;  Ward  T.  Bower,  "Alaska  Fisheries  and  Fur  Industries  in 
1919,"  United  States  Department  of  Commerce,  Bureau  of  Fisheries,  Document 
No.  8gi,  pp.  36-37.  Mr.  Bower  is  agent  in  the  Alaska  service  of  the  Bureau  of 
Fisheries. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA 


447 


lead  to  their  rapid  depletion.  Given  proper  safeguards  against  over- 
fishing, the  salmon  fishing  industry  of  Alaska  can  be  made  to  yield 
a  large  and  continuous  annual  return. 

TABLE  XLI 

The  Development  of  the  Salmon  Canning  Industry  by  Producing 

Districts  (Cases)* 


Year 

Outside 
Rivers 

Columbia 
River 

Puget 
Sound 

Alaska 

British 
Columbia 

Total 

1864.     .     . 
1870. . 

2,000 

2,000 

150,000 
530,000 
435,774 
358,772 
39i,4i5 
558,534 
526,683 
554,726 

1 50,000 

687,010 

1,609,696 

3,091,542 

4,316,453 
7,639,207 

7,375,994 
10,162,102 

1880 

1890 

1900 

1910.     . . . 

1915 

1916 

1917. 

83,522 
72,074 
108,641 
183,271 
189,130 
192,077 
169,562 

5,loo 

8,000 

469,450 

567,883 

1,269,206 

691,625 

1,946,241 

6,539 
682,591 

1,548,139 
2,413,054 
4,489,016 

4,970,544 
5,914,088 

61,849 

4H,257 
606,540 
760,830 

I,I33,38l 
995,o65 

1,577,485 

Total  to 
date.  . 

5,527,907 

20,150,239 

19,823,422 

63,617,615 

23,812,168 

i32,93i,35i 

♦Figures  down  to  and  including  igis  from  Bureau  of  Fisheries'  report.  Figures  for  British 
Columbia  in  1016  and  191 7  from  Pacific  Fisherman's  Yearbook  "Total  to  date"  is  the  total  product  of 
the  industry  from  its  beginning  to  and  including  191 7. 

Organization  of  the  Salmon  Canning  Industry.  In  the  salmon 
canning  industry  centralization  of  control  had  reached  such  a  point 
in  191 7  that  five  companies,  or  groups  of  companies,  with  a  unified 
control,  in  191 7,  packed  53.4  per  cent  of  the  total  output. 

From  a  business  point  of  view  there  are  several  advantages  in 
large-scale  production  and  also  in  large  business  units  controlling 
several  salmon  canneries.  Among  these  are  reduction  of  local  hazard, 
better  credit  facilities,  ability  to  own  a  fleet,  and  ability  to  secure  and 
to  utilize  the  best  trap  locations. 

A  company  with  several  canneries  is  able  to  equalize  or  absorb 
local  losses  without  incurring  a  deficit  for  the  season.  The  salmon 
run  varies  from  year  to  year,  not  only  from  district  to  district,  but 
within  any  one  district.  A  large  company  may  have  a  small  run  in 
one  locality,  thus  depleting  the  supply  of  raw  fish  for  one  cannery,  but 
it  is  not  likely  to  have  a  small  run  in  every  locality.  For  instance, 
a  company  with  six  plants  in  1917  lost  $115,000  at  one  plant  and  yet 
made  a  net  profit  on  canning  operations  of  over  $1,000,000.  A 
canner  with  only  one  plant,  however,  especially  if  in  a  location  where 


448  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

fish  run  irregularly,  may  have  very  uncertain  profits.  One  year  his 
profits  may  be  very  large  and  the  next  year  he  may  have  a  heavy 
loss. 

A  large  amount  of  seasonal  capital  is  needed,  and  in  getting 
necessary  banking  support,  the  packer  who  can  show  great  stability 
over  a  period  of  years  has  the  advantage.  A  packer  should  also  show 
considerable  surplus,  so  as  to  be  able  to  withstand  a  poor  season. 
The  large  canner  has  a  distinct  advantage  over  the  small  canner, 
speaking  generally,  in  the  seasonal  borrowing  of  capital.  The  large 
companies,  with  their  large  output  and  with  capital  or  credit  suffi- 
cient to  carry  the  bulk  of  their  pack  for  several  months,  also  have 
an  advantage  in  the  marketing  of  their  product.  In  recent  years  the 
Puget  Sound  canners  have  experienced  more  credit  difficulties  than 
the  Alaska  canners  who  have  offices  in  San  Francisco.  These  large 
Alaska  companies  have  been  able  to  build  up  strong  banking  connec- 
tions. 

A  large  canner  is  able  to  own  his  own  fleet  and  this  is  another 
advantage,  for  it  gives  him  greater  certainty  of  getting  his  supplies 
and  enables  him  to  move  materials  and  labor  from  one  plant  to 
another  as  necessitated  by  the  size  of  the  salmon  run  in  various 
localities.  The  large  canner  is  also  able  to  spend  more  money  for 
exploration  or  search  for  new  trap  locations,  or  to  buy  desirable 
locations  from  others.  The  control  of  such  desirable  locations  gives 
such  canners  a  decided  advantage. 

Furs.1  Since  1867  Alaska  has  produced  furs  to  the  value  of 
about  $90,400,000,  of  which  about  $53,000,000  represents  the  value 
of  the  sealskins.  The  value  of  the  Alaska  furs  has  increased  from 
$761,729  in  1913  to  $2,288,170  in  1918.  Of  these  amounts  $66,095 
in  1913  and  $924,570  in  1918  represent  the  value  of  the  fur  seals 
killed  by  the  government  on  Pribilof  Islands. 

The  raising  of  foxes  and  other  fur-bearing  animals  is  on  the 
increase  in  Alaska,  and  promises  to  become  a  more  important  industry. 
The  evidence  in  hand  indicates  that  Alaska  will  continue  to  yield  a 
valuable  annual  fur  product.  The  fur  seals  promise  to  be  a  large 
source  of  annual  revenue  to  the  government. 

1  Taken  from  "Report  of  Alaska  Advisory  Committee"  appointed  by  Hon. 
John  Barton  Payne,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  in  Report  of  the  Governor  of 
Alaska  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  1920,  p.  108. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  449 

8.    THE  TRANSPORTATION  PROBLEM' 

In  order  to  understand  the  conditions  affecting  transportation  a 
brief  statement  of  the  topography  is  desirable.  Alaska  is  a  Territory 
of  great  size,  about  one-fifth  that  of  the  total  area  of  the  United 
States.  About  a  quarter  of  its  area  lies  north  of  the  Endicott  Range, 
which  is  itself  north  of  the  Arctic  Circle.  This  portion  of  the  Territory 
is  Arctic,  and  it  alone  presents  the  bleak  and  frozen  aspect  popularly 
associated  with  Alaska.  South  of  this  range  in  Alaska  there  is  an 
area  greater  than  that  of  all  the  states  east  of  the  Mississippi  and 
north  of  the  Ohio  River  and  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  which  is  as 
capable  of  high  development  as  many  well-settled  and  rich  countries. 

The  Pacific  Mountain  system  fronts  the  coast,  extending  from 
British  Columbia  in  a  huge  arc  and  tailing  out  in  the  Alaska  Peninsula. 
This  system  is  widest  in  the  several  ranges  which  divide  central  Alaska 
from  southern  Alaska,  just  north  of  Prince  William  Sound,  and  stands 
as  a  barrier  separating  the  comparatively  small  coastal  valleys  from 
the  two  great  inland  valleys  of  the  Yukon  and  the  Kuskokwim, 
which  themselves  are  separated  by  a  comparatively  low  divide. 
Both  these  great  valleys  may  be  described  as  regions  characterized 
by  broad,  open  bottom  lands  and  gently  rolling  uplands. 

River  Navigation.  The  Yukon  River,  draining  the  greater  of  these 
basins,  enters  the  Bering  Sea  at  a  latitude  which  prohibits  the  use  of 
the  stream  as  a  connection  with  ocean-borne  commerce  except  during 
three  summer  months.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Kuskokwim, 
though  ocean  commerce  may  reach  its  mouth  for  an  additional 
month.  Both  of  these  rivers  have  difficult  entrances,  that  of  the 
Yukon  being  a  shifting  channel  of  little  depth  across  the  mud  flats, 
and  the  entrance  to  the  Kuskokwim  a  long  and  tortuous  channel 
through  sand  bars,  which,  however,  a  careful  navigator  may  follow 
by  means  of  the  recently  published  charts.  Once  inside,  however, 
each  presents  a  long  stretch  of  navigable  water  for  the  ordinary  river 
boat.  The  Yukon  is  navigable  up  to  Whitehorse  in  Canada,  about 
2,200  miles,  and  its  greatest  tributary,  the  Tanana,  is  navigable 
without  difficulty  to  Chena,  and  generally  to  Fairbanks,  and  at  times 
much  farther,  though  with  difficulty.  The  Kuskokwim  is  navigable 
to  the  Forks,  about  50  miles  above  the  Takotna,  or  about  650  miles 

1  Adapted  from  General  Information  Regarding  Ike  Territory  of  Alaska,  Edition 
of  September,  191 8,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Office  of  the  Secretary,  pp.  9,  43~5°- 


450  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

from  the  mouth.  Both  of  these  streams  have  navigable  tributaries 
which  extend  their  scope  as  transportation  routes  and  together 
provide  about  5,000  miles  of  navigable  waters  in  the  two  systems. 
The  open  season  is  about  three  to  three  and  one-half  months,  and 
although  short  and  though  navigation  is  subject  to  occasional  brief 
interruption  in  places  by  low  water,  there  is  a  possibility  of  their 
utilization  as  transportation  routes  in  the  development  of  the  two 
great  valleys  that  will  suffice  for  years  to  come. 

There  are  other  lesser  valleys  with  navigable  waters.  Of  these 
the  Copper  and  Susitna  are  the  most  important.  These  two  rivers 
are  more  important  as  offering  the  best  possibilities  of  penetrating 
the  coastal  range  by  rail  lines  than  for  purposes  of  navigation.  The 
Copper  River  breaks  through  the  Chugach  Range,  but  with  a  slope 
so  steep  as  to  make  navigation  difficult  and  hazardous,  though  not 
impossible.  It  is  believed  that  the  transportation  possibilities  of 
the  stream  are  not  worthy  of  serious  consideration,  although  some 
stretches  of  it  may  be  used  to  some  extent  for  local  business.  The 
Susitna,  in  its  lower  reaches,  is  navigable  for  river  boats,  though  its 
entrance  from  Cook  Inlet  is  difficult.  It  has  possibilities  of  assisting 
as  a  transportation  route  on  a  small  scale. 

Ocean  Service.  A  number  of  good  harbors  along  the  Pacific 
seaboard  of  Alaska  are  now  connected  with  nearby  inland  points  by 
railroads  and  trails  or  by  wagon  roads  and  trails  only.  All  these 
harbors  as  far  west  as  Cook  Inlet  are  open  throughout  the  year  and 
are  from  1,000  to  1,400  statute  miles  from  Puget  Sound  ports.  There 
is  service  throughout  the  year  from  Seattle  to  southeastern  and 
southwestern  Alaska  ports  (Ketchikan  to  Seward),  also  westward 
from  Seward  to  points  on  the  Alaska  Peninsula;  but  there  is  only 
summer  service  to  Nome  and  St.  Michael.  A  small  steamer  makes 
weekly  trips  between  Juneau,  Sitka,  Skagway,  and  way  ports. 

In  general  the  severest  storms  along  the  Pacific  seaboard  of 
Alaska  are  from  the  south  and  southeast.  These  are  more  frequent 
from  October  to  March  than  during  the  balance  of  the  year.  As 
regards  shipping  the  most  important  climatic  features  of  the  coast 
of  Alaska  are  the  severe  winds  which  blow  in  and  out  of  the  valleys 
that  traverse  the  coast  ranges  and  their  connecting  fiords.  These 
blow  toward  the  land  in  summer  and  toward  the  sea  in  winter.  The 
severest  are  the  outward  winds,  which  are  most  common  during 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA  451 

January,  February,  and  March,  when  velocities  of  60  and  70  miles 
an  hour  are  said  to  be  not  infrequent.  Where  a  harbor  or  roadstead 
lies  in  the  tracks  of  such  winds  they  will  seriously  interfere  with 
shipping.  Examples  of  these  winds  are  found  at  Lynn  Canal,  Bering 
River,  Copper  River,  Lowe  River,  Valdez  Glacier,  Resurrection 
River  near  Seward,  Iliamna  Bay,  and  many  other  localities.  The 
fogs  in  summer  and  the  snowstorms  in  winter  also  at  times  delay 
vessels  navigating  the  Alaska  coast. 

Railroads.     The  following  table  gives  data  as  to  mileage,  terminals, 
and  gauge  of  existing  railroads  in  Alaska: 

Southeastern  Alaska:  Miles 

White  Pass  and  Yukon  route,  Skagway  to  White  Pass  (narrow 
gauge).     Terminal  at  White  Horse,  Yukon  Territory — total 

mileage,  112  miles 20.4 

Yakutat  Southern  Railway,  Yakutat  to  Situk  River,  with  branch 

line  to  Lost  River  (Standard  gauge) 19.0 

Government  Railroad: 

The  route  adopted  is  known  as  the  Susitna  route,  and  extends 
from  Seward,  on  Resurrection  Bay,  to  Fairbanks,  on  the 
Tanana  River,  a  distance  of  470  miles.  It  includes  the  exist- 
ing Alaska  Northern  Railroad,  which  runs  from  Seward 
through  the  Kenai  Peninsula  for  a  distance  of  71  miles  to 
Turnagain  Arm.  This  railroad  has  been  purchased  by  the 
government  for  $1,150,000.  From  Turnagain  Arm  the  rail- 
road extends  through  the  Susitna  Valley  and  across  Broad 
Pass  to  the  Tanana  River  and  from  there  to  Fairbanks.  It 
is  to  be  a  standard-gauge  road.  A  side  line  is  to  run  from 
Matanuska  Junction  into  the  Matanuska  coal  field,  a  distance 
of  38  miles.  In  all  probability  this  railroad  will  be  completed 
in  the  summer  of  1922  for  at  the  beginning  of  that  year  only 
72  miles  of  track  through  the  Broad  Pass  section  was  incom- 
plete. When  :ompleted  trains  will  be  operated  from  Seward 
and  Anchorage  to  Nenana  on  the  Tanana  River,  where  con- 
nection is  made  by  means  of  a  river  ferry,  with  the  narrow- 
gauge  line  into  Fairbanks.  It  is  hoped  that  the  completion 
of  the  railroad  and  the  building  of  wagon  road  feeders  will 
give  impetus  to  all  industries  in  this  section  of  the  Territory  ' 

1  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Alaska  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  1921,  pp.  1 7-18. 


452  ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 

Seward  Peninsula:  .... 

Miles 

Seward  Peninsula  Railway,  Nome  to  Shelton  (narrow  gauge). .  80.0 

Paystreak  Branch,  Seward  Peninsula  Railway  (narrow  gauge)..  6.  5 
Council  City  &  Solomon  River  Railway,  Council  to  Penelope 

Creek  (standard  gauge) 32.5 

Wild  Goose  Railway,  Council  to  Ophir  Creek  (narrow  gauge) . .  5.0 

547 .0 

Wagon  Roads.  Wagon  roads  and  trails  are  being  constructed  by 
the  board  of  road  commissioners  of  Alaska  under  the  supervision  of 
the  Secretary  of  War.  The  mileage  of  road  and  trail  constructed 
and  maintained  is  as  follows:  Wagon  road,  920;  winter  sled  road, 
629;  trail,  2,210;  an  increase  in  the  present  year  of  18  miles  of 
wagon  road.  The  average  costs  per  mile,  including  maintenance  and 
all  overhead  charges  since  the  beginning  of  the  work,  are:  Wagon 
road,  $3,144;  winter  sled  road,  $345;  trail,  $106. 

9.    COMMERCE  OF  ALASKA 

The  commerce  of  Alaska  fundamentally  is  based  on  exports  of 
the  products  of  the  mining  and  fishing  industries  and  of  imports  of 
food,  clothing,  machinery,  and  other  supplies  for  the  people  employed 
in  those  industries.  From  1867  to  1919  the  total  value  of  the  mineral, 
fish,  and  furs  produced  in  Alaska  amounted  to  $949,000,000.  As 
practically  all  of  the  trade  of  Alaska  is  with  the  United  States,  the 
following  tables,  XLII  and  XLIII,  constitute  a  survey  of  the  trade 
of  the  territory. 

The  total  exports  from  Alaska  to  all  countries  in  1920  amounted 
to  $69,098,884. 


RESOURCES  AND  INDUSTRIES  OF  ALASKA 


453 


TABLE  XLII 

Value  of  the  Commodities  Shipped  from  Alaska  to  the  United  States  in 

1917  and  1920* 


Commodity 


Antimony  ore 

r-  /tons. .  . . 

Copper  ore|pounds 


Fish: 

Fresh,  except  salmon 

Dried  or  cured  (pounds). . . 

Pickled  (barrels) 

Salmon,  canned  (pounds) . . 
Salmon,  all  other  (pounds). 
Herring,  canned  (pounds).. 
Clams,  canned  (pounds) . . . 

Shrimps  (pounds) 

Fish  fertilizer  (tons) 

Fish  and  whale  oil  (gallons) 
All  other  fish  products .... 


Total  fish  products . 


Fur  and  fur  skins 

Gypsum  (tons) 

Lead  ore  (tons) , 

Lead  bullion  (pounds, 

Marble  (tons) 

Palladium  (ounces) 

Platinum  (ounces) 

Tin  ore  (tons) 

Lumber  (feet  b.m.) 

Tungsten  ore  (pounds) 

Reindeer  meat  (pounds) 

All  other  Alaska  merchandise 

Gold  and  silver 

United  States  goods  returned . 
Foreign  goods 


Total. 


1917 


Quantity 


199,014 
100,740,856 


12,747,266 

6,524,525 
27,964 

265,452,3°/ 

16,641,213 

1,663,580 

1,997,019 

83,930 

1,196 

1,015,167 


I°,9S° 
2,866 

122,339 


219 
95,000 
20,160 
38,295 


Value 


$8,972 


27,243,510 


1,112,602 
292,805 
295,621 

41,478,514 
1,296,224 

243,549 
261,245 

8,232 

37,752 

706,674 

60,264 


45,793.452 


379,58o 
43,800 

121,946 

9,^6 

72,406 


114,462 

3,38o 

19,550 

6,531 
65,621 

14,939,440 

2,233,125 

536,446 


91,591,408 


1920 


Quantity 


102,312 
73,334,794 


9,187,615 

5,281,565 

48,001 

194,671,630 

7,8o7,558 

515,044 

261,870 

124,855 

4,177 

1,648,062 


8,35o 

2,453 

85,162 

6,170 

i,i73 

345 

52 

1,109,000 


256,449 


Value 


$14,006,477 


970,013 

350,207 

674,714 

34,781,970 

1,127,036 

49,789 
43,493 
54,26i 

359,025 

1,144,139 

138,369 


39,693,016 


3,291,584 

54,900 

110,092 

5,483 
184,229 

135,053 
34,o87 
22,499 
50,515 


61,865 

83,377 

7,413,751 

2,613,679 

582,385 


68,342,992 


*  Adapted  from  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Alaska  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  1918,  p.  78;   /p/p, 
pp.  69-74. 


454 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


TABLE  XLIII 

Value  of  the  Total  Imports  and  of  the  Principal  Commodities  Imported 
into  Alaska  from  the  United  States  in  19 14  and  191 7 

(Fiscal  Year) 


Commodity 


Coal 

Lumber 

-  Hardware  and  machinery 
—Provisions 

Liquors 

All  others , 

Total 


1914 


205.123" 
642,611 
5,069,453 

5,645,715 

645,890 

9,630,668 


$21,929,460 


1017 


5       290,237" 

1,343,336 

10,183,517 

8,353,4i8 

802,471 

17,454,639 


$38,427, 6i8f 


*  Foreign  coal  was  imported  to  the  value  of  $108,355  in  1914  and  $280,687  in  1017. 

f  In  1920  the  total  value  of  the  imports  into  Alaska  was  $38,418,437,  of  which  $36,876,855  was 
for  imports  from  the  United  States.  Of  this  total,  imports  to  the  value  of  $15,673,311  went  to  south- 
eastern Alaska  where  Ketchikan  and  Juneau  are  the  chief  ports;  imports  to  the  value  of  $17,275,927 
went  to  the  points  on  the  southern  coast  where  Anchorage  and  Cordova  are  the  chief  ports. 


INDEX 


(Bold-faced  figures  refer  to  pages  on  which  the  subject  is  discussed  directly.) 


Acapuko,  354 

Adirondacks,  144,  152,  200,  202 
Alabama,  170,  173,  228-36 
Alaska,  412-54 

Alberta,  6,  9,  10,  12,  23,  26-43,  99-m, 
113,  129-39 

Alfalfa,  United  States,  316;    Mexico, 

360,  364 
Algoma  district,  88 
Alleghany  Front,  196,  223 
Alleghany  Plateau,  194,  211 
Anaconda,  320-24 
Anchorage,  451,  454 
Annapolis-Cornwallis  Valley,  8,  45,  51, 

64 
Anticosti,  74 

Appalachian  Coal  Field,  210-15 
Appalachian  Mountains,    2,    44,     144, 

194-98,  224,  225,  246,  258 
Appalachian  region,  7,  19,  44-71 
Arctic  Mountain  System  (Alaska),  413 
Arctic  region,  25 
Arctic  Slope,  414 
Arizona,  168-78,  216,  311-19 
Arkansas,  168-78,  281-94 
Asbestos,  19,  33 
Ashtabula,  276-78 
Atlantic  Coastal  Plain,  142,  147,  216- 

25,  240-46 

Balsas  River,  354 

Baltimore,    1 15-19,    195,   215,   218-20, 

280 
Barren  Lands,  100 
Bay  of  Fundy,  50,  51,  54,  64 
Bering  River,  425-28 
Berkshire  Hills,  180,  191 
Black  Belt,  228-36 
Black  River,  193,  200,  203 
Blackstone  River,  186,  188 
Blue  Ridge,  223,  225 


Boston,  1 15-19,  280 

Boston  Basin,  181,  186 

Bow  River,  10 7- n 

British  Columbia,  1,  3,  6,  10,  it,  13,  22, 

26-43,  60,  93,  120-41,  424,  447 
Buffalo,  1 14-19,  275,  277,  280 
Butte,  320-24 

Calexico,  361 

Calgary,  60,  108-10,  130,  138 

California,  168-78,  185,  215,  226,  303- 

n,  324-41,  361 
Campeche,  390,  399-402,  408,  411 
Canada,  1-141,  213-15,  371 
Cape  Breton  Island,  1,  45,  50,  53,  60-71 
Cape  Cod,  181 
Cattle:     Canada,    30;     United   States, 

245,  264,  278-81,  292;    Mexico,  360, 

37°,  383,  4io;  Alaska,  439 
Cedros,  Hacienda  de,  373-82 
Central  Plateau  of  Mexico,  348,  383-88 
Central  states,  146,  148-50,  162-78 
Central  Plateau  Region  of  Alaska,  413, 

434-41 
Champlain  Lowland,  180,  203 
Chesapeake  Bay,  218-21 
Chiapas,  390,  400-402,  411 
Chiapas  Highland,  354 
Chicago,  266,  272-78 
Chihuahua,  350,  365,  368,  408,  411 
Chinook,  12,  31,  102 
Ciudad  Juarez,  406,  408,  41 1 
Ciudad  Porfirio  Diaz  (Piedras  Negras), 

406,  411 

Clay  Belt,  7,  94"97 
Cleveland,  113,  275,  277 
Coahuila,  351,  368,  371,  406,  411 
Coal:    Canada,  19,  28,  33,  46,  60,  65, 

113,   134,   137;    United   States,   170, 

201,     210-15,     249,     257,     272-78; 

Mexico,  371;   Alaska,  416,  417,  425, 

427-30,  454 


45S 


456 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


Coast  Range  (Canada),  i,  122,  132 
Coast  Ranges  (U.S.),  144.  3°4,  332 
Cobalt,  22 
Coffee,  354,  410 
Cohoes,  193,  200 
Colima,  353,  411 
Colorado,  168-78,  300,  303,  312 
Colorado  Delta,  342,  348,  359-62 
Colorado  Plateau,  304,  311 
Columbia  River,  120,  122,  124,  447 
Conneaut,  276-78 
Connecticut,  168-78,  180-90 
Connecticut  Valley,  181,  186,  191-92 
Copper:    Canada,   19,   22,  33,  88,  93; 

United  States,  22,  170,  206,  257,  323; 

Mexico,  356,  367,  374,  410;    Alaska 

416,  417,  422-27,  453 

Copper  River,  414,  425,  435,  439,  441, 

45o,  4Si 
Cordilleran  region,  9,  r9,  120-41 
Cordoba,  369 
Cordova,  425,  431,  454 
Corn:  Canada,  28;  United  States,  152, 

r82,   218,    224,    226,   239,   243,   261, 

267-69,  278,  286,  295;   Mexico,  349, 

364,  383 
Corn  Belt,  267-69,  278 
C6te  de  Beaupre,  78 

Cotton:    United   States,   218,   225-39, 
243,  360;  Mexico,  360 

Cotton  Belt,  225-39 

Cumberland  Plateau,  225,  249-52,  256 

Dairying:  Canada,  30,  78,  103;  United 
States,  r82-86,  265 

Delaware,  168-78,  217-19 

Denver,  279,  307 

Desert  region,  310 

Detroit  River,  89 

District  of  Columbia,  168-78,  225 

Douglas  Fir,  144,  304,  340 

Duluth,  272-78 

Durango,  368,  372,  406,  411 

East    Gulf    region,     162-66,     216-18, 
225-46 

Eastern  Tierra  Caliente,  351,  393-402 

Edmonton,  100,  130,  137 


Ensenada,  356 
Erie  Canal,  196-203 
Erie,  Pennsylvania,  276-78 
Escanaba,  274,  277 

Fairbanks,  418,  420,  422,  435,  445,  451 
Fairport,  277 
Fall  Line,  220,  222 

Fish:  Canada,  39,  46,  53-60,  66,  79, 
r25~29,  140;  United  States,  125-29, 
209;  Mexico,  357;  Alaska,  446-48, 
453 

Flax,  28 

Florida,  147,  r68~78,  217,  226-28 

Fort  William,  89,  11 3-19 

Fort  Worth,  279 

Fraser  River,  39,  120,  T24,  125-29, 
132-39 

Fuerte  River,  363 

Fur,  Canada,  47,  102;  Alaska,  448,  453 

Gary,  275-78 

Gasp6  Peninsula,  31,  45,  75 
Georgia,  168-78,  217 
Georgian  Bay,  1 13-19 

Gold:  Canada,  19,  ^3^  88;  United 
States,  170,  303,  322;  Mexico,  349, 
356,  3671  4io;  Alaska,  416,  417,  418- 
22,  423,  453 

Grand  Bank,  53 

Great  Bell  Island,  61,  67 

Great  Lakes,  2,  T4,  41,  89-91,  95,  113- 

19,  194,  203,  213,  259,  272-78 
Great  Plains,  147,  296^302,  309 
Great  Valley  of  California,  332-38 
Great  Valley  of  East  Tennessee,  223, 

247 
Green  Mountains,  45,  144,  180 
Greensboro,  Alabama,  229-36 
Guanajuato,  349,  383,  411 
Guaymas,  363,  409 
Guayule,  379,  410 
Gulf  Coastal  Plain  (Mexico),  350,  351, 

388 
Gulf  Coastal  Plain  (United  States),  142 

147,  152,  216-18,  225-46,  254 
Gulf  of  California,  347,  363 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  40,  46,  53-57 


INDEX 


457 


Halifax,  58-60,  63,  64-71 

Hampton  Roads,  222 

Henequin,  353,  399,  410 

Hidalgo,  349,  411 

Hogs,   United   States,    245,    261,    292; 

Alaska,  439 
Holyoke,  187,  190-92 
Huasteca,  385,  390 
Hudson  Bay,  2,  5,  7,  14,  101,  257 
Hudson  River,  193,  196,  200,  202 
Hudson  Strait,  101 

Idaho,  168-78,  303 

Illinois,  168-78,  213,  215,  264,  278 

Imperial  Valley,  226,  316,  325,  360-62 

Indiana,  168-78,  215,  264,  278 

Interior  Continental  Plain,  9,  19,  104 

Interior  of  United  States,  257-302 

Iowa,  168-78,  267-69,  278 

Iron:  Canada,  19,  33,  61,  65,  93;  United 

States,  22,  170,  206,  257,  269-78,  282; 

Mexico,  356 
Ixtle,  373,  410 

Jalisco,  383,  411 

James  River,  222 

Juneau,  417,  418,  421,  433,  450,  454 

Kansas,  168-78,  278,  297-302 
Kansas  City,  279,  283,  285 
Katalla  oil  field,  426,  430 
Kennecott  mine,  422-26 
Kentucky,  168-78 
Ketchikan  district,  422,  423-24,  454 
Kicking  Horse  Pass,  4,  138 
Kingston,  91,  1 14-16 
Klondike,  25 

Kodiak  Island,  433,  435,  442 
Kootenay  River,  120,  137 
Kotsina-Chitina,  422,  425-26,  427 
Kuskokwim  River,  414,  416,  420,  434, 
435,  439,  444,  449 

Labrador,  5,  7,  92 
Lachine  Canal,  90,  114 
Laguna  district,  350,  371,  387 
Lake  Erie,  89,  1 13-19,  272-78 
Lake  Huron,  89,  113-iQ 


Lake  Ontario,  90,  1 13-19,  194 

Lake  St.  Clair,  90 

Lake  St.  John  district,  96 

Lake  St.  Peter,  91 

Lake  states,  145-47,  162-66,  213,  258 

Lake  Superior,  89,  1 13-19,  269-78 

La  Marita,  409 

Laredo,  406,  409 

Laurentian  Plateau,  3,  6,  9,  19,  31,  77, 

92-98,  259 
Lawrence,  187,  191 
Lead:   Canada,  19,  33;   United  States, 

170;   Mexico,  367;   Alaska,  417,  453 
Lee,  Massachusetts,  191 
Little  Falls,  New  York,  200,  202 
Llanos,  les,  348 
Long  Island,  217 
Los  Angeles,  305,  329 
Louisiana,  146,  168-78,  226-28,  240-46 
Lowell,  187,  190 

Lower  California,  347,  356-59,  361,  41 1 
Lower  Mississippi,  region,  162-66,  225- 

27,  237-46 
Lumber:    Canada,  32,  38,  50,  78,  98, 

120-23;   United  States,  161-67,  240- 

46,  338,  34i;  Alaska,  441-45.  454 
Lunenburg,  66,  68 

Mackenzie  River,  12,  99,  100,  124 
Maine,  145,  152,  168-78,  179-86 
Manitoba,  6,  9,  10,  12,  21,  22,  26-43, 

97,  99-107,  113 
Manitoba  Escarpment,  9,  104 
Manufactures:   Canada,  34~39»  63,  67; 

United  States,  172-78,  186-91,  198, 

208;  Mexico,  385 

Manzanillo,  347,  365,  406,  409 

Maritime    Provinces,    1,   7,   15,  44~7i» 

"3 
Marquette,  272,  277 

Maryland,  168-78,  211,  213,  215,  ai7~i9 
Massachusetts,  168-78,  180-92 
Matamoros,  406,  409 
Matanuska  coal  field,  425,  428,  451 
Mazatlan,  356,  363-67,  407,  4" 
Merida,  399,  408 
Merrimac  River,  186,  191 
Mesabi  Range,  269-78 


458 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


Mexicali,  361 

Mexican  Plateau,  347,  374 

Mexico,  342-411 

Mexico  City,  343,  349,  374,  385,  388, 

405-7 
Mexico,  state,  349,  383,  411 

Michigan,  145,  152,  166,  168-78,  213, 
214,  269-78 

Middle  Atlantic  states,  148-50,  162-78 
Milwaukee,  266,  277 
Minnesota,  152,  168-78,  269-78 
Mississippi,  168-78,  225-28,  237-39 
Mississippi  Valley-  tSc..  Tpe,  n^o^, 

236-39,  254,  264 
Missouri,  168-78,  264,  278,  281-94 
Missouri  Coteau,  105 
Mohawk  Valley,  193-204 
Montano,  168-78,  304,  320-24 
Monterey,  406 

Montreal,  5,  41,  42,  58-60,  66,  70,  86, 
90,  113-19,  195,  258 

Mountain  states,  148-50,  162-78,  303- 
24 

Mulgrave,  58-60 

Narragansett  Lowlands,  181 

Natural    Gas:     Canada,    19,    33,    72; 
United  States,  170 

Nayarit,  363-67,  411 

Nebraska,  168-78,  278,  296-302 

Nevada,  168-78 

Newark,  204 

New  Brunswick,  6,  8,  10,  16,  19,  26-45, 

40-5i|  53,  60,  61,  84 
New  England,  2,  84,  147-53,  162-85, 

213-15,  277 
Newfoundland,  5,  51,  61,  67 
New  Hampshire,  84,  168-78,  179-86 
New  Jersey,  168-78,  205-10,  213,  221 
New  Mexico,  168-78,  304,  312,  318 

New  York,  147,  168-78,  182,  185,  192- 

205,  213 
New  York  City,  101,  115719,   192-99, 

204-8,  215,  230 

Niagara  Escarpment,  73 
Niagara  Falls,  36,  90,  193,  202 
Nickel:  Canada,  19,  22,  33,  88 
Nogales,  364,  365,  408,  409 


Nome,  418,  419,  420,  440,  450,  452 
North  Carolina,  168-78,  217 
North  Central  states,  148-49,  257-302 
North  Dakota,  168-78,  297-302 
Northern  Basins,  350,  367-82 
Northern  Gulf  Coastal  Plain,  351,  388- 

93 
Northwest  Territories,   10,  21,  22,  26, 

27,  92,  09-102 
Notre  Dame  Mountains,  8,  45 
Nova  Scotia,  6,  8,  10,  16,  19,  26-45, 

50-71 

Oaxaca,  352,  407,  411 

Ohio,  168-78,  211-15,  260-64,  276, 
278 

Ohio  Valley,  145,  215,  261,  277 

Oklahoma,  168-78,  '225-28 

Omaha,  280 

Ontario,  6,  8,  10,  14,  21,  26-43,  58,  84, 
86-98,  116 

Ontario  Peninsula,  31,  72,  87 

Oregon,  165,  168-78,  185,  310,  338-41 

Orizaba,  350,  386,  388 

Ozark  Highlands,  144,  225,  281-94 

Pacific  Canada,  120-41 

Pacific  Coastal  Plain,  353 

Pacific  coastal  province,  Alaska,  415 

Pacific  Mountain  System,  Alaska,  412, 

432-33 
Pacific  states,  146,  148-50,  162-78,  213, 

303-n,  324-41.  357 
Palisade  ridge,  207 
Papaloapam  River,  352 
Peace  River,  12,  102,  133,  135,  138 
Pennsylvania,  147,  164,  168-78,  201-5, 

210-15,  276 

Petroleum:  Canada,  19,  33,  72;  United 
States,  170,  206;  Mexico,  388-93; 
Alaska,  416,  417,  430 

Philadelphia,  1 15-19,  195,  208,  280 

Pictou  County,  60,  63,  66,  68 

Piedmont  Plateau,  220-23,  225-28 

Pike  National  Forest,  309 

Pittsburgh,  277,  280 

Pittsburgh  coal  bed,  211-15 

Platinum,  Alaska,  417,  453 


INDEX 


459 


Port  Arthur,  88,  89,  113-19 

Port  Colbome,  90,  1 14-16,  277 

Port  Dalhousie,  90 

Portland,  Maine,  41,  1 15-19 

Portland,  Oregon,  307 

Port  Nelson,  42,  101 

Potomac  River,  195,  218 

Prairie  Provinces,  9,  31,  99-119 

Prairies,  100,  135 

Prince  Edward  Island,  8,  10,  19,  26-43, 

44~49i  5i,  53-6o,  61 
Prince  Rupert,  129-41 
Prince  William  Sound  Region,  422-26 
Progreso,  408,  409 
Puebla,  349,  388,  407,  411 
Puerto  Mexico,  407,  409 
Puget  Sound,  125-29,  147,  338,  447 

Quebec,  6,  7,  10,  15,  19,  21,  26-45,  58, 

61,  72-86,  91,  92-98,  116,  185 
Quebec,  city,  5,  66,  70,  78-80,  258 
Queen  Charlotte  Islands,  24,  60,  134 
Quintano  Roo  Territory,  399,  411 

Rainy  River,  88,  98 

Red  River,  2,  19,  100,  104 

Reindeer,  440,  453 

Rhode  Island,  84,  168-78,  180-90 

Rochester,  193 

Rocky  Mountain  National  Park,  107-9 

Rocky  Mountain  System  (Alaska),  413 

Rocky  Mountains,  4,  102,  107-9,  I3°> 

144,  304 
Rubber,  352,  401 

Sabinas  district,  371 

Sacramento  Valley,  328-38 

St.  Clair  River,  89 

St.  John,  50 

St.  John  Valley,  45,  179 

St.  Joseph,  280 

St.  Lawrence  Lowlands,   1,  8,   19,  31, 
72-92 

St.  Lawrence  River,  8,  45,   61,  74,  76 

89-92,  113-19,  195,  203,  258 
St.  Louis,  278-80,  283,  285 
St.  Mary's  River,  89,  271 


St.  Paul,  280 

Salina  Cruz,  407,  409 

Salmon,  125-29 

Saltillo  district,  372 

San  Francisco,  279,  329,  332 

San  Joaquin  Valley,  328-38 

San  Luis  Potosi,  368,  390,  406,  411 

Santa  Rosalio,  348,  358,  363,  409 

Saskatchewan,  6,  9,  10,  12,  21,  22,  26- 

43,  99-107,  in,  113,  129-39 
Saskatchewan  River,  99 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  89,  119,  271-74 
Seattle,  279,  430,  450 

Sheep:    United  States,   261,  292,  317; 

Alaska,    439;      Mexico,    383,     402; 

Seward  Peninsula,  416,  419,  420,  452 
Shenandoah  Valley,  224 
Sierra  del  Sur,  353 

Sierra  Madre  Occidental,  344-47,350,405 
Sierra  Madre  Oriental,  349,  385 
Sierra  Nevada,  144,  304,  324-41 

Silver:  Canada,  19,  25,  ^3,  88;  United 
States,  170,  322;  Mexico,  349,  356, 
367,  374,  4io;  Alaska,  417,  419,  423, 
453 

Sinaloa,  363-67,  411 

Sioux  City,  280 

Sitka,  433,  435,  450 

Skagway,  431,  450,  451 

Skeena  River,  124,  132-39 

Sonora,  350-62,  369,  408 

Sonoran  Desert,  346,  356-67,  411 

South,  The,  152,  225-46 

South  Atlantic  states,  148-50,  162-78, 
213,  216-25,  240-46 

South  Carolina,  168-78,  217 

South  Central  states,  148,  149,  225-56 

South  Dakota,  168-78,  294-302 

Sudbury,  7,  22 

Sugar,  351,  364,  410 

Superior,  274,  277 

Susitna  River,  414,  439,  441,  45©,  45 1 

Susquehanna  River,  194,  195,  201,  222 

Sydney,  20,  62,  66,  70 

Tabasco,  390,  401-2,  411 
Tacoma,  423,  426 


460 


ECONOMIC  GEOGRAPHY  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


Tamaulipas,  388-93,  411 

Tamiahua  Lagoon,  389 

Tampico,  351,  374,  389-93,  406,  409 

Tanana  River  Valley,  434,  435,  439.  445, 

449,  4Si 
Tehuantepec  Isthmus,  352,  390,  407 

Tennessee,  168-78,  246-56 

Tennessee  River,  250-56 

Terrazas  Estate,  36S 

Texas,  168-78,  225-28,  297-302 

Thompson  River,  122,  124,  132,  138 

Tidewater,  221-23 

Tin,  Alaska,  417,  453 

Toledo,  276-78 

Toronto,  58-60 

Torreon,  371 

Tungsten,  Alaska,  417, 453 

Tuxpan,  351,  390 

Two  Harbors,  274,  277 

United  States,  21,  84,  1 13-19,  125-29, 
142-341,  348,  359-62,  370,  372,  385, 
387,  390-92,  405-11,  452-54 

Utah,  168-78,  3<>3f  312 

Vancouver,  41,  129-41 

Vancouver  Island,  11,  24,  121, 124,  132, 

429 
Veracruz,  352,  407,  409 
Veracruz,  state,  386,  388-93,  411 


Vermont,  84,  168-78,  179-86 
Virginia,  168-7S,  217-25,  277 

Washington,  state,  125-29,  147,  165, 
168-78,  185,  215,  338-41,  424 

Water  Power:  Canada,  34-37,  107-10, 
123;  United  States,  167-69,  186-91, 
193,  198-203,  224,  249,  305,  326-31; 
Mexico,  357,  388 

Welland  Canal,  90,  1 13-19 
Western  Plains,  99-103 
Western  Tierra  Caliente,  353 
West  Virginia,  168-78,  211,  213 

Wheat:  Canada,  12,  28,  103,  m-19; 
United  States,  152,  224,  226,  243,  261, 
272-78,  295;  Mexico,  349,  355,  356, 
372;  Alaska,  438,  439 

White  Mountains,  144,  179 

Winnipeg,  5,  13,  42,  60,  141 

Wisconsin,  152,  168-78,  264-67,  269-7. 

Wyoming,  168-78,  300 

Yazoo-Mississippi  delta,  226,  236-39 

Yellow  Head  pass,  4,  138 

Yellow  Pine  Belt,  239-46 

Yucatan,  352,  383,  393-402,408,  411 

Yukon  River  Valley,  414,  416,  420,  434, 

435,  439,  444,  449 
Yukon  Territory,  10,  22,  26-43 

Zacatecas,  351,  368,  374,  375,  411 


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